Posted on 07/23/2002 5:11:52 PM PDT by rumrunner
Larry Kudlow mentioned that the Federal Reserve may be meeting tonight to discuss the exposure of Citibank and JP Morgan Chase to derivatives and the stock market collapse.
Possible that both banks have billions of derivatives that need to be unwound. Would collapse the banking industry.
"The natives are getting restless, and they all seem to be carrying rifles sir!"
There is no small amount of truth to these observations. But they may obscure as much as enlighten, especially to the extent that they depersonalize responsibility and convey a common circumstance of passivity on the part of the worlds largest institutions.
Focusing attention on Citigroup, the worlds largest private financial institution, illustrates the flaw in ascribing too much power to the undifferentiated markets. On the one hand, the power of markets is dependent on the rules of the national and global economy rules which Citigroup and other large corporations help write. On the other hand, even the financial markets are made up of institutional players like Citi that, depending on the issue, exert enormous influence over the markets effective collective decisions.
The story of Citigroups formation illustrates how this financial goliath maneuvers to escape the tethers of government regulation.
In 1998, Travelers CEO Sandy Weill and Citicorp head John Reed announced plans to merge their two financial powerhouses. There was one problem: U.S. law prohibited the merger of commercial banks with insurance companies and securities firms. The two companies were not deterred. A loophole in the law barring such combinations gave the two companies a two-year window before the merger ban would kick in. That would be plenty of time, they figured, to change a centerpiece of U.S. banking laws that had stood in place for more than 50 years.
There already was momentum in Congress in support of the financial deregulation that proponents supported under the misleading banner of financial modernization. But there were also major legislative blocks and hurdles, and no assurance of passage.
Enter Citigroup. Though Citicorp has opposed the deregulation bill, the merged Citigroup became its most important advocate, with Sandy Weill pitching a tent in the halls of Congress to lobby legislators.
Still, the bill remained mired in Congress, thanks to jurisdictional disputes among federal agencies, intra-industry conflicts and consumer group opposition.
Former Clinton Treasury Secretary Robert Rubin sealed the deal. After having left his Treasury Department post, but amidst negotiating his new terms of employment as chair of the management committee at Citicorp, Rubin brokered the final compromise to ensure passage of the financial deregulation bill.
While Citis top priority was an after-the-fact legalization of the tainted Citicorp-Travelers merger, much more was at stake for both the financial industry and consumers. The bill has enabled not just this particular corporate combination, but the intermingling of businesses that were formerly, properly and prudentially, kept apart.
Now affiliates of holding companies are free to share information related to finance, health and other personal consumer matters. (As a sop to consumer groups, the law permits consumers to opt-out of these information sharing arrangements, but most consumers do not read or understand the notices they receive informing them of these rights.) The information sharing facilitates marketing efforts by the growing financial giants, at the expense of consumer privacy.
The financial deregulation law purports to prohibit cross-subsidization of imperiled insurance or other subsidiaries by the financial services companies banking affiliates. But the structure of the newly formed companies makes such internal asset sharing almost unavoidable. Since the banks money is backed up by federal insurance, the problem becomes one not just of financial stability, but of the involuntary expansion of the federal guarantee to other financial service company operations.
The mega-companies enabled by the deregulation law call for a more robust-than-ever regulatory authorities to monitor that no Enron-style cooking of the books is occurring. But Citi along with the rest of the finance industry made sure that provisions to strengthen and coordinate decentralized and disjointed U.S. financial regulators were not included in the final bill.
A similar leveraging of Citis power on Capitol Hill is unfolding yet again, as Congress makes way to achieve final passage of a bankruptcy reform bill. Simply a dream in the minds eye of industry lobbyists just a half decade ago, the bill in 2000 passed both houses but was vetoed by then-President Bill Clinton. It passed again last year, but did not emerge from conference committee. Now the Congress appears set to get a bill to the presidents desk. President Bush has indicated he will sign it.
The bill is designed to alleviate a manufactured bankruptcy crisis. It is manufactured in two senses. First, in that there is no evidence of a surge in individuals gaming the system and illegitimately declaring bankruptcy, notwithstanding the industrys claims to the contrary. Second, in that the problem of excessive consumer debt a real problem is due in significant part to abuses of Citigroup and the financial services industry itself. Their extremely aggressive pushing of credit cards, and the usuriously high interest rates they attach to credit card debt, have left millions of consumers deep in hock.
Rather than curtailing the abuses of Citigroup and the rest of the credit card industry, of course, the Orwellian Bankruptcy Abuse Prevention and Consumer Protection Act would penalize those in tough financial times. It gives high priority to repayment of credit card debt even as opposed to payments for housing, child support and other more important obligations and attaches other onerous conditions to personal bankruptcy. It locks many out of bankruptcy courts altogether. The National Consumer Law Center says, in virtually every respect, the bills [both Senate and House versions] would make it harder for debtors to file and would undermine the relief available in the bankruptcy system. ... [They] would drastically shift the balance of power in bankruptcy cases in favor of creditors.
