An Open Letter to FR from Iraq

I am writing this in response to all the attention that Cindy Sheehan and her protests are getting. I am a deployed soldier with 2nd Squadron, 278th RCT at FOB Bernstein near Tuz Khurmatu, Iraq.

This is my second deployment. The first was from April 2003 to April 2004 and it was spent mostly in Qatar, but I also spent some time at Camp Cedar II just outside An Nasiriyah, Iraq. I volunteered to return with the 278th and I do not regret my decision at all.

Obviously, I believe in and support the war for a variety of reasons. I think that the invasion and liberation of Iraq demonstrated to those regimes that might be inclined to support terrorism that we were serious about our commitment to taking the fight to our enemies. I also believe that a democratic Iraq will serve as a positive influence over the rest of the region. At the same time, having a force in Iraq allows to us put direct pressure on Iran, Syria and Saudi Arabia-all supporters of terrorism in one way or another-and draws prospective jihadis into this country where they can be dealt with militarily.

That is why I am so angry about Ms. Sheehan's media circus. I do not question her grief and anger over the death of her son and I do not begrudge her the right to protest. However, I do not see where her actions serve any useful purpose other than to embolden our enemies and weaken the resolve that is necessary to carry forward the fight to a victorious conclusion.

I admit that there are some soldiers here who have mixed feelings about the war and whether or not we are successful. They wonder how we will be able to define victory and what American soldiers are being sacrificed for. I try to answer that we should not expect the defeat of tyranny and fanaticism to be easy. That victory may not come for years and that we may not know it for years after that. I try to point out that we did not defeat Communist totalitarianism except after a long struggle, and that we were not able to carry the fight directly to its' most important strongholds even then. I also reply that those nations that we have helped to become democratic-South Korea, Japan, Germany-did not become so overnight.

I know that modern Americans are perhaps impatient and that they are perhaps not willing to bear sacrifice for long without some clear indication of success. However, I do not hear any alternative strategy put forth other than capitulation and that is not acceptable. Freepers, and other conservatives, will have to carry forward an important part of the fight. You will have to stand resolute in the face of the attempted emotional manipulation by the media of the Cindy Sheehan's of the world.

This will be difficult as the opposition will claim the high ground, but you must constantly remind the public of the price of defeat. A world in which our enemies can prey on our weakness will never be safe from bombings, hijackings or decapitation. The publicity battle is an important front in this struggle and Freepers have an important role to play.

Re: Ms. Sheehan - If she wants to protest, that is her right. She lost her son and her grief is understandabale. But when you have an army of the left jumping on the anti-Bush bandwagon, feeding her talking points, I draw the line. I understand that this woman is being broadcast on Al-Jazeera and if that is so, she does not serve her son's memory and does the rest of the men and women in Iraq a huge disservice. I wish all the TV cameras would pick up and turn away. He entourage would disband pretty quickly in the Texas heat if they didn't have such coverage.

As for the American public - we have become so insulated from the war front. In WWII, everyone felt the war - from rations, to women having to take over factory jobs, to factories that were retooled to produce munitions. Some of the music produced during that time was among the best, full of love and patriotism and of separated lovers. The movies told the stories of heroes in action. Newsreels kept the American movie going public up to date on the war progress, good and bad. We lost countless men and women in that War and mourned every one of them. I was not around then but the memories of that era are very much with me today as part of that legacy.

Perhaps we're be a victim of our own successes. We have the best weaponry available, and it doesn't take every factory in America to make it. We don't have to give up food, metal, fuel or dozens of other resources in order to support the effort in Iraq or Afghanistan. That is understandable and we are the stronger for it. But the lack of personal sacrifice on the homefront has a downside. We have become spoiled.

What I don't see enough of is the good news, the individual stories of the men and women, the successful skirmishes and battles, the progress. We see very few patriotic war movies and even less inspired music. We have a media largely devoted to detraction from the man in the White House and they pummel us each and every day with their message in all its insidious forms. Hopefully and thankfully, the majority of Americans can see through it all. With the help of places like Freerepublic,we can get to the truth.
I have a 12 year old daughter and I want her to grow up in country that remains free and strong. As I've told her, that requires strength and the determination to fight for it. I continue to support the hard work that our Armed forces are doing and will continue to pray that all of you are returned safely to your loved ones.

