Obama, the African Colonial

Like many educated intellectuals in postcolonial Africa, Barack Hussein Obama, Sr. was enraged at the transformation of his native land by its colonial conqueror. But instead of embracing the traditional values of his own tribal cultural past, he embraced an imported Western ideology, Marxism. I call such frustrated and angry modern Africans who embrace various foreign "isms", instead of looking homeward for repair of societies that are broken, African Colonials. They are Africans who serve foreign ideas.

The tropes of America's racial history as a way of understanding all things black are useless in understanding the man who got his dreams from his father, a Kenyan exemplar of the African Colonial.

Before I continue, I need to say this: I am a first generation born West African-American woman whose parents emigrated to the U.S. in the 1970's from the country now called Nigeria. I travel to Nigeria frequently. I see myself as both a proud American and as a proud Igbo (the tribe that we come from -- also sometimes spelled Ibo). Politically, I have always been conservative (though it took this past election for me to commit to this once and for all!); my conservative values come from my Igbo heritage and my place of birth. Of course, none of this qualifies me to say what I am about to -- but at the same time it does.

My friends, despite what CNN and the rest are telling you, Barack Obama is nothing more than an old school African Colonial who is on his way to turning this country into one of the developing nations that you learn about on the National Geographic Channel. Many conservative (East, West, South, North) African-Americans like myself -- those of us who know our history -- have seen this movie before. Here are two main reasons why many Americans allowed Obama to slip through the cracks despite all of his glaring inconsistencies:

First, Obama has been living on American soil for most of his adult life. Therefore, he has been able to masquerade as one who understands and believes in American democratic ideals. But he does not. Barack Obama is intrinsically undemocratic and as his presidency plays out, this will become more obvious. Second, and most importantly, too many Americans know very little about Africa. The one-size-fits-all understanding that many Americans (both black and white) continue to have of Africa might end up bringing dire consequences for this country.

Contrary to the way it continues to be portrayed in mainstream Western culture, Africa is not a continent that can be solely defined by AIDS, ethnic rivalries, poverty and safaris. Africa, like any other continent, has an immense history defined by much diversity and complexity. Africa's long-standing relationship with Europe speaks especially to some of these complexities -- particularly the relationship that has existed between the two continents over the past two centuries. Europe's complete colonization of Africa during the nineteenth century, also known as the Scramble for Africa, produced many unfortunate consequences, the African colonial being one of them.

The African colonial (AC) is a person who by means of their birth or lineage has a direct connection with Africa. However, unlike Africans like me, their worldviews have been largely shaped not by the indigenous beliefs of a specific African tribe but by the ideals of the European imperialism that overwhelmed and dominated Africa during the colonial period. AC's have no real regard for their specific African traditions or histories. AC's use aspects of their African culture as one would use pieces of costume jewelry: things of little or no value that can be thoughtlessly discarded when they become a negative distraction, or used on a whim to decorate oneself in order to seem exotic. (Hint: Obama's Muslim heritage).

On the other hand, AC's strive to be the best at the culture that they inherited from Europe. Throughout the West, they are tops in their professions as lawyers, doctors, engineers, Ivy League professors and business moguls; this is all well and good. It's when they decide to engage us as politicians that things become messy and convoluted.

The African colonial politician (ACP) feigns repulsion towards the hegemonic paradigms of Western civilization. But at the same time, he is completely enamored of the trappings of its aristocracy or elite culture. The ACP blames and caricatures whitey to no end for all that has gone wrong in the world. He convinces the masses that various forms of African socialism are the best way for redressing the problems that European colonialism motivated in Africa. However, as opposed to really being a hard-core African Leftist who actually believes in something, the ACP uses socialist themes as a way to disguise his true ambitions: a complete power grab whereby the "will of the people" becomes completely irrelevant.

Barack Obama is all of the above. The only difference is that he is here playing (colonial) African politics as usual.

In his 1995 memoir, Dreams From My Father -- an eloquent piece of political propaganda -- Obama styles himself as a misunderstood intellectual who is deeply affected by the sufferings of black people, especially in America and Africa. In the book, Obama clearly sees himself as an African, not as a black American. And to prove this, he goes on a quest to understand his Kenyan roots. He is extremely thoughtful of his deceased father's legacy; this provides the main clue for understanding Barack Obama.

Barack Obama Sr. was an African colonial to the core; in his case, the apple did not fall far from the tree. All of the telltale signs of Obama's African colonialist attitudes are on full display in the book -- from his feigned antipathy towards Europeans to his view of African tribal associations as distracting elements that get in the way of "progress". (On p. 308 of Dreams From My Father, Obama says that African tribes should be viewed as an "ancient loyalties".)

Like imperialists of Old World Europe, the ACP sees their constituents not as free thinking individuals who best know how to go about achieving and creating their own means for success. Instead, the ACP sees his constituents as a flock of ignorant sheep that need to be led -- oftentimes to their own slaughter.

Like the European imperialist who spawned him, the ACP is a destroyer of all forms of democracy.

Here are a few examples of what the British did in order to create (in 1914) what is now called Nigeria and what Obama is doing to you:

America, don't be fooled. The Igbos were once made up of a confederacy of clans that ascribed to various forms of democratic government. They took their eyes off the ball and before they knew it, the British were upon them. Also, understand this: the African colonial who is given too much political power can only become one thing: a despot.

L.E. Ikenga can be reached at leikenga@gmail.com.

http://www.csmonitor.com/1992/0210/10111.html/(page)/2

Malcolm X, traveling without any administrative support, took up offers of help from the sympathetic expatriate community. When he wasn’t meeting with African heads of state, days were spent in conference with senior officials of the Al Azhar Islamic Center, who are authorities of Sunni Islam. It was here that Malcolm X sought official consent for his break-away movement and support for himself as a genuine minister of Islam.

It is apparent that there was distrust at first, that he was considered a “pseudo Islamic leader,” but in the end, Al Azhar Islamic Center supported his movement. One person quoted at the time said, “They saw the possibility of him bringing people to Sunni Islam.” Today, Al Azhar pragmatically describes Malcolm X as “an Islamic reformer.”

881 posted on 12/08/2012 6:07:03 PM PST by Fred Nerks (fair dinkum!)

Malcolm X in Cairo at the al-Azhar Mosque in 1964, Obama at the al-Azhar Mosque in 2009 where he made his first overseas speech.

882 posted on 12/08/2012 6:16:09 PM PST by Fred Nerks (fair dinkum!)

Taking the opportunity to post Obama's Cairo speech transcript & video. Hope you don't mind. AC is a fit home.
=========================

THE WHITE HOUSE

Office of the Press Secretary
(Cairo,Egypt)

________________________________________________
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE June 4, 2009

REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
ON A NEW BEGINNING

Cairo University
Cairo, Egypt

1:10 P.M. (Local)

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you very much. Good afternoon. I am honored to be in the timeless city of Cairo, and to be hosted by two remarkable institutions. For over a thousand years, Al-Azhar has stood as a beacon of Islamic learning; and for over a century, Cairo University has been a source of Egypt's advancement. And together, you represent the harmony between tradition and progress. I'm grateful for your hospitality, and the hospitality of the people of Egypt. And I'm also proud to carry with me the goodwill of the American people, and a greeting of peace from Muslim communities in my country: Assalaamu alaykum. (Applause.)

We meet at a time of great tension between the United States and Muslims around the world -- tension rooted in historical forces that go beyond any current policy debate. The relationship between Islam and the West includes centuries of coexistence and cooperation, but also conflict and religious wars. More recently, tension has been fed by colonialism that denied rights and opportunities to many Muslims, and a Cold War in which Muslim-majority countries were too often treated as proxies without regard to their own aspirations. Moreover, the sweeping change brought by modernity and globalization led many Muslims to view the West as hostile to the traditions of Islam.

Violent extremists have exploited these tensions in a small but potent minority of Muslims. The attacks of September 11, 2001 and the continued efforts of these extremists to engage in violence against civilians has led some in my country to view Islam as inevitably hostile not only to America and Western countries, but also to human rights. All this has bred more fear and more mistrust.

So long as our relationship is defined by our differences, we will empower those who sow hatred rather than peace, those who promote conflict rather than the cooperation that can help all of our people achieve justice and prosperity. And this cycle of suspicion and discord must end.

I've come here to Cairo to seek a new beginning between the United States and Muslims around the world, one based on mutual interest and mutual respect, and one based upon the truth that America and Islam are not exclusive and need not be in competition. Instead, they overlap, and share common principles -- principles of justice and progress; tolerance and the dignity of all human beings.

