Racial Hucksters Attack Police

Quite a din has arisen in New York City over the recent police shootings of three black men there. The first shooting occurred just after midnight on New Year’s morning in Brooklyn, when a policeman shot 19-year-old Jamal Nixon twice in the back, killing him. Just three hours later and a few blocks away, three officers shot and killed 21-year-old Anthony Reid. The following day a detective gunned down 17-year-old Allen Newsome inside a Harlem apartment building.

Bold headlines in every local newspaper focused on this sudden spike in police shootings at the dawn of 2003, as did the broadcast and electronic media. Angry “civil rights” activists and community leaders also expressed their displeasure over the killings. According to these critics, black New Yorkers remain as vulnerable as ever to the purported volcano of racism ever seething within the city’s police department.

City Councilman Charles Barron, for one, expressed his doubt that the shooting of Nixon was justified, noting that just prior to his death the young man had been “celebrating” New Year’s Eve – and was thus most likely in a festive, rather than a belligerent, mood. Presumably the fact that Nixon’s “celebration” involved firing multiple gunshots into the air with a group of his friends seemed quite normal to Barron, who made no reference to the fact that Nixon had tried to flee from the police and had ignored their orders that he drop his weapon. Openly dubious of reports that Nixon had pointed his gun at the officers, Barron said, “How does one go from celebrating to suicide? Pointing a gun at police officers when they’re right up on you is suicide.” In short, then, we are apparently expected to believe that while Nixon may have been senseless enough to fire his gun recklessly and indiscriminately into the night, he surely would have understood the impropriety of aiming it at a policeman. It’s an interesting spin.

Of further interest is the fact that Barron never mentioned a key witness’ assertion that Nixon not only had a prior criminal record that included shooting at police officers, but also had just gotten out of prison in November after serving 39 months on weapons charges. Neither did Barron make a big deal about the 26 shell casings that were later found at the site of Nixon’s final New Year’s celebration – five from NYPD guns and the rest from the firearms of Nixon and his fellow revelers.

Lest you have any doubt that Barron’s selective vision is firmly rooted in his own racial prejudice, remember that this is the same Charles Barron who distinguished himself as a guest speaker at a pro-reparations for slavery rally in Washington, DC last summer. At that infamous event, he told an audience of some 3,000 people that he wanted “to go up to the closest white person and say ‘You can't understand this [reparations issue], it’s a black thing’ and then slap him, just for my mental health.” Indeed it is the same Charles Barron who said those words while vendors from the New Black Panther Party, which provided security for the event, sold T-Shirts that read “Kill Whitey” and “How Did We Get To America? Heartless Christian Buyer, Ruthless Jewish Seller.”

The details surrounding Anthony Reid’s death are no more pleasant than those surrounding Nixon’s death. In the wee hours of New Year’s morning, Reid was kicked out of a local nightclub after getting into a fight there. When patrolling police later spotted him firing a gun at a white car and ordered him to drop his weapon, he not only kept shooting, but actually aimed some of his shots at the officers before running away. As he continued to fire over his back at the pursuing police, they shot him dead. Yet notwithstanding his abominable actions, Reid’s death greatly troubled the social watchdogs who unfailingly detect signs of bigotry in every conceivable police interaction with black suspects.

The same can be said of Allen Newsome’s death. Newsome was killed in a police sting operation designed to catch whoever had robbed a Wimpy’s fast-food restaurant deliveryman three times during the previous week. In each of those prior instances, the caller placing an order had specifically requested that the deliveryman bring lots of money so as to be able to make change for a large bill – and then proceeded to rob him at gunpoint. Thus when Wimpy’s received a fourth such call on January 2, the police were notified. An officer disguised as a deliveryman took the food to 601 West 148th Street, the very building wherein one of the three previous robberies had occurred. Once inside the building, he encountered 17-year-old Allen Newsome, who pointed a realistic looking pellet gun at the officer’s head and demanded, “Give me the money. Give me the money.” At that point, the officer’s plainclothes partner, Detective Elpidio DeLeon, emerged from hiding and shot Newsome three times, killing him.

Following Newsome’s death, an unruly black mob assembled at Wimpy’s, harassing the restaurant’s employees, breaking much of its furniture, and accusing its management of maliciously “setting up” the killing. Soon thereafter, Newsome’s relatives joined Anthony Reid’s family at a news conference held at Al Sharpton’s National Action Network headquarters in Harlem. “We are taxpaying citizens that want answers as to what happened and why,” Sharpton said. Now there is even some speculation that local residents may organize a boycott of the establishment.