Thank you for the ping, BG...wouldn't have wanted to miss this letter.
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"I am so angry about Ms. Sheehan's media circus. I do not question her grief and anger over the death of her son and I do not begrudge her the right to protest. However, I do not see where her actions serve any useful purpose other than to embolden our enemies and weaken the resolve that is necessary to carry forward the fight to a victorious conclusion." (91B)
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Regardless of polling and harping by the MSM, I believe the vast majority of Americans share your sentiment about Cindy Sheehan's actions. We, my family and I, certainly share them. You are right on target about the result and, I believe, the intended purpose of her actions - along with those of leftists who are bankrolling her effort, and those in the MSM who are promoting it. She was a hate filled and angry anti-war (anti-Bush, anti-American, anti-etc.) activist long before her son, Casey, was killed in Iraq, and evidently (according to her own statement regarding her family's meeting with the president at that time)agreed to not confront the president with her feelings then, out of respect for what her son would have wanted. Too bad that respect for Casey's wishes wasn't strong enough to prevent her from the lies she has resorted to now, to try and smear the president and gin up anti-war sentiments.

91B, I'm thankful for obvious reasons, to most freedom loving people, that you and others like you are there because of the battles that must be waged and won against those who have declared themselves our enemies. But, your admonition to conservatives to join the PR battle, and your relating of your efforts in that same battle among our troops there, is an important front in this war, as you have indicated, and one that is vital to achieving victory against the enemy within whose main weapon is deception. Some of us are old enough to recognize the same tactics that were used during the Vietnam era. The majority stood silent then, but times have changed, and that enemy no longer has a monopoly on communications outlets.

God bless the FReepers, and others, who are able, and are going physically to counter the protests waged by Sheehan, and her kind. Rest assured there are others who are defending, and spreading the word via emails, letters to the editor, word of mouth, etc., and trying to educate others as you have been doing there. My family and I are praying every day. God bless you, all of our troops, and your families. We support what you are doing, and will do our best to honor your request.

This will be difficult as the opposition will claim the high ground,

They DON'T do it when I'm around. We can't let these moral midgets get away with this. (I know you don't what to hear this...TOO BAD, you're gonna hear anyway) You guys are doing the Lords Work!

Something I ran across in 03 that I've found useful when dealing with the peace and love crowd.
(NOTE: find the phrase WMD and win a prize)

Saddam's chambers of horrors

By MARGARET WENTE
http://www.freerepublic.com/focus/f-news/1419920/posts
Toronto Globe and Mail Saturday, November 23, 2002

Abu Ghraib, 30 kilometres west of Baghdad, is Iraq's biggest prison. Until recently, it held perhaps 50,000 people, perhaps more. No one knows for sure. No one knows how many people were taken there through the years and never came out.

For a generation, Abu Ghraib was the centrepiece of Saddam Hussein's reign of torture and death. Yahya al-Jaiyashy is one of the survivors.

Mr. Jaiyashy is an animated, bearded man of 49 whose words can scarcely keep up with the torrent of his memories. Today he lives in Toronto with his second wife, Sahar. This week, he sat down with me to relate his story. With him were his wife, a lovely Iraqi woman in her mid-30s, and a friend, Haithem al-Hassan, who helped me with Mr. Jaiyashy's mixture of Arabic and rapid English.

"Nineteen seventy-seven was the first time I went to jail," he says. "I was not tortured that much."

He was in his mid-20s then, from an intellectual family that lived in a town south of Baghdad. He had been a student of Islamic history, language and religion in the holy city of Najaf, but was forced to quit his studies after he refused to join the ruling Ba'ath party. His ambition was to write books that would show how Islam could open itself up to modernism.

In Saddam's Iraq, this was a dangerous occupation, especially for a Shiite. Shia Muslims are the majority in Iraq, but Saddam and his inner circle are Sunni. Many Shiites were under suspicion as enemies of the state.

