Posted on 09/02/2006 8:14:14 AM PDT by Petrosius
Monasteries and Madrassas:
Five Myths About Christianity, Islam, and the Middle Ages
By H. W. Crocker III
Does Islam need a Reformation? Not unless you think it would benefit from additional dollops of Puritanism; further encouragement to smash altars, stained glass, and other forms of ?idolatry?; prodding to ban riotous celebrations like Christmas and Easter; and support for fundamentalist Islamic schools that insist on sola Korana and sola Sunnah . Indeed, it would seem that Islam has already had its reformers. Railing against the corruption of the West (let's call it ?Rome? for short) have been such modern Islamic Luthers as the late Ayatollah Khomeini, the cave-dwelling Osama bin Laden, the voice of young Islam?the Taliban (literally, the Islamic students)?and the puritanical Wahhabi sect of Saudi Arabia, which is most assuredly modern as it was not even founded until the 18th century, the age of the Enlightenment.
What would a Reformation bring to Islam that it does not already have? The Calvinists imposed stiff penalties for infringements of dress codes and behavior, but these rules don't go beyond the sharia law of Saudi Arabia. Luther denied the divine right of the pope and affirmed the divine right of princes (uniting church and state, which were previously separate), but that doctrine is already well-established in Islam, where mosque and state are meant to be united. The Protestant reformers repudiated the Catholic Church for dallying too much with classical thinkers and decadent artists (like Raphael); many of them condemned the Catholic doctrine of free will (believing, as do the Muslims, in a kind of fatalism); and they damned Catholics for putting too much emphasis on Thomistic logic and reason, and not enough on the literal interpretation of the Scriptures.
No one accuses Islam of such sins. When it comes to taking Islam back to its pure, uncorrupted form, as embodied by the Prophet himself?an assassination-approving ? , polygamous leader of jihads?it would be hard to outdo bin Laden and his fellow reformers.
Granted, the West is not what it once was. Rather than Michelangelo painting the Sistine Chapel, we have Andres Serrano and his infamous Piss Christ . Instead of the optimism of the Renaissance, we have the modern (pagan) pessimism that sees Nature's gods plotting their revenge on over-populating, polluting humanity. Instead of a confident West seizing its imperial mission to spread peace, commerce, and Christian charity and morality, the modern West is ambivalent about asserting its own values. There are even some in the West?including its Muslim converts?who think the Mohammedans' stronger strictures against abortion, homosexuality, and secularism (if not Judaism, Christianity, Hinduism, et al .) give them a certain moral superiority over such as the Dutch and liberals everywhere. Still, this remains, I trust, a minority view.
But let it suffice that clearly Islam does not need a Reformation. If the printing press, as it is often said, fanned the Protestant revolt against united Christendom, the Internet has just as surely fanned the Islamist revolt against the West. We've had quite enough jihadists posting their ?I protest? theses on the Internet, thank you very much.
But if Islam doesn't need a Reformation, it would definitely benefit from a Counter-Reformation. Just think of it. Wouldn't it be wonderful if Kabul were to become a center of baroque art, if the street corners of Tehran were dotted with choral groups singing the hymns of Palestrina, if the vibrant artists' quarter of Islamabad were full of painters dabbling in the style of Rubens, Caravaggio, and Poussin? Ah, yes, if only. Alas, few expect this to happen within our lifetimes?or ever.
Despite the alleged glories of Islam's past, we're told that militant Islam is now stuck in the Middle Ages. But Islam is no more stuck in the Middle Ages than it is stuck in the Renaissance or the Counter-Reformation. As Margaret Thatcher's official biographer (and Catholic convert) Charles Moore has written, ?? Mediaeval' should not be a synonym for ?barbarous.' Ely Cathedral and trial by jury and Giotto are mediaeval.? So, indeed, are the Magna Carta, Chaucer, and Dante. So are the great monastic orders, the invention of the university, and the development of science. So are chivalry, capitalism, and the idea of progress. We don't associate any of these things with modern (or for that matter, historical) Islam.
Granted, the Middle Ages represent a thousand years of history, and the early Middle Ages (roughly 500 to 1000 A.D.), sometimes known as the Dark Ages, certainly had their chiaroscuro moments. The rough playfulness of the Vikings was not universally admired. If you were a pope between the waning days of the ninth century and the opening of the eleventh, you had about a one in three chance of being murdered in office, and survivors could be exiled or deposed. And aside from a variety of barbarians, Magyars, and Mongols, there were the Muslims who in this period jihaded their way over half of Christendom, and were only kept from completely swamping the West by the valiant Charles Martel, who defeated them at the Battle of Tours (and at subsequent battles).
But chiaroscuro is both light and dark, and there was light in the early Middle Ages. It shone most brightly in the monasteries, which not only?and famously?preserved classical learning, but also led the West in innovation in agriculture, technology, and trade. The Church provided schools, charitable houses, and the theological rationale for abolishing slavery (as it was abolished in the medieval West, while flourishing in Islam, which was then enjoying its alleged ?Golden Age?). Being still Roman, the Church took on many of Rome's administrative governmental duties as well.