I do so recognizing that change cannot happen overnight. I know there's been a lot of publicity about this speech, but no single speech can eradicate years of mistrust, nor can I answer in the time that I have this afternoon all the complex questions that brought us to this point. But I am convinced that in order to move forward, we must say openly to each other the things we hold in our hearts and that too often are said only behind closed doors. There must be a sustained effort to listen to each other; to learn from each other; to respect one another; and to seek common ground. As the Holy Koran tells us, "Be conscious of God and speak always the truth." (Applause.) That is what I will try to do today -- to speak the truth as best I can, humbled by the task before us, and firm in my belief that the interests we share as human beings are far more powerful than the forces that drive us apart.

Now part of this conviction is rooted in my own experience. I'm a Christian, but my father came from a Kenyan family that includes generations of Muslims. As a boy, I spent several years in Indonesia and heard the call of the azaan at the break of dawn and at the fall of dusk. As a young man, I worked in Chicago communities where many found dignity and peace in their Muslim faith.

As a student of history, I also know civilization's debt to Islam. It was Islam -- at places like Al-Azhar -- that carried the light of learning through so many centuries, paving the way for Europe's Renaissance and Enlightenment. It was innovation in Muslim communities -- (applause) -- it was innovation in Muslim communities that developed the order of algebra; our magnetic compass and tools of navigation; our mastery of pens and printing; our understanding of how disease spreads and how it can be healed. Islamic culture has given us majestic arches and soaring spires; timeless poetry and cherished music; elegant calligraphy and places of peaceful contemplation. And throughout history, Islam has demonstrated through words and deeds the possibilities of religious tolerance and racial equality. (Applause.)

I also know that Islam has always been a part of America's story. The first nation to recognize my country was Morocco. In signing the Treaty of Tripoli in 1796, our second President, John Adams, wrote, "The United States has in itself no character of enmity against the laws, religion or tranquility of Muslims." And since our founding, American Muslims have enriched the United States. They have fought in our wars, they have served in our government, they have stood for civil rights, they have started businesses, they have taught at our universities, they've excelled in our sports arenas, they've won Nobel Prizes, built our tallest building, and lit the Olympic Torch. And when the first Muslim American was recently elected to Congress, he took the oath to defend our Constitution using the same Holy Koran that one of our Founding Fathers -- Thomas Jefferson -- kept in his personal library. (Applause.)

So I have known Islam on three continents before coming to the region where it was first revealed. That experience guides my conviction that partnership between America and Islam must be based on what Islam is, not what it isn't. And I consider it part of my responsibility as President of the United States to fight against negative stereotypes of Islam wherever they appear. (Applause.)

But that same principle must apply to Muslim perceptions of America. (Applause.) Just as Muslims do not fit a crude stereotype, America is not the crude stereotype of a self-interested empire. The United States has been one of the greatest sources of progress that the world has ever known. We were born out of revolution against an empire. We were founded upon the ideal that all are created equal, and we have shed blood and struggled for centuries to give meaning to those words -- within our borders, and around the world. We are shaped by every culture, drawn from every end of the Earth, and dedicated to a simple concept: E pluribus unum -- "Out of many, one."

Now, much has been made of the fact that an African American with the name Barack Hussein Obama could be elected President. (Applause.) But my personal story is not so unique. The dream of opportunity for all people has not come true for everyone in America, but its promise exists for all who come to our shores -- and that includes nearly 7 million American Muslims in our country today who, by the way, enjoy incomes and educational levels that are higher than the American average. (Applause.)

Moreover, freedom in America is indivisible from the freedom to practice one's religion. That is why there is a mosque in every state in our union, and over 1,200 mosques within our borders. That's why the United States government has gone to court to protect the right of women and girls to wear the hijab and to punish those who would deny it. (Applause.)

So let there be no doubt: Islam is a part of America. And I believe that America holds within her the truth that regardless of race, religion, or station in life, all of us share common aspirations -- to live in peace and security; to get an education and to work with dignity; to love our families, our communities, and our God. These things we share. This is the hope of all humanity.

Of course, recognizing our common humanity is only the beginning of our task. Words alone cannot meet the needs of our people. These needs will be met only if we act boldly in the years ahead; and if we understand that the challenges we face are shared, and our failure to meet them will hurt us all.

For we have learned from recent experience that when a financial system weakens in one country, prosperity is hurt everywhere. When a new flu infects one human being, all are at risk. When one nation pursues a nuclear weapon, the risk of nuclear attack rises for all nations. When violent extremists operate in one stretch of mountains, people are endangered across an ocean. When innocents in Bosnia and Darfur are slaughtered, that is a stain on our collective conscience. (Applause.) That is what it means to share this world in the 21st century. That is the responsibility we have to one another as human beings.

And this is a difficult responsibility to embrace. For human history has often been a record of nations and tribes -- and, yes, religions -- subjugating one another in pursuit of their own interests. Yet in this new age, such attitudes are self-defeating. Given our interdependence, any world order that elevates one nation or group of people over another will inevitably fail. So whatever we think of the past, we must not be prisoners to it. Our problems must be dealt with through partnership; our progress must be shared. (Applause.)

Now, that does not mean we should ignore sources of tension. Indeed, it suggests the opposite: We must face these tensions squarely. And so in that spirit, let me speak as clearly and as plainly as I can about some specific issues that I believe we must finally confront together.

The first issue that we have to confront is violent extremism in all of its forms.

In Ankara, I made clear that America is not -- and never will be -- at war with Islam. (Applause.) We will, however, relentlessly confront violent extremists who pose a grave threat to our security -- because we reject the same thing that people of all faiths reject: the killing of innocent men, women, and children. And it is my first duty as President to protect the American people.

The situation in Afghanistan demonstrates America's goals, and our need to work together. Over seven years ago, the United States pursued al Qaeda and the Taliban with broad international support. We did not go by choice; we went because of necessity. I'm aware that there's still some who would question or even justify the events of 9/11. But let us be clear: Al Qaeda killed nearly 3,000 people on that day. The victims were innocent men, women and children from America and many other nations who had done nothing to harm anybody. And yet al Qaeda chose to ruthlessly murder these people, claimed credit for the attack, and even now states their determination to kill on a massive scale. They have affiliates in many countries and are trying to expand their reach. These are not opinions to be debated; these are facts to be dealt with.

Now, make no mistake: We do not want to keep our troops in Afghanistan. We see no military -- we seek no military bases there. It is agonizing for America to lose our young men and women. It is costly and politically difficult to continue this conflict. We would gladly bring every single one of our troops home if we could be confident that there were not violent extremists in Afghanistan and now Pakistan determined to kill as many Americans as they possibly can. But that is not yet the case.

And that's why we're partnering with a coalition of 46 countries. And despite the costs involved, America's commitment will not weaken. Indeed, none of us should tolerate these extremists. They have killed in many countries. They have killed people of different faiths -- but more than any other, they have killed Muslims. Their actions are irreconcilable with the rights of human beings, the progress of nations, and with Islam. The Holy Koran teaches that whoever kills an innocent is as -- it is as if he has killed all mankind. (Applause.) And the Holy Koran also says whoever saves a person, it is as if he has saved all mankind. (Applause.) The enduring faith of over a billion people is so much bigger than the narrow hatred of a few. Islam is not part of the problem in combating violent extremism -- it is an important part of promoting peace.

Now, we also know that military power alone is not going to solve the problems in Afghanistan and Pakistan. That's why we plan to invest $1.5 billion each year over the next five years to partner with Pakistanis to build schools and hospitals, roads and businesses, and hundreds of millions to help those who've been displaced. That's why we are providing more than $2.8 billion to help Afghans develop their economy and deliver services that people depend on.

Let me also address the issue of Iraq. Unlike Afghanistan, Iraq was a war of choice that provoked strong differences in my country and around the world. Although I believe that the Iraqi people are ultimately better off without the tyranny of Saddam Hussein, I also believe that events in Iraq have reminded America of the need to use diplomacy and build international consensus to resolve our problems whenever possible. (Applause.) Indeed, we can recall the words of Thomas Jefferson, who said: "I hope that our wisdom will grow with our power, and teach us that the less we use our power the greater it will be."