It is noteworthy that on the very day that Allen Newsome was killed, newspaper reports told about the death of a 15-year-old Brooklyn teenager who was gunned down in a street robbery. Also appearing that day were published accounts of a Queens incident where a Hispanic college student was run over and killed by a man with whom he had previously argued. Because neither of these homicides were perpetrated by whites – or worse yet, by police officers – there was not a whisper of public protest.

Nor, interestingly enough, did racial agitators like Barron and Sharpton have much to say about the death of 35-year-old John LaGattuta, who was chased down and killed by police while driving a stolen mini-van under an elevated train line in Brooklyn on the evening of January 2. Stuck in rush hour traffic, the fleeing LaGattuta tried to make a U-turn, in the process colliding with several cars and some of the girders supporting the rails above. As seven officers descended upon him, LaGattuta – who had a long arrest record including two incidents where he had tried to run over policemen – continued violently ramming his vehicle into a bus in front of him and a car behind him. It seems that when one of the police shattered the mini-van’s side window, the officer’s gun accidentally discharged and killed LaGattuta. Yet the dead man’s white skin made the story uninteresting to the “civil rights” crowd.

It is most remarkable that the once-noble civil rights movement – which fought for such vital causes as integration, voting rights, and fair housing laws – has degenerated into a parade of opportunistic hucksters ever-prepared to condemn the police for using deadly force against some of society’s most remorseless monsters. But only if those monsters happen to be black, of course. White monsters like John LaGattuta don’t count at all.

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Race Hustlers Re-Run Central Park Jogger Case
Middle American News/A Different Drummer ^ | November, 2002 | Nicholas Stix

Posted on 11/05/2002 10:52 AM PST by mrustow

A Different Drummer [November, 2002]

In an increasingly multicultural, urban environment, it becomes more and more difficult to achieve justice, as racial and ethnic activist groups seek not only to impede the prosecution of the apparently guilty, but to undo successful prosecutions, after the fact. The most striking example of this development, is the attempt underway to undo the convictions of five of the attackers in what came to be known as the Central Park Jogger Case. And so, five cold-blooded thugs: Antron McCray, Kevin Richardson, Kharey Wise, Yusuf Salaam and Raymond Santana, have now been nominated for urban sainthood.

Central Park was -- and still is -- an urban preserve favored by well-to-do, liberal, white New Yorkers. On April 19, 1989, dozens of black teenagers took the subway to Central Park, for a night of "wilding." The term, never previously heard by whites, had been coined by young blacks to describe group attacks by (often armed) blacks on lone, unarmed whites. A night of wilding promised an orgy of racial violence.

The teenagers swarmed over the park that night, committing assaults. "The Jogger," a petite, 28-year-old, 105-pound investment banker, tried to outrun the boys, and fought valiantly, but never had a chance. Her worst injury came from a steel pipe, which Yusuf Salaam hit her in the head with. The 14-16-year-old boys dragged the woman 200 yards from the jogging path, ripped her clothes off, and variously fondled, raped, and beat her.

By the time a passerby found her, The Jogger had lost seventy percent of her blood. As is typical of massive, blunt trauma wounds, the victim lost all memory of her ordeal. Notwithstanding problems with taste and balance, her survival and recovery have been nothing short of miraculous.

The detailed report of the attack was provided by the boys themselves, who incriminated each other, and who knew things (e.g., the exact articles of the victim's clothing) that only the attackers would know. Kevin Richardson's underwear was soiled with grass stains. Save for Yusuf Salaam, all of the boys videotaped or signed detailed confessions in their parents' presence.

Investigators also got statements from over forty other people incriminating the five, who were ultimately convicted variously of assault and sexual abuse. However, police were always aware that they had not caught all of the attackers. Semen found on one of the victim's socks did not genetically match any of the five arrested attackers.

Enter Matias Reyes. Reyes, now 31, is serving a thirty-three-year-to-life sentence for murder and rape. Once the statute of limitations ran out on the Central Park attack, he "found God," a common jailhouse occurrence. In January, Reyes confessed that he alone had attacked The Jogger. DNA tests showed that it was Reyes' semen on The Jogger's socks.

Police had never suspected Reyes in the attack, because he had not been mentioned by the other attackers in their confessions; the attack came almost two months before Reyes' rape, robbery, and murder spree began; and the attack on The Jogger did not fit his modus operandi. Reyes worked alone, and in seeking, unsuccessfully, to blind his victims, always stabbed them in the eyes. And in 1989, DNA testing was much more primitive than it is today. Reyes most likely came upon the unconscious jogger after her initial attackers had fled, and raped her or masturbated over her.