The achievements of the ?Dark Ages? were monumental. As the historian Christopher Dawson noted, ?In reality that age witnessed changes as momentous as any in the history of European civilization; indeed, as I suggest in [ The Making of Europe ] it was the most creative age of all, since it created not this or that manifestation of culture, but the very culture itself?the root and ground of all the subsequent culture achievements [of Europe].? Here, as Dawson adds, the Catholic historian has the advantage because he can better understand that these were ?not dark ages so much as ages of dawn, for they witnessed the conversion of the West, the foundation of Christian civilization, and the creation of Christian art and Catholic liturgy.?
The result was that Europe blossomed in the high and late Middle Ages (1000 to 1500). Wealth and learning spread, and in place of the ruins of Rome, medieval man created a society that was far more humane, far more respectful of women, far more elevating of the individual, far more bourgeois (that is, with a far larger middle class), and far more inventive than the glorious civilizations of the Classical world. The Middle Ages were a wonderful bloom of their own even before they flowered into the Renaissance.
Islam, it should be clear, is not stuck in any previous incarnation of the West, and it is certainly not stuck in the Middle Ages, the Catholic ?Age of Faith,? when monks, priests, farmers, merchants, kings, bishops, and knights created the dynamic civilization?the admixture of Classical, Catholic, and Germanic culture?that is the West. Even in his humblest estate, as a peasant, medieval man was not Taliban man. His assumptions were wildly different. He believed in a suffering Christ who came into the world as a helpless babe and died on the cross, rather than in a conquering prophet who thought it blasphemous to believe God would lower Himself to such indignities. Medieval man believed in honoring God and making merry and for this world gave not a cherry, to paraphrase the poet (and priest) William Dunbar, ?the Chaucer of Scotland.? While medieval man loved feasts, celebrations, gay colors, and merrymaking, he also believed that service, labor, and commerce were honorable; that self-improvement and progress were possible; and that God had created a world that every man could understand through reason, so that every common farmer?no matter his vassalage to his feudal lord?could find ways to improve his agricultural techniques, improvements that benefited himself as well as his lord, because every man was entitled to his own rightful share of his labors.
He was, as we are, Western man, with everything that assumes. As the popular medieval scholar Morris Bishop put it, even today (or in 1968, when he was writing), ?A highland farmer in Macedonia, a shepherd in the Auvergne mountains, live a life more medieval than modern. An American pioneer of the last century, setting out with oxcart, axe, plow, and spade to clear a forest farm, was closer to the Middle Ages than to modern times. He was self-sufficient, doctoring himself and his family with herbs, raising his own food, pounding his own grain, bartering with rare peddlers, rejoicing in occasional barn dances for all the world like medieval karoles .? The American pioneer and the medieval peasant were us, and we were them, and neither one of us is Muslim. And for some of us, the idea of conversing with a man from the Middle Ages (or from the American frontier) is a much more attractive prospect than the thought of trying to converse with an iPod-attached, text-messaging 20-something whose life is lived in the aptly named ?blogosphere.?
The myth of the barbarous Middle Ages is part of the ignorance of our age. Protestants originally propounded the myth, secularists have promoted it, and the facts deny it. So let us sally forth like medieval knights to lance five of the biggest myths about the Middle Ages.
Myth One: Medieval Christendom was barbarous, while Islam was refined .
Since we've been talking about the Mussulmen, let's start with the myth that in the Middle Ages, Christendom was barbarous, while Islam was refined. Here's a simple test: Have you ever heard and enjoyed Gregorian chant? If you're lucky, you've done more than that; you've actually heard the work of medieval composers performed on period instruments. Both the music and the instruments are recognizably our own. It bridges naturally to what most people generically call ?classical music.? (Our system of
musical notation dates from the Middle Ages, coming from the monasteries, and most especially from the eleventh-century Benedictine monk Guido D'Arezzo.) Mohammed, on the other hand, like his Talibanic followers, prohibited music. Allah, he said, commanded him to abolish musical instruments, and warned that ?Allah will pour molten lead into the ears of whoever sits listening to a songstress??or, needless to say, a medieval troubadour.
Thanks to Danish cartoonists, we're all pretty familiar with Islamic attitudes about drawing or painting a likeness of Allah or his Prophet. The Prophet himself, however, actually forbade to his people any visual art that represented any form of fauna, from men to cattle, which puts rather a crimp on artistic freedom?freedom that was widely enjoyed in the Middle Ages, let alone the Renaissance. While Islamic architecture is rather attractive?to my taste, anyway?it is not often noted that it took its inspiration from Byzantium, and in some cases was even built by Byzantine workers. Islamic literature?aside from The Thousand and One Nights and a handful of other poems or stories?is paltry compared with the Western stuff; and unlike the Western stuff, it is largely the work of dissenters and heretics. It seems that Muslim literateurs have always tended to play the role of Salman Rushdie to the reigning imams.