"My father was scared for me," says Mr. Jaiyashy. " 'You know how dangerous this regime is,' he told me. 'You know how many people they kill.' "

Mr. Jaiyashy continued his studies on his own. But, eventually, he was picked up, along with a dozen acquaintances who had been involved in political activity against the regime. They were sent to Abu Ghraib. The others did not get off as lightly as he did. One was killed by immersion into a vat of acid. Ten others, he recalls, were put into a room and torn apart by wild dogs. Several prominent religious leaders were also executed. One was a university dean, someone Mr. Jaiyashy remembers as "a great man." They drove a nail through his skull.

For three decades, the most vicious war Saddam has waged has been the one against his own people. Iraq's most devastating weapon of mass destruction is Saddam himself. And the most powerful case for regime change is their suffering.

Sometimes, it is almost impossible to believe the accounts of people who survived Saddam's chamber of horrors. They seem like twisted nightmares, or perhaps crude propaganda. But there are too many survivors who have escaped Iraq, too many credible witnesses. And Mr. Jaiyashy's story, horrible as it is, is not unusual.

Saddam personally enjoyed inflicting torture in the early years of his career, and he has modelled his police state after that of his hero, Stalin. According to Kenneth Pollack, a leading U.S. expert on Iraq, the regime employs as many as half a million people in its various intelligence, security and police organizations. Hundreds of thousands of others serve as informants. Neighbour is encouraged to inform on neighbour, children on their parents. Saddam has made Iraq into a self-policing totalitarian state, where everyone is afraid of everybody else.

"Being in Iraq is like creeping around inside someone else's migraine," says veteran BBC correspondent John Sweeney. "The fear is so omnipresent, you could almost eat it."

To Stalin's methods of arbitrary arrests and forced confessions, Saddam has added an element of sadism: the torture of children to extract information from their parents.

In northern Iraq -- the only place in the country where people can speak relatively freely -- Mr. Sweeney interviewed several people who had direct experience of child torture. He also met one of the victims -- a four-year-old girl, the daughter of a man who had worked for Saddam's psychopathic son Uday. When the man fell under suspicion, he fled to the Kurdish safe haven in the north. The police came for his wife and tortured her to reveal his whereabouts; when she didn't break, they took his daughter and crushed her feet. She was 2 then. Today, she wears metal braces on her legs, and can only hobble.

"This is a regime that will gouge out the eyes of children to force confessions from their parents and grandparents," writes Mr. Pollack in his new book, The Threatening Storm. "This is a regime that will hold a nursing baby at arm's length from its mother and allow the child to starve to death to force the mother to confess. This is a regime that will burn a person's limbs off to force him to confess or comply. This is a regime that will slowly lower its victims into huge vats of acid. . . .

"This is a regime that practises systematic rape against the female victims. This is a regime that will drag in a man's wife, daughter or other female relative and repeatedly rape her in front of him." And if he has fled the country, it will send him the video.

After nearly two years in prison, Mr. Jaiyashy was released and sent to do military service in the north. Then the security police decided to round up the followers of one of the executed clerics. In 1980, Mr. Jaiyashy was arrested again, along with 20 friends, and taken to a military prison. He was interrogated about criticisms he was supposed to have made of the regime, and urged to sign a confession. During one session, his wrists were tied to a ceiling fan. Then they turned on the fan. Then they added weights onto his body and did it again. Then somebody climbed on him to add more weight. "It was 20 minutes, but it seemed like 20 years," he recalls.

He was beaten with a water hose filled with stones. When he passed out, he was shocked back into consciousness with an electric cable. They hung him by his legs, pulled out a fingernail with pliers, and drove an electric drill through his foot.

Mr. Jaiyashy took off his right shoe and sock to show me his foot. It is grotesquely mutilated, with a huge swelling over the arch. There is an Amnesty International report on human-rights abuses in Iraq with a photo of a mutilated foot that looks identical to his. The baby finger on his left hand is also mutilated.

He didn't sign the confession. He knew that, if he did, they would eventually kill him.

They put him in solitary confinement, in a cell measuring two metres by two and a half, without windows or light. Every few weeks, they would bring him the confession again, but he refused to sign. He stayed there for a year.

In 1981, he was sent to trial, where he persuaded a sympathetic judge not to impose the death sentence. He got 10 years instead, and was sent back to Abu Ghraib. "They put me in a cell with 50 people. It was three and a half by three and a half metres. Some stood, some sat. They took turns."