Although the convicted attackers have all served their sentences, and except for Raymond Santana, who was later convicted of other crimes, been released from jail, they seek -- with their lawyers' help -- to clear their names, rewrite history, and pave the way for a multimillion-dollar lawsuit against the City of New York.

The attackers' leading spokesmen are city Councilman Bill Perkins and NYPD Lt. Eric Adams. In 1989, Perkins, then a Harlem tenant organizer, worked with the attackers' black supremacist supporters, while insisting that the attack was not racially motivated.

On September 12, Eric Adams called for a federal investigation: "We believe that because of the demand to bring someone to justice from this crime, we believe that there is a strong possibility that there may have been overzealous policing and overzealous prosecuting."

Eric Adams is the founder of the segregated, counter-police organization of black NYPD officers, 100 Black Men in Law Enforcement Who Care. An open racist, Adams is obsessed with racial purity. According to a former colleague, when Adams discovered that the father of the child of a subordinate, black female officer was white, Adams suddenly forbade the woman from bringing her child to work. And in 1998, ten years after Tawana Brawley had been exposed as having engineered one of the most outrageous race hoaxes in American history, Adams called for a federal investigation on behalf of Brawley, whom Adams still insisted had been raped by white law enforcement officers!

Eric Adams has devoted his life to undermining law enforcement, and supporting black criminals. And for that, he receives fawning treatment from the mainstream media.

Presently, the attackers' biggest supporters are New York's mainstream media.

New York's white-owned, mainstream media did a creditable job of reporting, in 1989, on the criminal investigation of the attack. However, the media ignored the virulent hate campaign that was unleashed by the attackers' supporters, and by the black media, who presented them as the victims of a racist criminal justice system, and who unleashed an orgy of hatred against the victim.

New York's black newspapers, Brooklyn's now-defunct City Sun, and Manhattan's Amsterdam News, depicted the attackers as contemporary versions of the "Scottsboro Boys," the black, 1930s victims of racist lawmen who were eventually cleared of false rape charges. City Sun propagandist Peter Noel (now a star of the popular, far-left weekly, The Village Voice, where he has threatened to kill police officers) concocted a story, according to which "wilding" referred to innocent horseplay.

Although the media -- black and white -- usually follow the unofficial rule prohibiting ever naming a rape victim, every City Sun or Amsterdam News article on the case constantly repeated The Jogger's name. As a result, while white New Yorkers were unaware of her identity, virtually all black, and many Hispanic New Yorkers, knew her name.

At the attackers' 1990 trial, their supporters showed up every day at the courthouse, screaming "The [jogger's] boyfriend did it!," "She did it herself!," and calling the victim "Slut!," when she limped to court to testify.

Since seizing upon Matias Reyes, the mainstream media has so grossly misrepresented the case, as to all but erase the difference between them and their racist, black counterparts.

A September 11 story by New York Daily News reporter Alice McQuillan, could have been written by the attackers' lawyers. McQuillan omitted all of the evidence that convicted the attackers, and quoted black supremacist attorney Roger Wareham (December 12th Movement), who represents attackers Antron McCray, Raymond Santana, and Kevin Richardson as saying, "They had made up their mind, they had somebody else, they didn't want anything to spoil their neatly tied package of convictions and they used these children as scapegoats."

"Children," indeed.

Meanwhile, Wareham's co-counsel, Michael Warren, insists that the confessions were gotten "through the most abhorrent form of psychological duress."

With few exceptions, the New York media have followed McQuillan's example. But Alice McQuillan is a fearless truth-teller, compared to the Village Voice's Dasun Allah, who fabricated a new history, whereby whites had invented the term "wilding," in order to "brand black youth."

The movement to clear the five Central Park attackers must be seen in the context of movements to free other blacks convicted of heinous crimes.

One such movement supported former Black Panther Jamil Abdullah Al-Amin (H. Rap Brown), convicted last year, and sentenced to life, for his 2000 assassination of Fulton County, Georgia Sheriff's Deputy Ricky Kinchen, and for seriously wounding Deputy Aldranon English.

The king of such movements seeks the release of former Black Panther Mumia abu Jamal (Wesley Cook), on death row for the 1981 assassination of Philadelphia police Officer Daniel Faulkner.

Abu-Jamal/Cook and Al-Amin/Brown's supporters insist that their heroes, too, were railroaded. Note too that Al-Amin's victims were both black. According to black supremacist belief, black law enforcement officers who arrest, rather than aid black criminals, are traitors to the race. Such beliefs owe their influence to their enthusiastic support by white elites in the media, education, and even law enforcement.

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