As for science, mathematics, and technology, the Muslims were quite good at preserving and adopting the Classical heritage of the Christians (and the achievements of the Zoroastrian Persians and Hindus) whom they conquered. They were rather less good at going beyond it, which is one very large reason why the West made progress and Islam did not. The other big reason is that while Western medieval churchmen taught natural law and that God had created a rational and orderly universe, Islamic theologians countered that nothing?certainly not reason?could limit the power of Allah; he was beyond all such constraints; and Muslim leaders were contemptuous of the West. In the twelfth century, Muslim philosophers emphatically turned against the pagan Classics. Practical Western man, on the other hand, cared not for Muslim religion, but he was certainly willing to accept and advance on Islamic learning, just as he accepted and advanced on Classical learning. The West's adoption of Arabic numerals (and the zero, which the Mussulmen got from the Hindus) is one striking example. Another is that when the Islamic philosopher Averroes wrote his glosses on Aristotle, they were more influential in the West than they were in the Islamic world. And the much-maligned Crusaders were no bigots?they happily adopted Eastern foods and dress and trade.
It was not medieval man whose civilization faced a millennium of marching into the darkness; it was the Mussulman. By the end of the Dark Ages, Islam's ?Golden Age? was just about finished. As Norman Cantor, the celebrated scholar of the Middle Ages, has written, ?The Islamic world had not yet entered its deep decline in 1050?but by and large the greatest days of Islam had ended?. In the year 1050, in every country in western Europe, there were groups of people engrossed in some kind of novel enterprise. Europe no longer lagged far behind Byzantium and Islam in any way, and in some respects it had surpassed the greatest achievements of the two civilizations with which the Latin-speaking peoples now competed for hegemony in the Mediterranean.? The West was always inventive?even in the Dark Ages. It is part of our spirit, just as the supremacy of the Koran before all else is part of the spirit of Islam.
Then as today, fundamentalist Islamic schools drilled their students in rote recitation of the Koran. Catholic schools, then as now, taught religion, philosophy, mathematics (from accounting to higher mathematics), and Latin, among other subjects. It is a common Protestant jab that Catholics don't know Holy Scripture. It's a jab one can't make at a madrassa -educated Muslim.
In the Middle Ages, it is true, most Catholics knew Scripture from what they heard in church or saw represented in stained-glass windows or what they read?or heard recited?from such books as The Heliand , the Saxon Gospel wherein Christ the Champion enters Fort Jerusalem for the last mead-hall feast with His warrior companions. But they accepted the teachings of their authoritative Church and kept themselves busy building breweries, creating intoxicating liquors, laying roads, building towns, and inventing and mass-producing the stirrup, the horse harness, and the water mill (technically, the water mill was invented by the Romans, who made but slight use of it; it came into its own in the Middle Ages). They also created an agricultural revolution with three-field crop rotation and improved agricultural tools and technology, product specialization, land and naval transportation, and the sanctification of commerce.
The sole cultural advance that one might grant Islam over the medieval West is the invention of the harem. Nevertheless, even the male chauvinist might think that the harem rather shortchanges women. The rationalist might add that it creates social pressures that can be rather unhealthy (leaving lots of unattached, untamed men about). The churchman might reasonably add that the celibate monks, nuns, and priests made rather better use of their sexual sacrifice than did the eunuchs who guarded the harems. The Western clothier would suspect that the burkha was invented to hide some of the shortcomings (by Western standards) of the odalisques. And finally, medieval monarchs, like modern Western man, could always get around Church teaching by practicing serial hypocrisy rather than by stockpiling women in special quarters. This monarchical practice has filtered down into business management where overstocked warehouses (harems) have given way to ?just-in-time inventory? (serial monogamy), another tribute to Western efficiency.
Myth Two: Medieval women were oppressed.
While we're on the subject of the fairer sex, let's dispense with the feminist idea that the Catholic Middle Ages were an era of oppression against women. That's rather hard to square, on the face of it, with medieval devotion to the Virgin Mary; the medieval invention of courtly, romantic love; the practice of chivalry; and the existence of queens and princesses. In every case, we have men making pledges of loyalty, fidelity, honor, and protection to women?women, it might be noted, with power and favor, whether it be royal, romantic, or divine.
The New Testament has a rather higher estimation of women than does the Koran. Jesus consistently treats women with respect. Christians, from the beginning, did as well. The idea of woman as a ?sex object? is profoundly un-Christian in a way that it is not unpagan or un-Islamic. Christianity has no temple prostitutes or harems, no slave girls or houris. The New Testament never recommends scourging women, nor does it compare women to a field to be plowed (as the Koran does). In Islamic law, divorce is a matter of three words (?I divorce you?); women are property, and women have essentially two purposes (you can guess what these are).
