Posted on 02/16/2006 11:14:47 AM PST by wcdukenfield
Unfortunately, George Will believes that Congress has the power to micromanage the president's explicit commander-in-chief responsibilities. He reads the "necessary and proper clause" the way activist judges read the commerce clause, i.e., without context or limitation.
Will properly notes that the Constitution "empowers Congress to ratify treaties, declare war, fund and regulate military forces, and make laws ânecessary and properâ for the execution of all presidential powers." [Will's emphasis.]
But as Joseph Story, the great Supreme Court justice and constitutional scholar correctly wrote: "The clause, in its just sense, then, does not enlarge any other power, specifically granted; nor is it the grant of any new power. It is merely a declaration, to remove all uncertainty, that every power is to be so interpreted, as to include suitable means to carry it into execution" (A Familiar Exposition of the Constitution of the United States, Section 208).
James Wilson was the principal author of the necessary and proper clause. At the Pennsylvania ratifying convention, he explained: "Necessary and proper [are] limited and defined by the following, 'for carrying into execution the foregoing powers' it is saying no more than that the powers we have already particularly given, shall be effectually carried into execution" (The Heritage Guide to the Constitution, page 147).
The necessary and proper clause does not empower Congress to seize explicit constitutional authority from the president. Congress has the specific authority to defund the NSA program or any aspect of the war on terrorism. There's no doubt about that. This is the ultimate power over war. But it does not have the authority to seize power from the executive branch to micromanage wartime decisions. To the extent that FISA impedes on president's authority, it's unconstitutional. In other words, the Constitution not only places checks on the president's power, but it limits Congress's power as well. Hence, we have the doctrine and reality of separation of powers.
Will, Bob Barr, and a host of other conservatives appear to have bought into the idea that our civil liberties are best protected by either Congress or the judiciary. And so they make weak arguments against a president exercising his legitimate constitutional authority, e.g., intercepting enemy communications during war â warning about unchecked power and various hysterical scenarios. There's no historical or constitutional precedent for their position. Indeed, imagine the practical implications. As Story wrote:
"Timidity, indecision, obstinacy, pride, and sluggishness must mingle in a greater or less degree, in all numerous bodies, and render their councils inert and imbecile, and their military operations slow and uncertain. There is, then, true wisdom and policy in confiding the command of the army and navy to the president, since it will ensure activity, responsibility, and firmness, in public emergencies" (A Familiar Exposition of the Constitution of the United States, Section 278). The Framers did not want Congress micromanaging war-time decisions. And considering that the Constitution leaves it largely up to the elected branches to establish the judiciary and determine its authority, they certainly didnât empower judges to substitute their decisions for those of the commander-in-chief.
I didn't say there was.
You have bought into the notion that our civil liberties are endangered by the president exercising his legitimate power.
Question begging.
The president, in this case, is free to intercept enemy communications
More question begging.
You want judicial review? The courts have ruled exactly as I have said.
The courts have not held that Congress lacks the power to regulate surveillance by the executive branch.
You want some history? Every president has viewed and exercised his power this way, and Congress, until now, has concurred.
They must have been sleepwalking when they passed FISA, then.
Congress gives him the means to carry out his authority, and decides how far those means go.
...Or Treason (disloyalty). ...Or Misdemeanor (bad attitude).
As for misdemeanor - funny.
I want to know the Constitutional clause which suggests that the courts have the authority to authorize a warrant to bug a phone in Germany (or otherwise monitor foreign communications). If they don't...then who do people think does? Pretty clearly that falls within the context of foreign policy, military or diplomatic.
I used to like George Will until I realized that his first loyalty is to the MSM, and that he is anti-evangelical.
You wrote:
Unfortunately, George Will believes that Congress has the power to micromanage the president's explicit commander-in-chief responsibilities. He reads the "necessary and proper clause" the way activist judges read the commerce clause, i.e., without context or limitation.
Will properly notes that the Constitution "empowers Congress to ratify treaties, declare war, fund and regulate military forces, and make laws necessary and proper" for the execution of all presidential powers." [Will's emphasis.]
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Perhaps the problem here is that the clause does not empower Congress to make laws necessary and proper" for the execution of all presidential powers.
It says Congress has the power:
"--- To make all Laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into Execution the foregoing Powers and all other Powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United States, or in any Department or Officer thereof. ---"
It says nothing about a congressional power "for the execution of all presidential powers". -- Nor does anything in the rest of the Constitution support that idea.