Today, America has a dual responsibility: to help Iraq forge a better future -- and to leave Iraq to Iraqis. And I have made it clear to the Iraqi people -- (applause) -- I have made it clear to the Iraqi people that we pursue no bases, and no claim on their territory or resources. Iraq's sovereignty is its own. And that's why I ordered the removal of our combat brigades by next August. That is why we will honor our agreement with Iraq's democratically elected government to remove combat troops from Iraqi cities by July, and to remove all of our troops from Iraq by 2012. (Applause.) We will help Iraq train its security forces and develop its economy. But we will support a secure and united Iraq as a partner, and never as a patron.

And finally, just as America can never tolerate violence by extremists, we must never alter or forget our principles. Nine-eleven was an enormous trauma to our country. The fear and anger that it provoked was understandable, but in some cases, it led us to act contrary to our traditions and our ideals. We are taking concrete actions to change course. I have unequivocally prohibited the use of torture by the United States, and I have ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed by early next year. (Applause.)

So America will defend itself, respectful of the sovereignty of nations and the rule of law. And we will do so in partnership with Muslim communities which are also threatened. The sooner the extremists are isolated and unwelcome in Muslim communities, the sooner we will all be safer.

The second major source of tension that we need to discuss is the situation between Israelis, Palestinians and the Arab world.

America's strong bonds with Israel are well known. This bond is unbreakable. It is based upon cultural and historical ties, and the recognition that the aspiration for a Jewish homeland is rooted in a tragic history that cannot be denied.

Around the world, the Jewish people were persecuted for centuries, and anti-Semitism in Europe culminated in an unprecedented Holocaust. Tomorrow, I will visit Buchenwald, which was part of a network of camps where Jews were enslaved, tortured, shot and gassed to death by the Third Reich. Six million Jews were killed -- more than the entire Jewish population of Israel today. Denying that fact is baseless, it is ignorant, and it is hateful. Threatening Israel with destruction -- or repeating vile stereotypes about Jews -- is deeply wrong, and only serves to evoke in the minds of Israelis this most painful of memories while preventing the peace that the people of this region deserve.

On the other hand, it is also undeniable that the Palestinian people -- Muslims and Christians -- have suffered in pursuit of a homeland. For more than 60 years they've endured the pain of dislocation. Many wait in refugee camps in the West Bank, Gaza, and neighboring lands for a life of peace and security that they have never been able to lead. They endure the daily humiliations -- large and small -- that come with occupation. So let there be no doubt: The situation for the Palestinian people is intolerable. And America will not turn our backs on the legitimate Palestinian aspiration for dignity, opportunity, and a state of their own. (Applause.)

For decades then, there has been a stalemate: two peoples with legitimate aspirations, each with a painful history that makes compromise elusive. It's easy to point fingers -- for Palestinians to point to the displacement brought about by Israel's founding, and for Israelis to point to the constant hostility and attacks throughout its history from within its borders as well as beyond. But if we see this conflict only from one side or the other, then we will be blind to the truth: The only resolution is for the aspirations of both sides to be met through two states, where Israelis and Palestinians each live in peace and security. (Applause.)

That is in Israel's interest, Palestine's interest, America's interest, and the world's interest. And that is why I intend to personally pursue this outcome with all the patience and dedication that the task requires. (Applause.) The obligations -- the obligations that the parties have agreed to under the road map are clear. For peace to come, it is time for them -- and all of us -- to live up to our responsibilities.

Palestinians must abandon violence. Resistance through violence and killing is wrong and it does not succeed. For centuries, black people in America suffered the lash of the whip as slaves and the humiliation of segregation. But it was not violence that won full and equal rights. It was a peaceful and determined insistence upon the ideals at the center of America's founding. This same story can be told by people from South Africa to South Asia; from Eastern Europe to Indonesia. It's a story with a simple truth: that violence is a dead end. It is a sign neither of courage nor power to shoot rockets at sleeping children, or to blow up old women on a bus. That's not how moral authority is claimed; that's how it is surrendered.

Now is the time for Palestinians to focus on what they can build. The Palestinian Authority must develop its capacity to govern, with institutions that serve the needs of its people. Hamas does have support among some Palestinians, but they also have to recognize they have responsibilities. To play a role in fulfilling Palestinian aspirations, to unify the Palestinian people, Hamas must put an end to violence, recognize past agreements, recognize Israel's right to exist.

At the same time, Israelis must acknowledge that just as Israel's right to exist cannot be denied, neither can Palestine's. The United States does not accept the legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements. (Applause.) This construction violates previous agreements and undermines efforts to achieve peace. It is time for these settlements to stop. (Applause.)

And Israel must also live up to its obligation to ensure that Palestinians can live and work and develop their society. Just as it devastates Palestinian families, the continuing humanitarian crisis in Gaza does not serve Israel's security; neither does the continuing lack of opportunity in the West Bank. Progress in the daily lives of the Palestinian people must be a critical part of a road to peace, and Israel must take concrete steps to enable such progress.

And finally, the Arab states must recognize that the Arab Peace Initiative was an important beginning, but not the end of their responsibilities. The Arab-Israeli conflict should no longer be used to distract the people of Arab nations from other problems. Instead, it must be a cause for action to help the Palestinian people develop the institutions that will sustain their state, to recognize Israel's legitimacy, and to choose progress over a self-defeating focus on the past.

America will align our policies with those who pursue peace, and we will say in public what we say in private to Israelis and Palestinians and Arabs. (Applause.) We cannot impose peace. But privately, many Muslims recognize that Israel will not go away. Likewise, many Israelis recognize the need for a Palestinian state. It is time for us to act on what everyone knows to be true.

Too many tears have been shed. Too much blood has been shed. All of us have a responsibility to work for the day when the mothers of Israelis and Palestinians can see their children grow up without fear; when the Holy Land of the three great faiths is the place of peace that God intended it to be; when Jerusalem is a secure and lasting home for Jews and Christians and Muslims, and a place for all of the children of Abraham to mingle peacefully together as in the story of Isra -- (applause) -- as in the story of Isra, when Moses, Jesus, and Mohammed, peace be upon them, joined in prayer. (Applause.)

The third source of tension is our shared interest in the rights and responsibilities of nations on nuclear weapons.

This issue has been a source of tension between the United States and the Islamic Republic of Iran. For many years, Iran has defined itself in part by its opposition to my country, and there is in fact a tumultuous history between us. In the middle of the Cold War, the United States played a role in the overthrow of a democratically elected Iranian government. Since the Islamic Revolution, Iran has played a role in acts of hostage-taking and violence against U.S. troops and civilians. This history is well known. Rather than remain trapped in the past, I've made it clear to Iran's leaders and people that my country is prepared to move forward. The question now is not what Iran is against, but rather what future it wants to build.

I recognize it will be hard to overcome decades of mistrust, but we will proceed with courage, rectitude, and resolve. There will be many issues to discuss between our two countries, and we are willing to move forward without preconditions on the basis of mutual respect. But it is clear to all concerned that when it comes to nuclear weapons, we have reached a decisive point. This is not simply about America's interests. It's about preventing a nuclear arms race in the Middle East that could lead this region and the world down a hugely dangerous path.

I understand those who protest that some countries have weapons that others do not. No single nation should pick and choose which nation holds nuclear weapons. And that's why I strongly reaffirmed America's commitment to seek a world in which no nations hold nuclear weapons. (Applause.) And any nation -- including Iran -- should have the right to access peaceful nuclear power if it complies with its responsibilities under the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. That commitment is at the core of the treaty, and it must be kept for all who fully abide by it. And I'm hopeful that all countries in the region can share in this goal.

The fourth issue that I will address is democracy. (Applause.)

I know -- I know there has been controversy about the promotion of democracy in recent years, and much of this controversy is connected to the war in Iraq. So let me be clear: No system of government can or should be imposed by one nation by any other.

That does not lessen my commitment, however, to governments that reflect the will of the people. Each nation gives life to this principle in its own way, grounded in the traditions of its own people. America does not presume to know what is best for everyone, just as we would not presume to pick the outcome of a peaceful election. But I do have an unyielding belief that all people yearn for certain things: the ability to speak your mind and have a say in how you are governed; confidence in the rule of law and the equal administration of justice; government that is transparent and doesn't steal from the people; the freedom to live as you choose. These are not just American ideas; they are human rights. And that is why we will support them everywhere. (Applause.)

Now, there is no straight line to realize this promise. But this much is clear: Governments that protect these rights are ultimately more stable, successful and secure. Suppressing ideas never succeeds in making them go away. America respects the right of all peaceful and law-abiding voices to be heard around the world, even if we disagree with them. And we will welcome all elected, peaceful governments -- provided they govern with respect for all their people.