In the medieval West, both polygamy and divorce were illegal. Women could govern from thrones or pontificate from the libraries of nunneries, and they could rule the roost of a middle-class home just as any other Western hausfrau has done over the last 2,000 years. Women were free to dress as they liked and could go to the tavern?even brew the beer?if they liked. They held jobs and learned crafts and trades. If peasants, they worked the land with their husbands. They could become saints and lead men into battle (like Joan of Arc). Especially if they were in religious orders, they were well-represented in elementary education, nursing, and the other ?caring professions? (as we would call them today). If they were noblewomen, they inherited and wielded property (and received all due feudal obligations), joined their husbands on hunts (or on Crusades), and went to a court school where they were taught art, manners, and household management (everything from medicine to oenology, from sewing to accounting, from gardening to how to handle servants). They were also patrons of the arts. If women were barred from classical schools and universities, which they were, it was less on Christian grounds, strictly speaking, than on classical ones?on the Aristotelian insight that women are the subordinate sex.
Just how ?subordinate? women were might be seen in the bawdy?and quite ?liberated??Wife of Bath in Chaucer's Canterbury Tales . She should put paid to any idea that medieval women were oppressed. The Wife of Bath, after all, selects her husbands?five in total?on the basis of money (she boasts of picking the first three clean of cash before they died) or manly chests, including the handsome pallbearer of the fourth. She finds happiness with her fifth (and favorite) husband after trading blows with him and convincing him of her rights. (The fight starts when she angrily rips a page from the book he has been reading aloud, The Book of Wicked Wives .) In all this, she cites Scripture, noting that ?I have the power during al my lif / Upon his proper body, and nat he: / Right thus th'Apostle tolde it unto me, / And bad oure husbandes for to love us weel.? Her tale?and life?is rather more hilarious and scandalous than today's ?medieval? Islam would allow. In the Western Middle Ages, however, she was a recognized type, as she would be if she were plopped down in your living room today.
Myth Three: Medieval culture was crude and ignorant.
Chaucer brings us face to face with medieval culture, and far from being crude and ignorant, we regard it as being a still-bright feature of our literary heritage. If medieval castles and cathedrals, art, crafts, and music aren't enough; if Beowulf , the Song of Roland , the Poem of the Cid , and the Morte D'Arthur don't speak to you; if Boethius, Boccaccio, Dante, Petrarch, and Machiavelli are as nothing; if you have no respect for St. Anselm, St. Francis, and St. Thomas Aquinas, to select a mere handful of the literary riches of the period, there's really not much more to say.
Myth Four: Medieval politics were despotic.
Similarly, medieval politics were neither crude and ignorant, nor totalitarian and despotic. Far from it; the Middle Ages?from the start?practiced separation (and conflict) between church and state. It was the Reformation, the desire of the state to absorb the Church, that combined church and state with the creation of state churches. Medieval politics supported a wide dispersion of power, which is what feudalism was, and why England's nobles?led by the Catholic archbishop of Canterbury, Stephen Langton?were able to hold King John accountable with the Magna Carta. Medieval man believed in the great hierarchy of society, where every man and woman had rights and responsibilities and was individually responsible before God.
Medieval man was never threatened by totalitarianism. A totalitarian state was not even possible until the Reformation abolished the Church as a check on state power. Before that, feudalism preserved an extreme form of federalism, where even city-states (like Italy's merchant republics) flourished. In the Middle Ages, not only could a merchant launch his own business, but twelve-year-old enthusiasts could launch their own Crusade (the Children's Crusade), and a failed crusader like St. Francis could launch his own religious movement. The Middle Ages might be torn by war, conquests, political rivalries, knightly jostlings, and wars against the Albigensian heretics or the Muslim infidels. But politically, the Middle Ages were, if anything, a time when the dispersal of secular power was closer to anarchy than despotism, and the Church was generally on the side of political?if not religious?libertarianism in order to protect itself from ambitious monarchs and princes.
Myth Five: The Middle Ages were uniquely violent.
The Middle Ages were certainly violent enough, but they had no Hitler, Stalin, or Mao. The Middle Ages did have its inquisitors, but the various myths surrounding the inquisitions are nowadays pretty well debunked, and anyone who wants to can know from the relevant historical scholarship that the inquisitional courts of the Middle Ages did not strike fear into the people of Western Europe. Their scope was limited, their trials and punishments more lenient than those of their secular counterparts. Inquisitional punishment was often no more than penance, and throughout much of Europe, the inquisition never appeared at all. It was not a major feature of the Middle Ages. From its 13th-century imposition against the Albigensians through the Spanish Inquisition?the most ?notorious? inquisition, which operated under a royal rather than a papal charter?the history of inquisitional courts runs over the course of roughly 600 years, expiring in early 19th-century Spain. In the 350 years of the Spanish Inquisition, for which meticulously kept records have been preserved, the grand total of those sentenced to death is perhaps 4,000.
When it comes to body counts, the thousand years of the Middle Ages can't come close to the hecatombs of the enlightened 20th century. If the wars of the Age of Faith are to be regarded as a scandal that discredits Christianity, what are we to surmise from the state-authorized genocides, mass murders, and class eliminations of the pagan national socialists and the atheistic communists, who managed in the course of 70 years, less than one man's lifetime, to kill incomparably more people?by a factor of untold tens upon tens upon tens of millions?than were killed in the entirety of the Middle Ages?
