Posted on 07/03/2008 9:16:22 AM PDT by jazusamo
Judicial activism. Legislating from the bench. Ideological decision-making by judges.
No sooner had the Supreme Court announced its decision in District of Columbia v. Heller than critics of the 5-4 majority decision and the court's sometimes-conservative majority cried all the above. In holding that the Second Amendment granted individuals the right to keep and bear arms, the court's conservatives -- those champions of judicial modesty and originalism -- were now engaging in judicial activism of their own. Yes, everybody does it, and conservatives are just hypocrites for pretending otherwise.
The Washington Post's E.J. Dionne Jr. was at the head of the pack, with a column that appeared in The Oregonian the day after the decision. Not only was "the judicial right" guilty of this, but the ruling also showed that its talk of deferring to local authorities and elected officials on political decisions and heeding the Constitution's precise words was poppycock.
It's hard to know what accounts for the "They're activists, too" line. Is it confusion or a conscious bid to attack the judicial right's greatest strength -- the solid, winning notion that judges should interpret, not make, law? It certainly cannot be an impartial reading of Justice Antonin Scalia's majority opinion or a full understanding of judicial restraint.
Dionne thinks it's telling -- telling of dishonesty -- that Scalia spent the first 54 pages of the majority opinion explaining away the first 13 words of the Second Amendment ("A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed"). Dionne seems to have spent more time counting than reading. Would he have found the decision more compelling if Scalia had spent 25, 12 or no pages? Or would he have criticized it for not exploring the contemporaneous meaning and relevance of those (13) prefatory words and the (14) words that follow? Somehow I doubt he would have found any number of pages satisfactory, because he disagrees with the result. But what those 54 pages contain is honest, old-fashioned constitutional analysis -- a look at the text and context of the Second Amendment before, during and after the Framing.
But doesn't the "judicial right" favor local decision-making? Shouldn't elected city officials be able to craft policies (handgun bans) to deal with gun violence in their crime-ridden community? Not if they trample on the Constitution in the process. They cannot abrogate the First Amendment's assembly protections or the Fourth's search-and-seizure safeguards because a community wants to deal with gang violence or any other local problem. A due regard for states and local governments in our federal system and a proper judicial deference to the legislative and executive branches on political questions doesn't allow elected officials or unelected judges to ignore the Bill of Rights, and nobody on Dionne's "judicial right" has ever said otherwise.
Dionne and the Heller minority think the Second Amendment recognizes a collective right tied to "a well-regulated Militia," not any individual's right to keep and bear arms. They cite the 1939 "precedent" of United States v. Miller, which upheld two men's federal convictions for transporting an unregistered short-barreled shotgun in interstate commerce. They think this shows the majority's contempt for precedents anathema to conservatives.
Scalia argues, however, that Miller is no precedent at all for their view. He notes that Miller did not center on the fact that the two individuals were not bearing arms for military purposes. In Miller, the court ruled only that the weapon was not eligible for Second Amendment protection, since sawed-off shotguns had no relationship to the "preservation or efficiency of a well regulated militia." As Scalia wrote for the majority, "Had the Court believed that the Second Amendment protects only those serving in the militia, it would have been odd to examine the character of the weapon rather than simply note that the two crooks were not militiamen." Bingo.
Noting Scalia's 54 pages on the 27 words of the Second Amendment, the page-counting Dionne wrote last week. "Does that reflect an honest attempt to determine the 'original' intention of the framers?"
Actually, it does. Majestically so.
David Reinhard, associate editor, can be reached at 503-221-8152 or davidreinhard@news.oregonian.com
Ted Nugent is way too conservative for McAmnesty!!
Got it...I didn't quite understand your point. Just to flog this dead horse one more time, though, when the court said "it is not within judicial notice....", what that means is "Look, we (personally, not as judges) know guys used sawed-off shotguns as personal defense weapons in the last war, but you have to present that evidence to us. We're the court. We don't go do research on that sort of thing (in later years this would be called a form of judicial activism).)
My point is that it wasn't the court's job to go out and figure out whether a sawed-off shotgun was "...part of the military equipment...", in fact, you don't want courts doing that.
Now, this issue will be brought up again, and who knows what the results wil be. We'll find out. At least the door is open now, and we're on the offensive, which is much better than the endless rear-guard actions of the past 70 years.
Exactly so. Scalia even points it out in one of those 57 pages...
Thanks for that info. Like I said, I’m no lawyer. But now I know why many of those who are can say, “The law is an ass.”
How common is common?
If every legally available one is in private hands, with the exception of relatively small dealer inventories which sell at prices vastly above the world market, solely because of regulation, the argumant can be made that they are as common as is possible under current regulations, and that demand exceeds supply.
The very (inflated) sale price of a currently transferrable arm makes the case that they would be more common were they available, and especially if the price were lower.
As you state: "If there was no NFA and no '86 ban, there'd be at least 5 million full autos (or select fire weapons, which amounts to the same thing in a legal sense) in civilian hands, maybe more."
Look who's been missing for 2 months. AxelPaulsenJr, are you related to Robert? If so, what happened?
So if you notice someone blasting away with a trench gun, and then you later become a SC Justice, it’s not within judicial notice? LOL! Good points re “common” and “unusual” weapons above, btw.
It’s too bad robertpaulsen is not around. He had dire warnings of what might happen if an individual, fundamental (as in incorporated) right were found by the SC, so he’d be arguing furiously that this whole thing only applies to the feds. It would be great entertainment, and I usually learned a few things.
One such "happy switch:"
Just to clarify, in case someone doesn't understand, the term "judicial notice" is a term of legal art. It means that the court accepts a given fact as true even though there's been no sworn testimony or evidence presented to prove it.
Typically it's applied to stuff like "July 4, 1984 fell on a Wednesday," and so on. Stuff that's widely known or can be determined using widely-known, universally-accepted methods.
Activism by conservative judges - taking the Constitution at it’s plainly worded face value as explained by those who wrote and argued it.
FWIW, Scalia emphasized that in his decision--that it is an a priori right, not granted by anyone but God.
Well, I tend to leave God out of it and focus on natural rights, but the end result is the same.
As a matter of course, it doesn't whether someone is lib/con, their entire thesis is immediately discredited upon any mention of 'grant', 'gives', etc in reference to the BoR.
As many of Framers well recognized, an enumeration of natural rights could give the impression that there may be some limit and/or gov't acquiescence, when neither is the case.
The ultimate manifestation of this corrupted understanding of natural rights is where we find ourselves 225 years later waiting with bated breath as we are judged by 9.
I’m not reading past the first paragraph.
What a load of BS.
I think you’re referring to Stephen Reinhardt of the 9th circuit (and Jimmy Carter appointee).
Excellent piece by Ted, and I’m glad to call him a fellow guitar player.
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