This last point is important because there are some who advocate for democracy only when they're out of power; once in power, they are ruthless in suppressing the rights of others. (Applause.) So no matter where it takes hold, government of the people and by the people sets a single standard for all who would hold power: You must maintain your power through consent, not coercion; you must respect the rights of minorities, and participate with a spirit of tolerance and compromise; you must place the interests of your people and the legitimate workings of the political process above your party. Without these ingredients, elections alone do not make true democracy.

AUDIENCE MEMBER: Barack Obama, we love you!

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you. (Applause.) The fifth issue that we must address together is religious freedom.

Islam has a proud tradition of tolerance. We see it in the history of Andalusia and Cordoba during the Inquisition. I saw it firsthand as a child in Indonesia, where devout Christians worshiped freely in an overwhelmingly Muslim country. That is the spirit we need today. People in every country should be free to choose and live their faith based upon the persuasion of the mind and the heart and the soul. This tolerance is essential for religion to thrive, but it's being challenged in many different ways.

Among some Muslims, there's a disturbing tendency to measure one's own faith by the rejection of somebody else's faith. The richness of religious diversity must be upheld -- whether it is for Maronites in Lebanon or the Copts in Egypt. (Applause.) And if we are being honest, fault lines must be closed among Muslims, as well, as the divisions between Sunni and Shia have led to tragic violence, particularly in Iraq.

Freedom of religion is central to the ability of peoples to live together. We must always examine the ways in which we protect it. For instance, in the United States, rules on charitable giving have made it harder for Muslims to fulfill their religious obligation. That's why I'm committed to working with American Muslims to ensure that they can fulfill zakat.

Likewise, it is important for Western countries to avoid impeding Muslim citizens from practicing religion as they see fit -- for instance, by dictating what clothes a Muslim woman should wear. We can't disguise hostility towards any religion behind the pretence of liberalism.

In fact, faith should bring us together. And that's why we're forging service projects in America to bring together Christians, Muslims, and Jews. That's why we welcome efforts like Saudi Arabian King Abdullah's interfaith dialogue and Turkey's leadership in the Alliance of Civilizations. Around the world, we can turn dialogue into interfaith service, so bridges between peoples lead to action -- whether it is combating malaria in Africa, or providing relief after a natural disaster.

The sixth issue -- the sixth issue that I want to address is women's rights. (Applause.) I know –- I know -- and you can tell from this audience, that there is a healthy debate about this issue. I reject the view of some in the West that a woman who chooses to cover her hair is somehow less equal, but I do believe that a woman who is denied an education is denied equality. (Applause.) And it is no coincidence that countries where women are well educated are far more likely to be prosperous.

Now, let me be clear: Issues of women's equality are by no means simply an issue for Islam. In Turkey, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Indonesia, we've seen Muslim-majority countries elect a woman to lead. Meanwhile, the struggle for women's equality continues in many aspects of American life, and in countries around the world.

I am convinced that our daughters can contribute just as much to society as our sons. (Applause.) Our common prosperity will be advanced by allowing all humanity -- men and women -- to reach their full potential. I do not believe that women must make the same choices as men in order to be equal, and I respect those women who choose to live their lives in traditional roles. But it should be their choice. And that is why the United States will partner with any Muslim-majority country to support expanded literacy for girls, and to help young women pursue employment through micro-financing that helps people live their dreams. (Applause.)

Finally, I want to discuss economic development and opportunity.

I know that for many, the face of globalization is contradictory. The Internet and television can bring knowledge and information, but also offensive sexuality and mindless violence into the home. Trade can bring new wealth and opportunities, but also huge disruptions and change in communities. In all nations -- including America -- this change can bring fear. Fear that because of modernity we lose control over our economic choices, our politics, and most importantly our identities -- those things we most cherish about our communities, our families, our traditions, and our faith.

But I also know that human progress cannot be denied. There need not be contradictions between development and tradition. Countries like Japan and South Korea grew their economies enormously while maintaining distinct cultures. The same is true for the astonishing progress within Muslim-majority countries from Kuala Lumpur to Dubai. In ancient times and in our times, Muslim communities have been at the forefront of innovation and education.

And this is important because no development strategy can be based only upon what comes out of the ground, nor can it be sustained while young people are out of work. Many Gulf states have enjoyed great wealth as a consequence of oil, and some are beginning to focus it on broader development. But all of us must recognize that education and innovation will be the currency of the 21st century -- (applause) -- and in too many Muslim communities, there remains underinvestment in these areas. I'm emphasizing such investment within my own country. And while America in the past has focused on oil and gas when it comes to this part of the world, we now seek a broader engagement.

On education, we will expand exchange programs, and increase scholarships, like the one that brought my father to America. (Applause.) At the same time, we will encourage more Americans to study in Muslim communities. And we will match promising Muslim students with internships in America; invest in online learning for teachers and children around the world; and create a new online network, so a young person in Kansas can communicate instantly with a young person in Cairo.

On economic development, we will create a new corps of business volunteers to partner with counterparts in Muslim-majority countries. And I will host a Summit on Entrepreneurship this year to identify how we can deepen ties between business leaders, foundations and social entrepreneurs in the United States and Muslim communities around the world.

On science and technology, we will launch a new fund to support technological development in Muslim-majority countries, and to help transfer ideas to the marketplace so they can create more jobs. We'll open centers of scientific excellence in Africa, the Middle East and Southeast Asia, and appoint new science envoys to collaborate on programs that develop new sources of energy, create green jobs, digitize records, clean water, grow new crops. Today I'm announcing a new global effort with the Organization of the Islamic Conference to eradicate polio. And we will also expand partnerships with Muslim communities to promote child and maternal health.

All these things must be done in partnership. Americans are ready to join with citizens and governments; community organizations, religious leaders, and businesses in Muslim communities around the world to help our people pursue a better life.

The issues that I have described will not be easy to address. But we have a responsibility to join together on behalf of the world that we seek -- a world where extremists no longer threaten our people, and American troops have come home; a world where Israelis and Palestinians are each secure in a state of their own, and nuclear energy is used for peaceful purposes; a world where governments serve their citizens, and the rights of all God's children are respected. Those are mutual interests. That is the world we seek. But we can only achieve it together.

I know there are many -- Muslim and non-Muslim -- who question whether we can forge this new beginning. Some are eager to stoke the flames of division, and to stand in the way of progress. Some suggest that it isn't worth the effort -- that we are fated to disagree, and civilizations are doomed to clash. Many more are simply skeptical that real change can occur. There's so much fear, so much mistrust that has built up over the years. But if we choose to be bound by the past, we will never move forward. And I want to particularly say this to young people of every faith, in every country -- you, more than anyone, have the ability to reimagine the world, to remake this world.

All of us share this world for but a brief moment in time. The question is whether we spend that time focused on what pushes us apart, or whether we commit ourselves to an effort -- a sustained effort -- to find common ground, to focus on the future we seek for our children, and to respect the dignity of all human beings.

It's easier to start wars than to end them. It's easier to blame others than to look inward. It's easier to see what is different about someone than to find the things we share. But we should choose the right path, not just the easy path. There's one rule that lies at the heart of every religion -- that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us. (Applause.) This truth transcends nations and peoples -- a belief that isn't new; that isn't black or white or brown; that isn't Christian or Muslim or Jew. It's a belief that pulsed in the cradle of civilization, and that still beats in the hearts of billions around the world. It's a faith in other people, and it's what brought me here today.

We have the power to make the world we seek, but only if we have the courage to make a new beginning, keeping in mind what has been written.

The Holy Koran tells us: "O mankind! We have created you male and a female; and we have made you into nations and tribes so that you may know one another."

The Talmud tells us: "The whole of the Torah is for the purpose of promoting peace."

The Holy Bible tells us: "Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be called sons of God." (Applause.)

The people of the world can live together in peace. We know that is God's vision. Now that must be our work here on Earth.

Thank you. And may God's peace be upon you. Thank you very much. Thank you. (Applause.)

END
2:05 P.M. (Local)

###

Watch the Video

883 posted on 12/09/2012 5:52:43 PM PST by thouworm (.)