There was fighting aplenty in the Middle Ages. There were outrages on the battlefield, murders in cathedrals, and massacres in cities. But modern man is in no position to sit in judgment on medieval man as his moral inferior. In the Middle Ages, the national socialists would have been denounced as heretical, a papal Crusade would have been called against them, and today we would be reading books about how the Catholic Church violently and unjustly suppressed?through inquisition and Crusade?a ?heretical? German movement that only wanted to wear shorts, hike through the forests, sing pagan songs, free the people from Romish superstition, advance secular learning and science, and break the political and religious power of Rome. We've heard that story many times before, as with the romanticization of the Cathars.
But medieval man has had to suffer many such slurs, from the myth that he believed the world was flat (a myth foisted against him by anti-Catholic propagandists in the 19th century) to the myth that Islamist homicide bombers are ?stuck in the Middle Ages? rather than part and parcel of 21st-century Islam. The Middle Ages were more glorious and commendable than many seem to know. Medieval man deserves our toasting tankards; better medieval man than MTV or al-Jazeera man. Cheers.
? The original ?assassins? were dissident Shiites; the word is Arabic;
Mohammed himself urged his followers to ?kill any Jew that falls into your power.?
H. W. Crocker III is the author most recently of Triumph: The Power and the Glory of the Catholic Church: A 2,000-Year History . His prize-winning comic novel The Old Limey and his book Robert E. Lee on Leadership are available in paperback. His latest book, Don't Tread on Me: A 400-Year History of America at War, from Indian-Fighting to Terrorist-Hunting , will be published this September.
Indeed... but perhaps... a bullet?
For later.
Hard to read with all of the missplaced question marks.
Excellent! Thanks for posting this.
Life in England, c. 1200:
Life expectancy: 60 years old
Average numbers of workdays per week: just over 3.
Life in England, after the "Rennaissance (Rebirth)," "Enlightenment," etc.
Life expectancy: 30 years old
Average number of workdays per week: Over 6.
Enlightenment, my ass.
Rennaissance of what? The dragon of Revelations?
The question marks are Microsoft's iniquity, not the author's. Because Microsoft insists on a proprietary codeset, rather using ASCII with escape characters, unusual punctuation marks turn into question marks when one pastes as "text only." The alternative is to get enough formatting comments, all nonfunctional in standard HTML, to bog down a server like .jpegs.
Do you have a source for these life expectancy rates?
It wasn't the Renaissance that changed the number of work days in England. IT WAS THE PROTESTANT REVOLUTION. Feasts days were essentially discontinued. In the seventeenth century, Christmas was banned by the Puritans. The presbyterians simply couldn't stand someone actually having a good time.
bump
I was referring to that period as Rennaissance and Englightenment to highlight the insanely skewed outlook of the Anglosphere's historians...
bookmark for later printing.
Good article.
Actually, Islam gets its "reformations" all the time, as stricter, more rigid groups conquer those who have grown more accomodating of the modern world and the West. This has actually been true of Islam since the beginning: because of its extremely literalist interpretation of its extremely violent scriptures, the "orthodox" always overrun and stamp out any Muslims who show signs of adapting. But that's to be expected from something that is not a religion, but a bizarre cult which essentially tries to set up a special cultic world and impose it on everyone.
I will get them for you if you remind me... I read them from a chapter reprint of a book a friend at work gave me, but I forgot the name of it. The book actually had a fairly communist slant, but this chapter -- a slam on the industrial revolution -- inadverdantly cast the middle ages as nearly idyllic.
You mean there are those that still do celebrate Christmas? Someone, email Cromwell and tell him to get off his duff! No fun for ANYONE!
This is close:
Annual hours over eight centuries
Time Type of worker Annual hours
13th century Adult male peasant, U.K. 1620 hours
14th century Casual laborer, U.K. 1440 hours
Middle ages English worker 2309 hours
1400-1600 Farmer-miner, adult male, U.K. 1980 hours
1840 Average worker, U.K. 3105-3588 hours
1850 Average worker, U.S. 3150-3650 hours
1987 Average worker, U.S. 1949 hours
1988 Manufacturing workers, U.K. 1856 hours
2000 Average worker, Germany 1362 hours
(Compiled by Juliet B. Schor from various sources; Germany figure from OECD data)
http://www.answers.com/topic/working-day
WOW! Thanks, that's excellent!
Puritans and other Protestants were not joyless people. They had their pleasures. One of those pleasures of Protestant ministers was reading classical literature. Harvard was founded by a Puritan minister for the training of ministers. He donated to the school his extensive private library of works in Latin, Greek, and Hebrew.
The author of this article should spend a few months reading good histories of the Middles Ages, the Renaissance, and the Reformation. Then he wouldn't waste his time writing an essay filled with cliches, platitudes, and factual errors.
You wrote:
The criticism in this article of Puritanism and the Reformation is one of the most uninformed that I have ever read.
Alright, but so what? It impresses you as uninformed. Fine.