Will can only "properly note" that the Constitution "-- empowers Congress to ratify treaties, declare war, fund and regulate military forces, and make laws necessary and proper" for carrying into Execution the foregoing Powers and all other Powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United States, or in any Department or Officer thereof. ---"
The Constitution sets forth authorities. The Commander in Chief is responsible for directing the military in protecting the nation from foreign attacks. No other branch. Only Congress can authorize initiation of an aggressive war (Like if we decided we wanted to seize a peaceful Mexico just for the additional beach-front property), or *pay* for an army. Note that many laws Congress passes do not prohibit executive branch officials from running various programs, but rather state that no funds will be used to persue them. This is part of the inherent recognition that the Executive branch has authority of its own.
From the time of the attacks by the Barbary Pirates during the terms of Jefferson and Adams, it has been accepted by the courts that no such War declaration is neccessary if another group declares war on us, or attacks us. Such an explicit declaration does however trigger a whole gamut of additional laws and powers to go into effect (additional penalties for treason, habeus corpus suspension...etc.).
It may be. It may not be. At the level of the President, negligence can be treasonous.
What if the President decided that he wanted to take an extended golf vacation for a couple of years, broken only by the mandated State of the Union address? That would not be illegal, but would certainly be an issue of misdemeanor.
http://www.freerepublic.com/focus/f-news/1551281/posts
Every administration, liberal or conservative, has claimed this warrantless surveillance power, and no court has ever denied it. The FISA court of review explained, citing the 14th Circuit's 1980 decision in a case involving the surveillance of a Vietnamese spy named David Truong, "The Truong court, as did all the other courts to have decided the issue, held that the President did have inherent authority to conduct warrantless searches to obtain foreign intelligence information." The court added, "We take it for granted that the President does have that authority."
The court in the Truong case noted that the executive "not only has superior expertise in the area of foreign intelligence, it is also constitutionally designated as the pre-eminent authority in foreign affairs." And the Constitution's framers knew what they were about, according to the Truong court: "Attempts to counter foreign threats to the national security require the utmost stealth, speed and secrecy. A warrant requirement would add a procedural hurdle that would reduce the flexibility of executive foreign-intelligence initiatives."
Good heavens, well it could be worse- he could have cited the "general welfare" clause.
The Articles of Confederation gave congress the powers so many want to give them roday: "making rules for the government and regulation of the said land and naval forces, and directing their operations."
But the Founders changed that in the Constitution- they wanted a strong executive. And one who could always act militarily in defense- on his own power.
"FRIDAY AUGUST 17th. IN CONVENTION
...Mr. MADISON and Mr. GERRY moved to insert "declare," striking out "make" war; leaving to the Executive the power to repel sudden attacks.
Mr. SH[E]RMAN thought it stood very well. The Executive shd. be able to repel and not to commence war."
The vote was 7 to 1.
You're right, negligence can be impeachable. But an impeachment still has to involve some kind of action (or inaction) that's harmful, and it would need to be proved. If he's conducting these activities behind the scenes, how is anyone in Congress to know if he's abusing his power? It's still an unrealistic check.
Providing rules for operations is not the same as directing them. Not in this language.
Carter (who signed FISA) signed off on a paragraph identical to the one bolded below. As a matter of fact, the Clinton EO is nearly identical to the Carter one. EXECUTIVE ORDER 12949
- - - - - - - FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE PHYSICAL SEARCHES
By the authority vested in me as President by the Constitution and the laws of the United States, including sections 302 and 303 of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act of 1978 ("Act") (50 U.S.C. 1801, et seq.), as amended by Public Law 103- 359, and in order to provide for the authorization of physical searches for foreign intelligence purposes as set forth in the Act, it is hereby ordered as follows:
Section 1. Pursuant to section 302(a)(1) of the Act, the Attorney General is authorized to approve physical searches, without a court order, to acquire foreign intelligence information for periods of up to one year, if the Attorney General makes the certifications required by that section.
Sec. 2. Pursuant to section 302(b) of the Act, the Attorney General is authorized to approve applications to the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court under section 303 of the Act to obtain orders for physical searches for the purpose of collecting foreign intelligence information.
Sec. 3. Pursuant to section 303(a)(7) of the Act, the following officials, each of whom is employed in the area of national security or defense, is designated to make the certifications required by section 303(a)(7) of the Act in support of applications to conduct physical searches:
(a) Secretary of State;
(b) Secretary of Defense;
(c) Director of Central Intelligence;
(d) Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation;
(e) Deputy Secretary of State;
(f) Deputy Secretary of Defense; and
(g) Deputy Director of Central Intelligence.
None of the above officials, nor anyone officially acting in that capacity, may exercise the authority to make the above certifications, unless that official has been appointed by the President, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate.
WILLIAM J. CLINTON
THE WHITE HOUSE,
February 9, 1995.
Take it like a man and move on.
For god's sake don't follow me around crying.
I disagree. Andrew Johnson came within one vote of removal from office over what were basically political differences. There is no appeal to SCOTUS if a president is impeached and removed.
And each time I shoot down your misconceptions you run away and then post them on another thread.
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