To: thouworm; Brown Deer; PhilDragoo

Thanks for posting that, I often thought about how that speech flies in the face of what we know about islam:

...As a student of history, I also know civilization's debt to Islam. It was Islam -- at places like Al-Azhar -- that carried the light of learning through so many centuries, paving the way for Europe's Renaissance and Enlightenment. It was innovation in Muslim communities -- (applause) -- it was innovation in Muslim communities that developed the order of algebra; our magnetic compass and tools of navigation; our mastery of pens and printing; our understanding of how disease spreads and how it can be healed. Islamic culture has given us majestic arches and soaring spires; timeless poetry and cherished music; elegant calligraphy and places of peaceful contemplation. And throughout history, Islam has demonstrated through words and deeds the possibilities of religious tolerance and racial equality. (Applause.)

HISTORYOF THE ARABS, by Philip K Hitti

WIKI: Hitti was educated at an American Presbyterian mission school at Suq al-Gharb and at the American University of Beirut. After graduating in 1908 he taught at the American University of Beirut before moving to Columbia University where he taught Semitic languages and got his PhD in 1915. After World War I he returned to American University of Beirut and taught there until 1926. In February 1926 he was offered a Chair at Princeton University which he held until he retired in 1954. He was both Professor of Semitic Literature and Chairman of the Department of Oriental Languages. After formal retirement he accepted a position at Harvard. He also taught in the summer schools at the University of Utah and George Washington University in Washington, D.C. He subsequently held a research position at the University of Minnesota. Philip Hitti almost single handedly created the discipline of Arabic Studies in the United States...

----------------

Hitti claims for the arabs every innovation and science known to man. The book was the most nauseating reading experience of my life. Obama didn't study history, he quoted Philip Hitti.

Again, all roads lead to The American University of Beirut.

884 posted on 12/09/2012 6:46:56 PM PST by Fred Nerks (fair dinkum!)

http://www.malcolmxbio.com/node/20

“...Malcolm encouraged Muhammad to move the sect towards greater synchronization with orthodox Islam. Malcolm advised that the leader study Arabic before going to Egypt and planned to return in six months. Perhaps due to Malcolm’s advice, or to his own experiences in the Middle East in early 1960, Muhammad did in fact move the NOI in this direction: “temples” were renamed “mosques,” Arabic instruction was instituted, and his son Akbar was sent to study at Al-Azhar University...”

http://www.danielpipes.org/comments/196115

“...The vast majority of people have no idea how ultra-Orthodox Malcolm became during the last six months of his life. He studied the Koran and Hadiths for sometimes 12 to 15 hours a day. He was wrapped and buried exactly according to Islamic tradition. He knew that he was marked for assassination, so he drew up a plan to be carried out after he died.

In Saudi Arabia, Shabazz/Malcolm X’s studies were supervised by Shaykh Muhammad Sarur As-Sabban, the Secretary-General of theMuslim World League . During this period of time, The University of Medina offered Shabazz 15 scholarships for young African Americans, to go along with those offered by Al-Azhar. Thus it is evident that those detractors who think that Malik Shabazz had no formal Islamic training according to the Sunna are clearly mistaken. In fact, his intensive training occupied five of the last eleven months of his life...”

http://www.csmonitor.com/1992/0210/10111.html/(page)/2

885 posted on 12/09/2012 7:19:54 PM PST by Fred Nerks (fair dinkum!)

http://www.oopau.org/2.html

On July 17, 1964 Malcolm X, acting in his capacity as “observer”, distributed this memorandum to delegates of the Organization of African Unity meeting in Cairo, Egypt. A clear indication of his growing “internationalism”, it represents his most powerful formulation about the struggle being over “human rights” rather than “civil rights” also it represents Malcolm’s awareness of the fact that we needed a international voice. I believe if Malcolm had lived longer, we would have membership in the African Union today. So what has changed? We need a voice and say in the African Union today. The Organization of Pan African Unity will submit a petition to join into the African Union, so our voices will be heard. So members of the African Union we give you a message that was delivered to you in 1963 and we hope that it will make a difference, so that African American’s can have representation into the African Union.

Speech to the OAU
The Organization of Afro-American Unity has sent me to attend this historic African Summit Conference as an observer to represent the interests of 22 million African-Americans whose human rights are being violated daily by the racism of American imperialists.

The Organization of Afro-American Unity has been formed by a cross section of America’s African-American community, and is patterned after the letter and spirit of the Organization of African Unity.

Just as the Organization of African Unity has called upon all African leaders to submerge their differences and unite on common objectives for the common good of all Africans, in America the Organization of Afro-American Unity has called upon Afro-American leaders to submerge their differences and find areas of agreement wherein we can work in unity for the good of the entire 22 million African Americans.

Since the 22 million of us were originally Africans, who are now in America, not by choice but only by a cruel accident in our history, we strongly believe that African problems are our problems and our problems are African problems.

We also believe that as heads of the independent African states you are the shepherds of all African peoples everywhere, whether they are still at home here on the mother continent or have been scattered abroad.

Some African leaders at this conference have implied that they have enough problems here on the mother continent without adding the Afro-American problem.

With all due respect to your esteemed positions, I must remind all of you that the Good Shepherd will leave ninety-nine sheep who are safe at home to go to the aid of the one who is lost and has fallen into the clutches of the imperialist wolf.

We in America are your long-lost brothers and sisters, and I am here only to remind you that our problems are your problems. As the African-Americans “awaken” today, we find ourselves in a strange land that has rejected us, and, like the prodigal son, we are turning to our elder brothers for help. We pray our pleas will not fall upon deaf ears.

We were taken forcibly in chains from this mother continent and have now spent over three hundred years in America, suffering the most inhuman forms of physical and psychological tortures imaginable.

During the past ten years the entire world has witnessed our men, women, and children being attacked and bitten by vicious police dogs, brutally beaten by police clubs, and washed down the sewers by high-pressure water hoses that would rip the clothes from our bodies and the flesh from our limbs.

And all of these inhuman atrocities have been inflicted upon us by the American governmental authorities, the police themselves, for no reason other than that we seek the recognition and respect granted other human beings in America.

The American Government is either unable or unwilling to protect the lives and property of your 22 million African-American brothers and sisters. We stand defenseless, at the mercy of American racists who murder us at will for no reason other than we are black and of African descent.

Last week an unarmed African-American educator was murdered in cold blood in Georgia; a few days before that three civil rights workers disappeared completely, perhaps murdered also, only because they were teaching our people in Mississippi how to vote and how to secure their political rights.

Our problems are your problems. We have lived for over three hundred years in that American den of racist wolves in constant fear of losing life and limb. Recently, three students from Kenya were mistaken for American Negroes and were brutally beaten by the New York police. Shortly after that two diplomats from Uganda were also beaten by the New York City police, who mistook them for American Negroes.

If Africans are brutally beaten while only visiting in America, imagine the physical and psychological suffering received by your brothers and sisters who have lived there for over three hundred years.

Our problem is your problem. No matter how much independence Africans get here on the mother continent, unless you wear your national dress at all time when you visit America, you may be mistaken for one of us and suffer the same psychological and physical mutilation that is an everyday occurrence in our lives.

Your problems will never be fully solved until and unless ours are solved. You will never be fully respected until and unless we are also respected. You will never be recognized as free human beings until and unless we are also recognized and treated as human beings.

Our problem is your problem. It is not a Negro problem, nor an American problem. This is a world problem, a problem for humanity. It is not a problem of civil rights, it is a problem of human rights.

We pray that our African brothers have not freed themselves of European colonialism only to be overcome and held in check now by American dollarism. Don’t let American racism be “legalized” by American dollarism.

America is worse than South Africa, because not only is America racist, but she is also deceitful and hypocritical. South Africa preaches segregation and practices segregation. She, at least, practices what she preaches. America preaches integration and practices segregation. She preaches one thing while deceitfully practicing another.

South Africa is like a vicious wolf, openly hostile toward black humanity. But America is cunning like a fox, friendly and smiling, but even more vicious and deadly than the wolf.

The wolf and the fox are both enemies of humanity, both are canine, both humiliate and mutilate their victims. Both have the same objectives, but differ only in methods.

If South Africa is guilty of violating the human rights of Africans here on the mother continent, then America is guilty of worse violations of the 22 million Africans on the American continent. And if South African racism is not a domestic issue, then American racism also is not a domestic issue.

We beseech independent African states to help us bring our problem before the United Nations, on the grounds that the United States Government is morally incapable of protecting the lives and the property of 22 million African-Americans. And on the grounds that our deteriorating plight is definitely becoming a threat to world peace.

Out of frustration and hopelessness our young people have reached the point of no return. We no longer endorse patience and turning the other cheek. We assert the right of self-defense by whatever means necessary, and reserve the right of maximum retaliation against our racist oppressors, no matter what the odds against us are.