At the time of the Reformation, the typical Catholic priest was an uneducated peasant who know no Latin except what he memorized for the Mass and pronounced very badly.
Incorrect. This is a silly stereotype that historians long ago figured to be such. In the early Middle Ages, many priests struggle to read the Latin of the Mass. In the later Middle Ages, this simply was not the case.
1) First, you seem to be forgetting about the impact of medieval universities. They were numerous and crowded by the end of the High Middle Ages. http://historymedren.about.com/library/atlas/blatmapuni.htm
2) Second, youre forgetting moveable type printing was discovered IN THE MIDDLE AGES and not during the Protestant Revolution. Books were more numerous and cheaper than ever before. They were still expensive by modern standards. http://rmc.library.cornell.edu/medievalbook/intro.htm
3) Modern publications show this is simply a myth. Regine Pernouds Those Terrible Middle Ages comes to mind immediately but she only indirectly deals with the issue.
He lived with a concubine with whom he had illegitimate children he called his "nephews."
No. He called his children, if he had any, his children. No one would believe his sons were his nephews if it was his own concubine who bore them in the priests own house! Think for crying out loud! Also, that is simply another stereotype. Certainly not all priests violated their vows. It was not even possible for all priests to do so. One parish in London, for instance, had over 200 priests. Clearly many of them must have lived communally. There would be no way to hide concubines and children.
He often got his "nephews" jobs with the church, giving rise to the word nepotism, from the Latin for nephew.
(sigh) So did you pick this up while attending public school? You are mistakenly conflating two different things. You actually mean nephews of the popes, who really were his nephews, and not priests. Also, the Latin term does not merely mean nephew. It also means grandson. Medieval priests, bishops and even popes were rarely shy about recognizing their children as their children. Look at the Borgia family. It produced two popes. Callistus III (1455) and the notorious Alexander VI in 1492. Alexander was the maternal nephew of Callistus III. He was NOT his illegitimate son. Alexander, however, had at least ten known children, and he recognized them openly. He did not call his sons nephews.
Puritans and other Protestants were not joyless people. They had their pleasures. One of those pleasures of Protestant ministers was reading classical literature. Harvard was founded by a Puritan minister for the training of ministers. He donated to the school his extensive private library of works in Latin, Greek, and Hebrew.
Yeah, great, except for the fact that medieval universities were invented by the Catholic Church to help train those clergy that you have stereotyped as illiterate. Imagine that!
The author of this article should spend a few months reading good histories of the Middles Ages, the Renaissance, and the Reformation.
He did. So did I. I have a PhD in Medieval History. I spent not just a few months, but more than a decade reading the best histories of these periods in several languages. What did you do?
Then he wouldn't waste his time writing an essay filled with cliches, platitudes, and factual errors.
Youre full of clichés, platitudes and factual errors. Go back to school or ask for your money back.
Myths about the Middle Ages abound in our protestantized world: http://web.maths.unsw.edu.au/~jim/medmyths.html
Always remember the words of Thomas Beckington, Bishop of Bath & Wells, in Statutes for the Choristers, (1459) Schoolboys who refuse to learn their lessons are first to be warned kindly; secondly, if they neglect these warnings, sharply to be rebuked; and thirdly, if necessity arise, to be flogged.
Was the Medieval Church Corrupt?
by
Frans van Liere
Just as the myth that medieval people believed the earth to be flat is persistent and attractive mainly because it offers an easy explanation for Columbus's voyages of discovery, the myth that the medieval church was a landmark of corruption is often used to explain the success of Luther's Reformation. It depicts the church as ruled in a totalitarian and authoritarian way by power-hungry popes, aided by the Holy Inquisition, enriching themselves by exacting tithes from impoverished peasants and extorting indulgence money from misguided believers. From this point of view, Luther and the other reformers are credited with bringing the church back to the original New Testament ideal. There may be traces of a barely concealed anti-Catholicism lurking here (even though the identification of the medieval Church with the present-day Roman Catholic church is an unfortunate anachronism), but this notion is more widespread than just Protestant churches; the same view is often promoted in movies 1 and taught in high schools. It is hard to disprove, because a large amount of historical evidence, ranging from medieval fabliaux to Reformation polemics, can be manipulated to perpetuate it.
From a historical point of view, the idea that the medieval church was corrupt is based on a couple of methodological fallacies, such as disrespect for the peculiarities of medieval religion, arbitrary use of historical evidence, and ignorance of the situation in the medieval church. To represent "the medieval Church" as a corrupt institution lumps one thousand years of Church history together with a complete disregard for any form of historical development, and also applies the label "medieval" somewhat arbitrarily. After all, the pope who eventually excommunicated Luther in 1521, Leo X, behaved as a Renaissance prince rather than a medieval pope, and Luther's own ideas have recently been reinterpreted as having more in common with medieval thought than any of his adversaries.2 It is also worth remembering that not all reform-minded contemporaries, including Catholic humanists such as Erasmus, joined Luther's Reformation.
