Memory of Waco growing dimmer

Brad Borst remembers that infamous day 10 years ago in more detail than he'd like.

He was a 19-year-old construction worker, helping to build the new Denver airport. At the end of his workday, riding a bus that took crews to a parking lot, he heard co-workers chatting.

"They were kind of joking around, saying something like, 'Did you hear that they burned up those religious fanatics?'"

As soon as he reached his car, he switched on the radio. That's how he learned his mother was dead.

The afternoon was April 19, 1993. Hours earlier, David Koresh and 75 followers had died at their rambling wooden residence outside Waco called Mount Carmel. Some had been shot; most died from burns.

Borst's mother, Mary Jean, 49, had been a Koresh follower. Brad had been raised at Mount Carmel, but because he disagreed with doctrines taught there, had left several months earlier.

"A few weeks after I turned 18, I went to see David and told him that I was leaving," said Borst, who now works as a police officer. "He gave me $50 and got me a ride to the bus station."

Today, from his home in Colorado, Borst is petitioning Congress to investigate his mother's death, because in the aftermath of the Mount Carmel tragedy he was convinced the Koresh faithful did not kill themselves, as official reports claim.

"There's no doubt in my mind that somebody turned and started shooting, but I knew the people inside, and they wouldn't have done anything like that. David taught against suicide," he said.

Two congressional hearings and a special investigative commission have found the FBI fired no shots during the siege, and Borst is aware there's little chance of a new airing of the Waco controversy.

His desperation and suspicions are typical of survivors of Mount Carmel, but they come from a page of history that, veterans on both sides of the conflict note, rapidly is being forgotten.

About 10 miles northeast of Waco, a gravel driveway leads into a 77-acre ranch where no cattle roam. Down the driveway about 100 yards is a wooden chapel where surviving Koresh followers — "Davidians," as they are publicly known — hold weekly worship services. The chapel, built in 2000, sits over the spot where the twin front doors of Mount Carmel stood.

About 9:30 a.m. on Feb. 28, 1993, gunfire broke out at the site. Agents from the U.S. Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms dismounted from cattle trailers and rushed the doors, trying to serve a search warrant. Koresh and his lieutenants, the ATF believed, were hiding automatic weapons and grenades.

The raiding agents swore the first shots came from inside the building, but Mount Carmel's residents claimed the ATF had charged the doors with guns blazing.

Because lawsuits challenging the ATF raid still are making their way through the courts, the agency refuses to allow its agents to comment on the affair. But former agent Robert White, now a sheriff's deputy in Hunt County, said he's sure the Davidians fired first.

"By the time I got out of that trailer, 200 to 300 rounds had already been fired," said White, who was shot twice during the fracas. "When they told Koresh that they were federal agents, as soon as he shut the door, the shooting started."

A 45-minute gunbattle ensued, killing five Mount Carmel residents and four ATF agents. As the ATF force retreated, a team of snipers from the ATF and Texas Rangers killed a sixth Davidian in a pasture not far away.

The ATF raiders were reinforced overnight by more than 300 FBI officers, who cordoned the area around Mount Carmel and brought in armored vehicles from nearby Fort Hood. The sky over Mount Carmel was declared a no-fly zone.

Teams of negotiators talked by phone night and day with the inhabitants of Mount Carmel, including Koresh, who was severely wounded. Their chats resulted in the surrender of 37 of Mount Carmel's 120 inhabitants to the FBI.

At sunrise April 19, FBI commanders ordered tank crews to bring the standoff to an end. Their tanks fired more than 400 tear gas grenades into hallways and rooms. Tank drivers also knocked large holes in the building, to create exit routes, the agency said.

Just after noon, Mount Carmel went ablaze. It soon was a mountain of cinders and blackened wood. Nine people, all adults, escaped the flames.

From the ruins investigators salvaged the charred remains of 76 people, 18 of them children under 10.