We are well aware that our future efforts to defend ourselves by retaliating- by meeting violence with violence, eye for eye and tooth for tooth-could create the type of racial conflict in America that could easily escalate into a violent, worldwide, bloody race war.

In the interests of world peace and security, we beseech the heads of the independent African states to recommend an immediate investigation into our problem by the United Nations Commission on Human Rights.

One last word, my beloved brothers at this African Summit: “No one knows the master better than his servant.” We have been servants in America for over three hundred years. We have a thorough inside knowledge of this man who calls himself “Uncle Sam.” Therefore, you must heed our warning. Don’t escape from European colonialism only to become even more enslaved by deceitful,”friendly” American dollarism.

May Allah’s blessings of good health and wisdom be upon you all.

886 posted on 12/27/2012 5:45:30 PM PST by Fred Nerks (FAIR DINKUM!)

To: HiTech RedNeck

Republican implosion is the only thing that made this wretch of a “president” possible.

You ignore the deterioration and free-loaders in today's society.

A lot over a period of years has brought us to where we are as a society that would vote for an Obama, and blaming it on "Republican implosion" is shallow, narrow-minded, ignorant, stupid thinking!

887 posted on 12/27/2012 6:06:52 PM PST by lonestar (It takes a village of idiots to elect a village idiot.)

In Kenya, Half Brother To Obama [Malik Obama] Runs For Governor

Monday is Kenya's first nationwide election since the 2007 vote devolved into massive tribal violence that killed more than 1,000 people and displaced 600,000 from their homes.

The 54-year-old Malik Obama hopes to become the first governor of Kenya's western county of Siaya.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

Unless I missed a headline, this election [on Monday, March 4] is just becoming "news."

888 posted on 03/01/2013 3:46:24 PM PST by thouworm (DEMOGOGUE: leader who makes use of prejudices, false claims and promises to gain power.)

Saw that, was so disgusted, I ignored it. Just more islam into Kenya, until there's no Kenya left:

He's just going back to his Yemeni Arab roots.

889 posted on 03/01/2013 5:34:56 PM PST by Fred Nerks (FAIR DINKUM!)

890 posted on 03/01/2013 6:26:06 PM PST by Fred Nerks (FAIR DINKUM!)

891 posted on 03/02/2013 4:22:18 PM PST by Fred Nerks (FAIR DINKUM!)

Love that Arab Warrior look. They used to collect slaves for the Arabs, and now they are little Islamofascist Cowboys playing cops and robbers?

I’d love to get a few of these Wazabis in my sights.

And to think that we have a president who kisses the ring of the Saudfi King and keeps oil prices in the West high for him. Yech!

The rot surely continues.

892 posted on 03/02/2013 8:03:23 PM PST by Candor7 (Obama fascism article:(http://www.americanthinker.com/2009/05/barack_obama_the_quintessentia_1.html))

Jun 27, 2011
By Eljeer Hawkins, Harlem, New York

Book Review
Malcolm X: A Life of Reinvention
By Manning Marable

May 19 marked the 86th birthday of Malcolm X; it has been 46 years since his public assassination. In the hearts and minds of workers particularly black workers, the poor, and youth across the world, Malcolm X remains an icon of revolutionary spirit and commitment to justice, freedom, and liberty for the most oppressed people in the world. Malcolm exposed the racism, white supremacy, and its tragic effects on people of African descent throughout the United States and Diaspora.

On April 1, 2011, three days before the release of Malcolm X: A Life of Reinvention, its author, Dr. Manning Marable, succumbed to complications of pneumonia. Marable, a noted scholar of the African-American experience in the U.S. was an activist, editor and author of 20 books, which included the 1983 trailblazing polemic How Capitalism Underdeveloped Black America.

In writing the biography, Marable intended to highlight the missing three chapters from Alex Haley‘s The Autobiography of Malcolm X. Those chapters are in the hands of Detroit lawyer Gregory Reed, who owns the recently-discovered papers of W.D. Fard, originator of the Lost-Found Nation of Islam. A key task of the new book is to launch a campaign to investigate the wider conspiracy to assassinate Malcolm X and bring to justice one of the assailants who fired the “kill shot” ending the life of Malcolm on February 21, 1965 at the Audubon Ballroom in Harlem.

“Although in 1966 three NOI members were convicted of the murder, extensive evidence suggests that two of these men were completely innocent of the crime, that both the FBI and the NYPD had advance knowledge of it, and that the New York County District Attorney’s office may have cared more about protecting the identities of undercover police officers and informants than arresting the real killers,” (p. 13).

Marable aims to show Malcolm’s struggle to overcome his human flaws and become one of the most important and revered leaders of the black freedom movement in the 20th century. In the build-up to the release of the biography - some 10 years in the making - new detailed information was supposed to be revealed. Marable has been dismissive of works published in the late ‘80s and ‘90s on Malcolm X’s life and using the rescued collection of Malcolm X’s diaries, photos, letters, speeches and other material (now archived at the Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture) to “reconstruct the full contours of his remarkable life.”

The Black Experience in the United States
In the early chapters of the book, Marable delves into Malcolm’s early childhood, the conditions African-Americans faced in early 20th century, the rise of the Ku Klux Klan and the growth of U.S. capitalism and white supremacy. He deals with the rise of Jamaican-born publisher and journalist, Marcus Garvey and his Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA) movement (Malcolm’s parents, Earl and Louise Little, were members) and the development of socialist, communist, trade unionism, culture, art and radical politics in the wider society and the black community in urban centers like Harlem, New York. In the Harlem community “Negro and white canvassers sidled up alongside you, talking fast as they tried to get you to buy a copy of the Daily Worker (Communist Party USA newspaper): ‘This paper’s trying to keep your rent controlled…Make that greedy landlord kill them rats in your apartment…Who do you think fought the hardest to help free those Scottsboro boys?” (p. 52).

The development of Islam in the U.S. dates back to the Atlantic slave trade and Marable examines the growth of Islam during slavery, the rise of black nationalism in the mid-1800’s, the teachings of Edward Wilmot Blyden, the father of Pan-Africanism, as well as black urban Islamist sects like the Noble Drew Ali’s Moorish Science Temple of America. With the decline of the Garvey movement, which was the largest black led movement in the early 20th century comprised of cultural nationalism and black capitalism, many former Garveyites became attracted to the Lost-Found Nation of Islam (NOI) under the leadership of W.D. Fard and eventually, Elijah Poole, who would later become Elijah Muhammad.

The Nation of Islam spoke out against the hypocrisy of American democracy, capitalism, white supremacy, and the horrid conditions faced by black people since slavery. Drawing their membership from the urban black working class, poor, prison population and the semi-employed, NOI preached and practiced a combination of cultural Black Nationalism and pro-capitalist ideals. NOI was a top-down leadership, including a paramilitary wing. Theologically, NOI preached that black people are the “chosen people” to be delivered from the evil of white-supremacy. It was a distinct form of black American Islam that was not recognized by mainstream Sunni Islam in the Middle East. The NOI would even conduct secret negotiations with George Lincoln Rockwell’s American Nazi party and invite George Lincoln Rockwell to speak from its platform. Marable writes: “both groups, after all, dreamed of a segregated world in which interracial marriages were outlawed and the races dwelled in separate states,” (p. 199).

Marable covers Malcolm’s political association with organizations and activists like the Revolutionary Action Movement, Fannie Lou Hamer, and the Socialist Workers Party before and after his split from the NOI. Also, Malcolm X: A Life of Reinvention shows Malcolm’s connection to leaders of the anti-colonial movement like Julius Nyerere of Tanzania and Nasser of Egypt, his meeting with Fidel Castro in Harlem in 1960 and a possible meeting with Che Guevara in late 1964. All of this expanded his popularity and broadened his international understanding. Malcolm would frequently use in his political speeches to stress the importance of the 1955 Bandung Conference of the non-aligned countries of the former colonial world that were not linked to U.S./Western imperialism or the Stalinist Soviet Union.

New Material
Marable’s new and groundbreaking material is in the chronological details of Malcolm’s 25 weeks away from the United States during his hajj to Mecca. Malcolm’s trips throughout the Middle East and Africa had a huge effect on his thinking on Islam and the colonial revolution as he and the Muslim Mosque, Inc. attempted to gain legitimacy in the mainstream Muslim world. Malcolm believed spirituality Islam could play a role in the liberation struggle against racism and white supremacy. Malcolm states, “Our success in America will involve two circles, black nationalism and Islam…And Islam will link us spiritually to Africa, Arabia and Asia,” (p. 311-312).