This is not to deny that there were some instances of clerical abuses during the later Middle Ages, that were correctly addressed by the Protestant reformers. One of these was the traffic in indulgences. An indulgence is "the remission of the temporal penalty due to forgiven sin, in virtue of the merits of Christ and the saints."3 The granting of indulgences, a practice that became generally accepted with the first Crusade and grew considerably during the later Middle Ages, had fallen victim to commercial exploitation; professional pardoners sold indulgences on a large scale. The practice of Luther's adversary Tetzel went far beyond the legal and doctrinal limits the official church had set, even though it was encouraged by the financial policy of Renaissance popes like Julius II and Leo X, whose maecenate of the arts left them in a dire want of cash. The commercial trafficking in indulgences was eventually prohibited by Pius V in 1567. The late medieval malversations with benefices might be considered another abuse; while it became a lucrative enterprise for clerics to accumulate ecclesiastical functions and collect revenues, these offices required no presence or care of souls in the place where they were held. The result was a misuse of ecclesiastical funds and an increasing absenteeism of the clergy.
But Luther's main point of difference with the Church of his time was theological, not practical. The main issue was not the abolition of clerical abuses; the central question was "How does Man partake in God's salvation"? After all, many of the abuses Luther fulminated against were abolished some fifty years later at the Council of Trent (1545-63); the result was hardly a reconciliation of the Protestant and Catholic churches. Luther's Reformation was more than just the righting of a number of abuses and corruption; it brought a new type of spirituality, which in its emphasis on the centrality of Christ's passion did have some medieval precedents. 4
Luther and his contemporaries were certainly not the first to bring up the theme of "reform". In medieval monastic and theological sources, corruption, and the wealth and luxury of monastic orders was almost a topos. One should keep in mind that these texts may not give an historically accurate representation of the state of church affairs in their own time; they are coloured by what Giles Constable calls the "rhetoric of reform". 5 Many polemical monastic treatises do their best to make their opponent as black as possible, and by depicting their opponents' lives as filled with luxury, worldliness, and corruption, they establish a raison d'être for their renovation of the old monastic ideal. The call for reform in Christianity is as old as the New Testament itself (Rm. 12, 2); it hardly reflects a realistic representation of the state of affairs in the Church, but rather a call to internalize religion and heed the call to conversion.
This constant call to reform, a constant reapplication of old Christian ideals to new situations, is in fact typical of the spirit of medieval Christianity. Looking at the period c. 500 - 1500 in Church history, an image of stagnation, of "thousand years of uncertainty" 6 is certainly misplaced. Christianity established itself firmly in Western Europe, and it displayed an extreme vitality and creativity, witnessed by an adaptation of Christianity to the specific Western European situation, a diversification of the monastic ideal, a resurgence of lay piety, and creative and original political experimentation. In short, medieval Christianity experienced a transformation that makes it almost impossible to speak of "the medieval Church" as if it were a unified entity. The diversity of the medieval Church is not only diachronic, but also synchronic. Studying medieval Christianity, one will discover a multiformity of religious experiences, depending on the differences between social classes and estates, between clergy and laity, between the various monastic orders, and between monks and mendicants. In this way, both reformations of the sixteenth century, Protestant and Catholic, constitute a break with the past and mark the transience of Christianity into the modern age.
Aside from the rhetoric of Protestant reformers, certain other historical realities of the late medieval church also contributed to the persistence of the myth of pervasive corruption. First of all, the period the papacy resided in Avignon is often quoted as an example of the degeneration of the medieval papacy. In fact, medieval popes rarely resided in Rome. The idea that Rome is the inalienable turf of the representative of Saint Peter is of more recent date, and, as is often the case, later ideals may have been projected onto a non-existent medieval reality. The Avignon papacy probably received its bad name from Luther himself, who called it the "Babylonian captivity of the papacy", and Umberto Eco's novel The Name of the Rose certainly did popularize this notion. How accurate is this representation? It may be true that the Avignon popes were inclined to nepotism; one might also see it as an attempt to build a reliable curia in a period when the increased political prestige of the papacy led to undesirable party struggles between French and Italian cardinals. The Avignon popes were generally able popes, most of whom were dedicated to reform and abolishment of clerical abuses. John XXII (1316-34) was intent on reforming the church administration and sanitizing the church finances, which were in a disastrous state after rule the rule of his predecessor, Clement V. His successor, Benedict XI (1334-42) was a stern ascetic, dedicated to ending nepotism, corruption, and malpractice among the clergy. He reduced the papal bureaucracy and the distribution of benefices, and tried to ensure that benefices were only given to clergy of good repute. He greatly reduced the number of clergy residing in Avignon. The beneficial effect of most of these measures was, however, undone by the largesse of his spendthrift successor, Clement VI (1342-52). One of the unwanted effects of the reform policy of the Avignon popes, however, was an ever increasing centralization and bureaucratization of church leadership, in a period when decentralization might have been a wiser policy.