In the wake of the carnage, a few congressmen and pundits called for the resignation of Attorney General Janet Reno. But President Clinton defended her, declaring Koresh "killed those he controlled."

Reno and the Justice Department were not at fault, Clinton said, "because some religious fanatics murdered themselves."

"No one inside set any fires. There were no plans for suicide," declared Renos Avraam, one of the survivors of the blaze.

Nine months after the inferno, a jury trial for 11 Davidians accused in the affair opened at the federal courthouse in San Antonio. It lasted 49 days.

Three of the defendants were acquitted of all charges. None was found guilty of murder, but eight were sentenced to prison terms of five to 40 years for manslaughter and gun law violations.

Though the U.S. Supreme Court in 2000 ordered reductions in the sentences, seven of the Davidians remain in prison today.

The gunfight at Mount Carmel was preceded in August 1992 by a shootout near Ruby Ridge, Idaho. U.S. Marshal William Degan, 42, and the 13-year-old son of white separatist Randy Weaver were killed.

During the standoff that followed, FBI sniper Lon Horiuchi killed Weaver's wife, Vickie.

The Ruby Ridge affair gave impetus to a gathering movement of tax protesters and gun-rights advocates who billed themselves as "Patriots." After the Mount Carmel standoff, the Patriot movement began to organize self-defense groups it called "militias."

On April 19, 1995, the second anniversary of the Mount Carmel fire, a bomb exploded at the Alfred Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City, killing 168, including 19 children.

Middle East terrorists at first were suspected in the blast. But within days, two Americans who had been fringe participants in the militia movement, Timothy McVeigh and Terry Nichols, were in jail, and in 1997, they were convicted in separate trials. McVeigh was executed.

While criminal cases against the pair were pending, a film, "Waco: The Rules of Engagement," drew new audiences to the Mount Carmel controversy, and new supporters for the militia cause.

The documentary, researched by Michael McNulty, a Colorado novice to filmmaking, premiered at the prestigious Sundance Festival in 1997, was nominated for an Academy Award in 1997 and won television's Emmy award for best work of investigative journalism in 1999.

"It took the story of Waco out of the hands of the government and media, and put it in the language of people," McNulty said.

At its heart was a new claim, made by former Defense Department personnel, that an aerial infrared film of Mount Carmel made during the April 19 assault showed flashes of gunfire from FBI lines.

"Rules" and two lesser-known successor movies, said Brad Borst, convinced him that his mother and other Davidians had been slain by federal agents.

Though the movies gave a second wind to Waco critics, most observers say the militia movement began to decline soon after the Oklahoma City blast. In the wake of the bombing, too, federal law enforcement officers called on militia leaders and visited their meetings.

"Law enforcement attention encouraged the militias to chose between reform and revolution," said Chip Berlet, who follows right-wing movements for Political Research Associates, a Boston think tank.

"By our reckoning, the militia movement peaked in 1996, with 856 groups. By our count, it now has only 143," said Mark Potok of the Southern Poverty Law Center, which keeps tabs on right-wing organizations.

Despite the passing of the militia movement, the Mount Carmel affair influenced the way in which American law enforcement agencies deal with groups of determined opponents, federal law enforcers say.

The change was evident in two post-Waco standoffs: with the Montana Freemen in 1996, and, closer to home, with leaders of the Republic of Texas movement, near Fort Davis in 1997.

On March 25, 1996, FBI agents approached a farmhouse near Jordan, Mont., where a group of Freemen had gathered. The agents carried warrants for the arrest of 10 of them. When the suspects wouldn't surrender, the agents cordoned the area.

They wore civilian clothes, not combat gear, and they kept armored vehicles out of sight. In Waco, the FBI had held daily televised news conferences, a practice that, some observers believe, created public pressures to end the standoff in a dramatic way. News conferences were not a feature of the Montana siege.

Perhaps most important, the agents allowed phone calls and visits by relatives of the holed-up Freemen. Many of the relatives pleaded with their kin to surrender. At Waco, more than a dozen relatives of the residents, including Jean Holub, Koresh's paternal grandmother, were denied both phone and personal access.