Malcolm attempted to forge links with newly-independent African nations like Ghana. Despite the gains from the transfer of power in 1957 from England, by the mid-60’s there were political criticisms against Nkrumah and the ruling Convention People’s Party, for a lack of democracy and the rise of a cult of personality. As Marable points out, Malcolm surely heard the criticisms from the African-American expatriates but might have turned a blind eye to it. Malcolm may have also endorsed the authoritarian measures by the government. Malcolm’s trips to Africa sought to gain support for his repeated calls for the United Nations to condemn U.S. human rights violations,and were important steps to internationalize the black freedom movement in the U.S.

Marable brings out the challenges facing Malcolm, navigating the difficult geo-political dilemmas facing former colonialized countries like Ghana, Nigeria, and Tanzania in a polarized world dominated by imperialism and Stalinism and experimenting with hybrid “African socialist/capitalist” models. William Sales, author of From Civil Rights to Black Liberation: Malcolm X and the Organization of Afro-American Unity states, “The various African socialisms and the systems established on that basis in Africa have been criticized by African Marxists as veiled apologies for the consolidation of various forms of dependency and dependent capitalism. In some of these countries, the Communist Party was either outlawed or its members harassed by the government as was the case in Egypt under Nasser…” (p. 86).

Malcolm’s political and religious relationship with Nasser’s Egypt, the Muslim Brotherhood, the Saudi royal family and his denunciation of Israeli Zionism would pose serious questions for Malcolm‘s international work. Marable explains, “This calculated view reflected the broader balancing act he (Malcolm X) performed throughout his time in the Middle East. Egypt’s secular government stood forcefully at odds with religious groups like the Muslim Brotherhood, which had been implicated in a 1954 plot to kill Nasser and subsequently banned…Malcolm, indebted to both sides, could not afford to take positions that might offend either. During his stay in Cairo, his Islamic studies were directed by Sheikh Muhammad Surur al-Sabban, the secretary-general of the Muslim World League. This group was financed by the Saudi government and it reflected conservative political views, so Malcolm had to exercise considerable tact and political discretion.” (p. 368)

One of the great questions about Malcolm’s political development has to do with his statements on socialism and capitalism. As Marable and Sales point out, despite Malcolm’s anti-capitalist statements and favorable socialist remarks on the platform of the Socialist Workers Party’s Militant Labor forums and socialism practiced in the so-called third world, Malcolm was not a socialist. At the time of his assassination, Malcolm was clearly moving in a new political direction which could have led him to socialist conclusions or deepening his revolutionary nationalist ideas. Malcolm didn’t have access to genuine Marxism at home or abroad. Professor Sales states, “Those who noted Malcolm’s turn toward socialism, like George Breitman and Michael Williams, consistently failed to make a distinction between the Marxist-Leninist tradition of “scientific” socialism and the socialist thought of Malcolm X. There is no information available that demonstrates that Malcolm X seriously studied Marxism-Leninism,” (p. 86).

Marable documents an interview Malcolm had with NY Times reporter M.S. Handler, exposing Malcolm’s ambiguity to socialist ideas.

“I am not anti-American, un-American, seditious nor subversive. I don’t buy the anti-capitalist propaganda of the communist, nor do I buy the anti-communist propaganda of capitalists…I‘m for whoever and whatever benefits humanity (human beings) as a whole whether they are capitalist, communists or socialist, all have assets as well as liabilities…” (p. 369).

The material dealing with the assassination plot in Marable’s biography have been covered extensively in Karl Evanzz’s book The Judas Factor: the Plot to Kill Malcolm X published in 1992, and Zak Kondo, author of Conspiracy: Unraveling the Assassination of Malcolm X, published in 1993.

From his release from prison in 1952 to his public assassination, Malcolm’s actions were monitored by the state authorities. The plot to kill Malcolm X flowed from the governmental opposition under the auspices of the Counter Intelligence Program (Cointelpro), which sought to prevent the development of a unified radical movement with leadership. Cointelpro used disruptive methods such as sending falsified letters to organizations and leaders that would lead to bloodshed in the black community. Cointelpro, developed under the leadership of FBI Director, J.Edgar Hoover, was a continuation of the Palmer raids of the early 1900s and the McCarthy witch-hunts of the late 40s and early 50s to neutralize the movements of resistance against U.S. big business at home and abroad.

The NOI and Malcolm’s Organization of Afro-American Unity (OAAU) and Muslim Mosque, Inc. (MMI) was thoroughly infiltrated by the FBI and New York City police department (BOSS unit) respectively. Marable points out, “The NYPD’s narrative about Malcolm’s murder was simple. The slaying was the culmination of an almost yearlong feud between two black hate groups. The NYPD had two priorities in conducting its investigation: first, to protect the identities of its undercover police officers and informants, like Gene Roberts; and second, to make successful cases against NOI members with histories of violence. Its hasty and haphazard treatment of forensic evidence at the crime scene suggested that it had little interest in solving the actual homicide,” (p. 451).

Marable highlights the five assailants are from the NOI Newark, New Jersey mosque. The three men convicted of killing Malcolm; Norman 3X Butler, Thomas 15X Johnson, and Talmadge Hayer convicted of first degree murder in 1966, were sentenced to life. Both Butler and Johnson fought for their innocence in the conspiracy to kill Malcolm. Talmadge Hayer was paroled in April 2010 with great protest from activists. Marable makes the claim, the “killshot” assailant Willie Bradley is still alive, living in New Jersey and was never brought to justice.

Malcolm’s internationalism and revolutionary message was a powerful challenge to the American empire at home and abroad. The conspiracy to kill Malcolm X was a collective effort by elements in the NOI, FBI and CIA, that is still unresolved today.

Marable deals with the controversial aspects of Malcolm’s life like his hustling days as Detroit Red and his homosexual relationship with a rich white man named Paul Lennon. (This topic was covered by Bruce Perry in his Malcolm X: The Life of a Man Who Changed Black America, published in 1991.) The stormy, strained relationship and possible extramarital affairs of both Malcolm X and Betty Shabazz are also covered. Rather than place these events in their political, social and cultural context, in our pop, sensationalized tabloid news, these “revelations” are receiving more attention by the corporate media in its attempts to discredit Malcolm X.

In the Age of Obama
Marable’s most questionable conclusions are the ones in the chapter “Reflections on a Revolutionary Vision.” Here Marable attempts to draw a direct historical line from Malcolm X to President Obama’s presidential win in 2008. Marable exclaims, “These aspects of Malcolm’s public personality were indelibly stamped into the Black Power movement; they were present in the cry, ‘It’s our turn!’ by black proponents of Harold Washington in the Democrat’s successful 1983 mayoral race in Chicago. It was partially expressed in the unprecedented voter turnouts in black neighborhoods in Jesse Jackson’s presidential campaigns of 1984 and 1988 and in the successful electoral bid of Barack Obama in 2008. Malcolm truly anticipated that the black electorate could potentially be the balance of power in a divided white republic,” (p. 483).

This sorry attempt to mollify Malcolm’s uncompromising stance against the corporate two-party system of U.S. capitalism, is intended to neuter the militant, independent, and revolutionary message that Malcolm articulated in his April 3, 1964 speech, The Ballot or The Bullet.

“They get all the Negro vote, and after they get it, the Negro gets nothing in return. All they did when they got to Washington was give a few big Negroes big jobs. Those big Negroes didn’t need big jobs, they already had jobs. That’s camouflage, that’s trickery, that’s treachery, window-dressing. I’m not trying to knock out the Democrats for the Republicans; we’ll get them in a minute. But it is true - you put the Democrats first and the Democrats put you last.”

The best example of Malcolm’s independent electoral program for black people could be seen in the 1966 Lowndes County Freedom Organization in rural Lowndes County, Alabama. Organized by Stokely Carmichael and SNCC, it was an all-black independent political party that fought against black political disenfranchisement and white supremacy. This project was spurred on by the events and lessons of the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party (MFDP) and Fannie Lou Hamer protest at the Democratic Party Atlantic City convention in 1964, when the Democratic and Mississippi Democratic Party leadership refused to recognize the MFDP delegates at the convention. The Freedom Now Party (FNP) was founded in 1963 by black militants within Detroit who had close ties to Malcolm, and they spoke frequently at political rallies with Rev Albert B. Cleage Jr. and Milton brothers, while he was a member of NOI, and then afterward. The FNP ran independent black candidates for governor, congress, the state senate and the board of education in 1964.