There was a small window in the cell, with a view of a tree. It was the only living thing the prisoners could see. The tree was cut down. There were informants in the cells and, every morning, guards would come and take someone and beat him till he died. "This is your breakfast!" they would say.

Mr. Jaiyashy spent the next six years in that cell. His parents were told he was dead.

Abu Ghraib contained many intellectuals and professional people. Among them was the scientist Hussein Shahristani, a University of Toronto alumnus who became a leading nuclear scientist in Iraq. He was imprisoned after he refused to work on Saddam's nuclear program. He spent 10 years in Abu Ghraib, most of them in solitary confinement, until he escaped in 1991.

Saddam has reduced his people to abject poverty. He wiped out families, villages, cities and cultures, and drove four million people into exile. He killed between 100,000 and 200,000 Kurds. He killed as many as 300,000 Shiites in the uprising after the Persian Gulf war. He killed or displaced 200,000 of the 250,000 marsh Arabs who had created a unique, centuries-old culture in the south. He drained the marshes, an environmental treasure, and turned them into a desert.

In a recent Frontline documentary, a woman who fled Iraq recounted how she and others had been forced to witness the public beheadings of 15 women who had been rounded up for prostitution and other crimes against the state. One of the women was a doctor who had been misreported as speaking against the regime. "They put her head in a trash can," she said.

In 1987, Mr. Jaiyashy and a thousand other inmates were transferred to an outdoor prison camp. There, they were allowed a visit with their relatives, so long as they said nothing of their lives in prison. Mr. Jaiyashy's parents came, hoping he might still be alive. He remembers the day all the families came. "There was so much crying. We called it the crying day."

In 1989, he was finally released from prison. Then came the gulf war and, after that, the uprising, which he joined. It was quickly crushed. He fled with 150,000 refugees toward the Saudi border. But the Saudis didn't want them. "They are Wahhabis," he says. "They consider the Shia as infidels." The United Nations set up a refugee camp, where Mr. Jaiyashy spent the next six years. He began to paint and write again.

Finally, he was accepted as an immigrant to Canada. He arrived in Toronto in 1996, and is now a Canadian citizen.

Mr. Jaiyashy has a deep sense of gratitude toward his adoptive country. Canada, he says, has given him back his freedom and his dignity. He paints prolifically, and has taken courses at the art college, and is the author of three plays about the Saddam regime. He makes his living stocking shelves in a fabric store. "I'm a porter," he says. "No problem. I'm happy."

But Saddam's spies are everywhere. After one of his plays was produced here, his father was imprisoned. His first wife and three children are still in Iraq. He hasn't seen them since his youngest, now 12, was a baby. He talks with them on the phone from time to time, but it is very dangerous. One of his brothers is in Jordan, another still in Iraq.

Sahar, his second wife, is soft-spoken. She covers her head and dresses modestly, without makeup. Her face is unlined. She arrived in Canada with her two daughters the same year as Mr. Jaiyashy; they were introduced by friends.

She, too, has a story. I learned only the smallest part of it. "I was a widow," she told me. "My husband was a doctor in Iraq. He wanted to continue his education and have a specialty. But they didn't allow him. He deserted the military service to continue his education on his own. They beat him till he died."

Today, her daughters are in high school and she teaches at a daycare centre. Her new husband pushed her to study hard here. "ESL, ESL," she says affectionately.

Like many Iraqis, they are conflicted about the prospect of war. They want Saddam gone. But they do not want more harm inflicted on their country. "I want Saddam gone -- only him," says Mr. Jaiyashy.

A few weeks ago, Saddam threw open the doors of Abu Ghraib and freed the prisoners there. Many families rejoiced, and many others, who did not find their loved ones, mounted a brief, unheard-of protest against the regime. The prison is a ghost camp now. Nothing is left but piles of human excrement that cake the razor wire.

Saddam's Iraq is a rebuke to anyone who may doubt that absolute evil dwells among us. No one has put it better than Mr. Sweeney, the BBC reporter. "When I hear the word Iraq, I hear a tortured child screaming."

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