On June 13 — 81 days after the Freemen standoff began — the remaining 16 holdouts surrendered. No shots were fired, no chemical weapons were used and no one died on either side of the barricades.

FBI Director Louis Freeh credited "a fundamentally different approach" by the bureau, one that, he said, "put patience above the risk of bloodshed.

"A strategy from Day 1 of patient, honest and persistent attempts at negotiation ultimately prevailed," he said.

A similar conclusion resulted from the last of the political and religious standoffs of the '90s, the May 1997 confrontation with members of the Republic of Texas movement. A low-key approach by state troopers and Texas Rangers, with advice from FBI veterans, brought quick results: Within seven days, the Republic's leaders had surrendered.

Two members fled into the wilds, one of whom was killed in an exchange of gunfire with DPS officers. Nevertheless, the operation was roundly deemed a success.

"The DPS was certainly conscious of what had happened at Waco, and was extremely interested that something like that not happen again," said Mike Cox, the agency's press spokesman at the time. "Texas showed the world how it should be done."

From the Freemen and Republic of Texas standoffs, former FBI negotiator Clint Van Zandt said, law enforcement planners learned that "the talking cure works."

Most people have put the Mount Carmel tragedy behind them, and even the surviving Davidians now are looking toward the future.

Larry Lynch, a former deputy who negotiated with Koresh by phone during the Feb. 28 gunfight, now is sheriff of McLennan County, whose seat is Waco. The Mount Carmel episode put Waco on the map, he said, but didn't have a lasting negative effect on the city.

"The only thing is, you don't have to say 'Texas' after you say 'Waco' anymore," he said.

Though a few believers have died, and a few have fallen away, a core of some three dozen Davidians has kept the faith, which, members say, gives them hope for the future.

"I don't anticipate our serving out the time that remains," writes Davidian prisoner Livingstone Fagan, 43, whose wife and mother died in the April 19 fire.

Fagan is the last of the Davidians slated for release, in 2007; the six others are to be released in 2006.

"There are surprises yet to reveal themselves in the prophetic timetable of events," he suggests.

The "surprises" to which he refers include the return in the sky of David Koresh, notes Clive Doyle, 62, one of those who was exonerated in the 1994 San Antonio trial.

"David predicted that he'd come back in a somewhat different form," he said, "and even though all of my life I've expected things too soon, we still believe that it won't be long."

A review of McNutty's 'Flir' piece by these guys:

http://www.ntskeptics.org/2002/2002january/january2002.htm#flir

FLIR

by John Blanton
FLIR is an acronym that stands for Forward Looking Infra-Red. It's a technology that uses far infra-red radiation for seeing without benefit of visible light. Why it's necessary to add the words "forward looking" is not clear, except that IR is not very satisfying as acronyms go, and it's too much like a Spanish verb.
FLIR is also the name of the latest video produced by Mike McNulty concerning claims that government forces killed innocent Branch Davidian members on the final day of the standoff near Waco. McNulty has previously produced Waco: the Rules of Engagement and Waco: A New Revelation. Rules of Engagement was honored as "Documentary Film of the Year" by the International Documentary Association for 1997. It received an Oscar nomination for "Best Feature-Length Documentary Film" for 1997. McNulty won a national Emmy award for "Best Investigative Journalism" in 1999 for his work in the production of Rules of Engagement.
We previously encountered McNulty when he appeared as a panelist on the McCuistion show on PBS. The May 2000 issue of The North Texas Skeptic carries an account of this plus additional details of the Waco controversy. ¹
McNulty's two previous videos were highly critical of government actions related to the Mount Carmel siege and the destruction of the Branch Davidian compound on 19 April 1993. The language used in these documentaries states in strong terms that government forces used fire from automatic weapons to prevent the escape of innocent civilians from the fire.
Branch Davidian survivors sued, claiming the US Government was responsible for the deaths of over eighty people in 1993. In 1999 former Republican senator John Danforth was appointed special counsel to investigate possible government culpability in the case. A key issue was the contention by the plaintiffs that FLIR video recorded by the government on the final day of the siege provides incriminating evidence. Plaintiffs alleged that the imagery shows flashes from small arms, including automatic weapons fire, directed at the Branch Davidians. The plaintiffs contended that in some cases they can make out the movements of the shooters. The governments contention was that the flashes that appear in the video result from reflections of infra-red sources by debris on the ground and that no shooters are visible in the video. Senator Danforth retained Vector Data Systems to analyze the Waco FLIR and conduct FLIR test. On 19 March 2000 the government conducted tests at Fort Hood, Texas, to replicate the situation of 19 April 1993. FLIR videos were made from two aircraft flying 4000 to 6000 feet above the test area. The test area included debris on the ground and some scenarios with shooters firing weapons. The conclusion of Senator Danforth was that the test video invalidated the plantiffs' claims. Specifically:
1. Plaintiffs claimed the Waco video shows gun fire from locations where no shooters are visible. In the Fort Hood video shooters are always visible.
2. The government contended the flashes in the Waco video came from reflections. The Fort Hood video shows similar flashes from a debris field, where no shooters were present.
In July 2000 the case was decided against the plaintiffs. In US District Court a 5-person advisory jury reported to Judge Walter Smith "… the ATF had not fired indiscriminately or used excessive force. They also agreed that the FBI tanks' actions were not negligent and did not contribute to the fire, and that the FBI commanders were not negligent in their decision not to try to fight any fires at the compound during the tear gas assault." ²
Response to the decision was swift, broad, and somewhat one-sided. While cooler heads accepted the verdict even if they did not agree with it, many opposed to the government action and to the administration in power at the time denounced the outcome of the trial, the validity of the Fort Hood tests, and even the integrity of Senator Danforth. A Google search revealed a large number of anti-government sites as well as many sites critical of the conspiracy theorists. ³
One response to Judge Smith's decision was the latest McNulty video from COPS Productions L.L.C. In FLIR McNulty has followed up on his claim that the Waco video shows government gunfire directed at the trapped Branch Davidians. He now takes the added step of arguing that the Fort Hood video fails to make the government case and, furthermore, seeks to back up his claims regarding the Waco video. Specifically, McNulty asserts:
1. The Fort Hood tests are fatally flawed by not exactly replicating the conditions of the Waco siege: The Fort Hood tests did not use FLIR equipment identical to that used at Waco. The Fort Hood tests did not use the same weapons. Temperatures at Fort Hood were 20 degrees F cooler than existed at the siege. And finally, dusty conditions at the siege site enhanced the flash from the weapons, and the Fort Hood tests did not duplicate these conditions.
2. Government forces at Waco wore uniforms that suppressed their IR signature, accounting for why shooters would not be visible.
3. In the Waco video government agents can be clearly seen when standing on a plain, concrete, surface, but they readily disappear when they move onto the grassy areas, which provide a concealing, mottled background.