Citi gets its way in Congress through the normal payoff system of campaign contributions (company donations totaled more than $2.5 million in the 2000 election cycle, and the company is the top political donor among commercial banks in the current cycle, according to the Center for Responsive Politics), and an elaborate lobbying operation (in 1999, the most recent year for which data is available, the company spent more than $5 million on 63 lobbyists at firms ranging from Akin, Gump to Wilmer, Cutler and Pickering, according to the Center for Responsive Politics). But Citi gains influence as well simply by virtue of its size, its heavy advertising and its 50-state presence which make politicians aware of its reach and deferential to its demands. The company is also able to deploy Rubin as a lobbyist, spokesperson, well-connected insider and arm-twister without peer.
The company functions equally effectively in the international arena, where its interconnections with the U.S. government serve it well.
It played a vital role in lining up the political forces to back the launch of the World Trade Organization, as Antonia Juhasz notes [see Servicing Citis Interests]. Citi was among the leading corporate ideologues pressing for negotiation and adoption of the WTO agreements; and continues now to back expansion of the WTOs General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS), which will remove barriers to Citis global ambitions.
The company is among the leading recipients of backing from the U.S. Overseas Private Investment Corporation, relying on OPIC support in Argentina, Brazil and Jamaica, among other locales.
And Citis influence has been decisive in arranging U.S.- and International Monetary Fund-led bailouts during the Mexican financial crisis of 1994 and the Asian financial crisis of 1997-1998. Those bailouts helped not the people in Mexico, South Korea, Thailand and Indonesia who found their economies suddenly decimated, but the foreign lenders who had actually helped created the crises. The infusion of bailout money went largely to pay off foreign creditors, of which Citi was among the most prominent in both instances.
Citi helped create those financial crises through excessive lending; Citi arranged publicly financed bailouts that relieved the company of the costs of its errors; and then the company took advantage of the crisis countries vulnerability to force them to open their markets to foreign firms. Post-crisis, Citi has acquired Mexicos Banamex, and is now contemplating bidding on the credit card business of South Koreas Chohung Bank.
Indeed, Citi worked with Rubin, then in his Treasury Department role, to use the crises to force open the countries financial sectors. Lobbying by American financial services firms, which wanted to crack the Korean market, was the driving force behind the Treasurys pressure on Seoul, reports Paul Blustein in his book, The Chastening: Inside the Crisis that Rocked the Global Financial System and Humbled the IMF.
But more is going on here than just the leveraging of private power to influence public decisions. Even more than most companies, Citigroup functions as a private government. Its decisions have enormous influence over the allocation and terms of credit in the United States and around the world. These are decisions that fundamentally shape the way the world works and looks.
Citigroup has recently acquired The Associates First Capital, the largest U.S. predatory lender, which has specialized in ripping off poor people [see Predatory Associates]. It claims to be cleaning up Associates act, and is unlikely to continue the low-grade, shady operations that prevailed under the companys former ownership. But community groups around the United States insist that Citi has failed to provide adequate credit in low- and middle-income communities. They are demanding that the nations largest bank begin providing those neighborhoods with the capital they need to prosper.
And now the environmental movement is increasingly focusing on Citi and other private lenders loan practices in the developing world, calling attention to the lenders responsibility for bankrolling environmentally destructive projects which could not proceed in the absence of private finance [see The Cost of Living Richly].
These campaigns longstanding in the case of the community groups, much newer in the case of the environmentalists recognize the imperative of bringing Citi under public control. The U.S. Community Reinvestment Act, obligating banks to make loans in low- and middle-income communities, is an imperfect but vital example of how the public can begin to place affirmative obligations on Citigroup and others in the finance industry.
Imposing such obligations, as well as strengthening regulation of the industry, establishing new mechanisms of accountability and aggressively applying antitrust and pro-competition rules, are all made much more difficult by Citis grip on political power.
But it is vital that citizen movements galvanize around such demands quickly. The Citi-led trend to rapid consolidation in the financial services industry is altering the balance of political power ever more in favor of the finance industry and against democracy.
yes
Sure can. I've always said the ideal job was being a writer for National Enquirer. You can just make up whatever you want, the wilder the better, and let rip. Good times.
Since you're a kindred spirit, perhaps we should get together and form a new right wing National Enquirer type rag -- we can get some venture money (what the hell are they doing with it in these crazy days anyway) from some of these [soon to be not so] high rollers.
And if you get Idaho and Montana, we can probably slice off eastern Oregon and Washington, and with just a little foray we can probably acquire a corridor to a port on Puget Sound -- for our friends in the Navy, you know.
IMHO, raising their taxes is stealing their savings. heheh
Hubby's experience in dealing with Citibank proved to us that they are amoral, arrogant, and corrupt on every level.
This is just a typical run of the mill medium sized megayacht, a new 150 foot Broward. There are hundreds of bigger ones out there today, up to about 300 feet long. This one charters for only $95,000 a week, or you can buy one for about ten to twenty million. The crew and upkeep will cost another million a year.
But of course, that's chump change to the folks who plan the macro funny money scams. The USA might be thrown into a depression, but they will have their helicopters, private jets and mega yachts.
Rubin's not worried. He has friends with these boats scattered all over the globe. Very grateful friends.
Nam Vet
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