Another instance that has often been cited to show the corruption of the medieval Church is the Western Schism (1378- 1417). Although this was only a brief interlude in the long period that the Middle Ages span, and although it was certainly not the first time there had been two (or even more) popes in Western Christendom, this episode certainly did hurt the notion of papal monarchy that had developed since the thirteenth century. Upon the death of Gregory XI (1370-78), who had brought back the papacy from Avignon to Rome, the cardinals were divided into two factions, Italian and French. Under pressure from riotous crowds of Rome Urban VI was elected, while many French cardinals were still at Avignon. The Italian Urban VI was not exactly a tactful personality, and insulted and threatened the French cardinals, who eventually decided that the election was made under pressure and was not valid. They elected another pope, Clement VII, who took up residency Avignon. But there is a bright side to this dark page; while the schism did much damage to the reputation of the church and the papacy (most of Europe's countries now divided their allegiance along political lines), it also was the direct cause of the growth of conciliarism, the notion that not the pope, but all bishops in council together are qualified to make canonical decisions.
A third element in the myth representing the medieval church as not only corrupt but intolerant, totalitarian, and even murderous, is the persistent misrepresentation of the medieval Inquisition. The work of the distinguished Protestant scholar Henry Charles Lea seems to have exacerbated this. 7 The myth probably originated by projecting the organization and practices of the Spanish Inquisition back onto the Middle Ages. The perception of the Spanish Inquisition, undoubtedly influenced by the infamous "black legend", is interesting in itself, but one should point out that the Spanish Inquisition, established in 1480 as an independent organization responsible only to the crown, was quite different from common medieval inquisitorial proceedings. Lateran Council IV, in 1215, had referred the problem of heresy to the bishop's ecclesiastical court, and admonished the bishops to hold visitations (i.e., an "inquisition", or inquest) to elicit testimonies from parishioners. Those persisting in doctrinal error after correction should be handed over to secular authorities for further punishment. To aid the bishop in his task, the bishop could be assisted by papal judge delegates, often mendicants. This eventually, as of 1243, became an official function: "inquisitor of heretical depravity". In special cases, these inquisitors were given a certain measure of autonomy and were made only responsible to the pope, but there was never a permanently established "Inquisition" as organization in the Middle Ages, only inquisitors.
Was the medieval church corrupt? Certainly there were abuses, grounded in human weakness, but the overall impression of vitality and diversity that characterized the medieval church does not justify this generalizing conclusion. To call the abuses that occurred during the Middle Ages "typical of the medieval church", while depicting its critics and reforms as "ahead of their time" is an historical fallacy. In the medieval church, good and bad were mixed together, as they were (and are) in the church throughout all ages. One need only watch a modern-day televangelist to see that the abuse of religion to extort money is by no means unique to the late Middle Ages.
NOTES
1. One recent film that seems to propagate this image is Annaud's The Name of the Rose, an adaptation of the much more complex novel by Umberto Eco. I have shown this film in various college courses related to the Middle Ages. My students seemed univocal in deciphering the message of this film: for them it showed that the medieval church was utterly corrupted. (return)
2. Heiko A. Oberman, Luther, Mensch zwischen Gott und Teufel (Berlin, 1982). (return)
3. "Indulgences," in F.L. Cross and E.A. Livingstone, Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church (Oxford, 1974), p. 700. (return)
4. On the Reformation in its medieval context, see Heiko A. Oberman, The Dawn of the Reformation; Essays in Late Medieval and Early Reformation Thought (Edinburgh, 1986). (return)
5. Giles Constable, The Reformation of the Twelfth Century, (Cambridge, 1996), p. 125. (return)
6. Kenneth S. Latourette, A History of the Expansion of Christianity, vol. 2: The Thousand Years of Uncertainty, A.D. 500-A.D. 1500 (London, 1938). (return)
7. Henry Charles Lea, A History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages (New York, 1887). (return)
FOR FURTHER READING:
Arnold Angenendt, Geschichte der Religiosität im Mittelalter. Darmstadt, 1997.
Geoffrey Barraclough, The Medieval Papacy (History of European Civilization Library). New York, 1968.
Giles Constable, The Reformation of the Twelfth Century. Cambridge, 1996.
Gerhardt B. Ladner, The Idea of Reform; Its Impact on Christian Thought and Action in the Age of the Fathers. Cambridge, MA, 1959.
Henry Charles Lea, A History of Auricular Confession and Indulgences in the Latin Church. New York, 1968.
Bernard McGinn, John Meyendorff, Jean Leclercq, eds., Christian Spirituality (World Spirituality, An Encyclopedic History of the Religious Quest, 16-17). New York, 1996-97.
Edward Peters, Inquisition. Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1988.
Richard Southern, Western Society and the Church in the Middle Ages. (The Pelican History of the Church 2) Harmondsworth, 1970.
http://www.the-orb.net/non_spec/missteps/ch11.html
The author is assistant professor in medieval history at Calvin College, Grand Rapids, MI.
< http://www.calvin.edu/academic/history/fvliere.htm>
You are projecting the Counter Reformation onto the Middle Ages. You will need to set aside you religious prejudices to look at the facts of history objectively.
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