Many of the points made by McNulty are essentially correct. FBI standard issue is a 14-inch barrel military rifle, and the Fort Hood tests included standard M-16s with 20-inch barrels. It should be noted that the FBI states rifles with 14-inch barrels were also used in the Fort Hood tests. ⁴ Also, the Fort Hood tests did not use the same type of FLIR equipment, and Fort Hood test conditions were about 20 degrees cooler. Furthermore, combat clothing can reduce the wearer's IR signature, and certain backgrounds can help conceal personnel on the ground.
COPS, the producers of FLIR conducted their own tests, apparently in November 2000, and presented their imagery in the video. The COPS tests did not involve aircraft but used a long boom to place the FLIR equipment high above the ground. The COPS tests were also conducted at the same temperature as the day of the Waco assault and included a variety of weapons, ammunition and ground debris.
A prime assertion of the government side of the case is that the flashes seen in the Waco FLIR are too long to represent muzzle flashes, and the Fort Hood tests demonstrated muzzle flashes much shorter than those that show up on the Waco FLIR. COPS seeks to refute this point by noting that the dusty atmosphere at Waco would have prolonged the duration of the muzzle flashes. The idea is that the heat from the muzzle discharge will heat the dust particles in the air producing a prolonged glow. To demonstrate this, COPS had someone throwing dirt in front of the weapons before they were fired, and they showed that a longer flash was produced under these conditions.
Additionally, COPS seeks to show in its video that it is problematical whether ordinary debris would have produced the flashes seen in the Waco FLIR.
In conclusion, FLIR reiterates McNulty's previous assertions that government agents at the rear of the Branch Davidian compound directed automatic weapons fire at the compound. He further contends this action killed innocent Branch Davidians directly and resulted in the deaths of others by preventing their escape. This is a serious charge that finds many friends. What are we to make of it all?
The problem is that McNulty's claims are made outside the context of a very large body of other information. In fact, it may be that the producers of FLIR have shot themselves in the foot. Here are a number of issues that FLIR failed to note:
1. A major claim of FLIR is that the smoky, dusty atmosphere at Waco produced the prolonged flashes seen in the video. By stirring up dust and firing into the dust they seem to have demonstrated their case. However, a reasonable person comparing the Waco imagery and the COPS imagery will find little in common. The COPS video shows a shooter firing directly into a dust cloud right after someone has thrown a handful of dirt in front of the weapon. While the narrator points out that only dust is present, and not dirt, at the time the weapon is fired, it is quite obvious that this procedure produces a heavy concentration of dust that quickly settles out. A look at the Waco video seems to show the ground quite clearly from over 4000 feet up without the obscuration that would result from a heavy concentration of dust at 65 degrees F.
2. McNulty purports to show muzzle flashes from invisible shooters. He asserts that their camouflage clothing hides them in the Waco imagery. However, the firing demonstration in the COPS video shows a shooter holding a weapon, and the barrel of the weapon shows very bright in the imagery. In the Waco FLIR no hot, bright gun barrels show up.
3. FLIR also completely ignores an issue previously pointed out by other detractors. While McNulty claims to show invisible shooters, there is at least once case in which a tank tread runs completely over one of these invisible "shooters." ⁵ This would appear to invalidate NcNulty's claim that the flashes could not have been produced by ground debris. If there is at least one case of muzzle flashes without a shooter, then it is up to McNulty to explain what produced those flashes and why this explanation does not apply to all the other cases.
4. The Branch Davidians were killed by their leaders. Eavesdropping federal agents recorded the leadership issuing orders to start the fire. Some children and adults and even leader Vernon Howell (AKA David Koresh) were killed at close range by small arms fire while deep inside the compound.
5. Motive. For 51 days the government tried to coax the Branch Davidians out and even effected the release of some children and adults. On the final day of the siege members of the rescue team risked their lives to save Branch Davidians from the fire. One has to ask: How did the government forces divvy up the chores that day. "Team one, you guys try to save as many people as you can. Team two, you try to kill as many as you can." Inquiring minds would like to know the answer to this riddle.
References
1 http://www.ntskeptics.org/2000/2000may/may2000.htm
2 The Dallas Morning News, 15 July 2000. http://www.dallasnews.com/texas_southwest/111922_waco_15tex.html
3 Here are some relevant sites:
http://www.rense.com/general12/danfo.htm
http://www.gospelcom.net/apologeticsindex/news1/an010412-01.html
http://www.lewrockwell.com/orig/nelson1.html
http://www.webleyweb.com/tle/le970315-02.html
4 "Waco Inquiry Failed to Test Correct F.B.I. Gun," Matt Kelley, Associated Press, available at http://www.flirproject.com/current_events.html
5 "The Waco FLIR Flashes" by Ian Goddard at http://iangoddard.net/wacoflir.htm

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