The last two chapters of Marable’s Malcolm X: A Life of Reinvention, and also Peniel Joseph’s Dark Days, Bright Nights: From Black Power to Barack Obama and Ta-Neshisi Coates review of Marable’s biography titled “The Legacy of Malcolm X: Why his vision lives on in Barack Obama” published in Atlantic Magazine are all intended to render Malcolm X’s revolutionary stance against empire and racism “unnecessary” in the face of the so-called “post-racial” U.S. society and the first black president occupying the White House. These apologists for this corporate war president and the capitalist system have re-packaged Malcolm X as an “outdated firebrand” who would have had to check his revolutionary message at the door in today‘s political environment. A far more accurate description of Obama is to be found in Cornell West’s statement describing Obama as “a black mascot of Wall Street oligarchs and a black puppet of corporate plutocrats.” West goes on to point out that Obama has now “become head of the American killing machine and is proud of it” (Chris Hedges, “The Obama Deception: Why Cornel West Went Ballistic,” Truthdig, 5/16/11)

The Meaning of Malcolm X Today
Marable’s Malcolm X: A Life of Reinvention allows a new generation to study and learn more about Malcolm. But Marable’s biography shouldn’t be looked upon as the “definitive” work because there are more aspects of his life and political trajectory that demand further study and research. Malcolm’s life experience and world events moved him to be an active participant in the revolutionary awakening and revolt of the 1950s and ‘60s. Malcolm’s revolutionary nationalism, pan-Africanism, anti-imperialism, and anti-corporate stances inspired the birth of the Black Panther Party for Self-Defense, the militancy of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), militant trade unionism of the League of Revolutionary Black Workers in Detroit, and other radical and socialist organizations.

Malcolm matters because the conditions that produced Malcolm still exist. The abject poverty, racism, high rates of unemployment, mass prison incarceration, police violence, layoffs and massive budget cuts, are a byproduct of a sick capitalist system - based on delivering profits for a small ruling elite. These conditions are producing a new generation of revolutionaries who will be inspired by the shining example of Malcolm X:

“I believe that there will ultimately be a clash between the oppressed and those who do the oppressing. I believe that there will be clash between those who want freedom, justice and equality for everyone and those who want to continue the system of exploitation. I believe that there will be that kind of clash…”
—Malcolm X

http://www.socialistalternative.org/news/article15.php?id=1629

893 posted on 03/10/2013 3:27:31 PM PDT by Fred Nerks (FAIR DINKUM!)

The stormy, strained relationship and possible extramarital affairs of both Malcolm X and Betty Shabazz are also covered.

894 posted on 03/10/2013 3:28:43 PM PDT by Fred Nerks (FAIR DINKUM!)

To: LucyT; David; thouworm

Interesting, although all the timelines for MX in Africa and the middle east commence in 1959, the son of Shirley Graham Du Bois and the stepson of W.E.B. Du Bois appears to place him in Cairo in 1960:

In Cairo, an Expatriate Black American Recalls Malcolm X

.By Carol Berger, Special to The Christian Science Monitor / February 10, 1992

CAIRO
WHEN Malcolm X made his third and last visit to Cairo in 1964, he was alone. Besieged at home by the Nation of Islam, the extremist black Muslim group that he had broken with, he was to spend almost two months in Cairo before embarking on a lengthy journey through Africa.

He arrived in Cairo without fanfare. But when word spread, young black Americans keen to speak with a representative of the struggle they’d left behind, sought him out. Many of them were former members of the Nation of Islam, weary of its anti-white racism and failure to play an active role in the struggle for black rights. Before Malcolm X left the city, they had agreed to establish a chapter of his new group, the Organization of African-American Unity.

In the early 1960s, young black men from cities like Chicago and Philadelphia made their way to Egypt, many of them seeking not only African but also Islamic identities. The Egyptian government provided meager scholarships to Al Azhar Islamic University. One of those blacks was Akhbar Muhammad, the son of the Nation of Islam’s leader, Elijah Muhammad. For most of the students, living allowances were negligible. Some, in order to make ends meet, played gigs in Cairo jazz clubs.

One of those expatriates still lives in Cairo. David Du Bois is a visiting professor of journalism and Afro-American studies at the University of Massachusetts at Amherst, but resides for most of the year in his adopted home of Egypt. He is author of the novel, And Bid Him Sing,” a story of black American exiles in Cairo in the mid-1960s.

In 1960, Mr. Du Bois arrived in Egypt as a traveler. Later he became a journalist. He was following in the path of his grandparents, missionaries in Liberia, and his parents: His father was the revered black rights activist W. E. B. Du Bois, one of the first names in the Pan-African movement.

Du Bois recalled his reactions after arriving by boat in the port city of Alexandria: “I fell in love with Egypt. I got here and discovered that everybody looked like me, and I looked like everybody else. I was accepted as a human being without any reference to the color of my skin. It was an overwhelming experience. I found myself invisible.”

Unlike other black expatriates he befriended in Cairo, Du Bois was not religious. Many were new arrivals who came to study Islam at Al Azhar. As Du Bois now says: “They came here in search both of their African and Islamic roots, but they approached Egypt as an African country.”

He met several times with Malcolm X and remembers a “calm and cool” figure.

When asked by Du Bois if people needed religion, Malcolm X replied that religion - whether Islam or Christianity - was a means of putting “blinders” on the minds of those who might otherwise stray from good and moral lives.

cont: see page two

http://www.csmonitor.com/1992/0210/10111.html

895 posted on 03/10/2013 6:07:56 PM PDT by Fred Nerks (fair dinkum...)

Du Bois, Shirley Graham
(b. 11 November 1896; d. 27 March 1977),

author, composer, and activist. When Shirley Graham Du Bois was thirteen years old she met the prominent scholar and activist W. E. B. Du Bois. The meeting had a profound impact on her political and personal development, for she eventually married Du Bois in 1951. She became well known as W. E. B. Du Bois’s second wife, causing some to overlook her tremendous personal accomplishments.

Shirley Graham was born near Evansville, Indiana, to David Graham and Etta Graham. Her father was an African Methodist Episcopal minister, a career that caused him to move his family to various locations in the United States, including Chicago, Detroit, New Orleans, and Nashville. At his churches Shirley first discovered a love for music, learning to play the organ and piano. She completed high school in Spokane, Washington, and then moved to Seattle, where she married Shadrack T. McCants, the owner of a dry-cleaning business, in 1921. The marriage soon ended, and she was left with two sons, Robert and David, to raise on her own...

896 posted on 03/10/2013 6:52:07 PM PDT by Fred Nerks (fair dinkum...)

Kwame Nkrumah with WEB Dubois and Shirley Graham Dubois in Ghana at Republic Day ceremony, July 1, 1960.

897 posted on 03/10/2013 6:54:23 PM PDT by Fred Nerks (fair dinkum...)

FOR THE RECORD:

Fihris al-Muqtataf, 1876-1952
[The Index of al-Muqtataf, 1876-1952)]
Edited by Fuad Sarruf and Linda Sadaka

The Muqtataf was one of the leading Arabic scientific and cultural monthly journals of the latter part of the nineteenth and first half of the twentieth century. Published in Egypt and edited for many years by Ya’qub Sarruf and Faris Nimr, the editorship was later taken up by Fuad Sarruf, a well-known Arab literary figure and writer on science.

The index comes in three volumes. Entries are listed under the author’s name, title and subject of the articles, each followed by volume number, year and page.

Arabic, 1967, 1968, Vol 1: 753 pages; Vol 2: 708 pages; Vol. 3: 698 pages, hardcover, $15 each.

http://www.aub.edu.lb/php/aubpress/site/sub_bibliography_and_indexes.html

898 posted on 03/10/2013 7:15:11 PM PDT by Fred Nerks (fair dinkum...)

Sarruf

Gerges Majdalany 1834-1879
& Christine Khoury

Ya'kub Sarruf, Dr. 1852-1927

Sarruf

Wakim Gerges Majdalany 1867-1936

Mikhael Majdalany 1868-1928

Lorice Sarruf 1907-1991

Fuad Sarruf, Dr. ca 1900-1985

Lily Zelpha Majdalany 1903-1998

Nassim Mikali Majdalany 1912-1991

Mary Jean Zolin

Joseph E. Toutonghi

Myrna Majdalany

Edouard Khawam

900 posted on 03/11/2013 3:53:40 AM PDT by Brown Deer (Pray for 0bama. Psalm 109:8)

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