America, welcome

I was worried. The ceremony marking the 11th anniversary of the death of Ayatollah Khomeini had just finished and Ken, a Norwegian photojournalist was very excited. "The energy in there was wild, especially that part when they were all chanting, 'Death to Israel, death to America'." See photos

My jaw dropped. I was puzzled and concerned. The Iranian press card hanging around my neck identified me as American. I was grateful I had tucked it into my shirt earlier.

The partygoers were college-educated. One guy sported a long ponytail, blue jeans and a striped T-shirt a la J. Crew. The young women immediately took off their headscarves and manteaus, or cloaks, when they walked through the door. One girl wore a light blue dress that revealed her bare shoulders. Another had on tight black stylish pants and a short top that showed off her bare midriff. As the heavy-metal music of Metallica blared on the stereo, the group began passing around marijuana cigarettes.

When I told them that I was going to the Khomeini ceremony early the next morning they didn't understand why. One guy tried to talk me out of it, telling me it was not important. I told him that I had read that upwards of one million Iranians would be there, and that since Khomeini was the founding father of their revolution, and a huge reason for the animosity between our countries, I was interested.

I wanted to know just what was it with Iranians and the U.S? Did they really hate Americans? Or was that old news?

Only one of the eight or so in the room had ever been to the shrine, about 40 miles away. Most disdained Khomeini and the mollas (similar to a priest or rabbi) who have so much power in Iran. They shrugged at my curiosity, continued smoking and lost interest in the topic. Instead they wanted to know from me how prevalent marijuana use was in America.

The one young woman who had been to the shrine said she only went because she had to for a school field trip. One guy, who was waiting for a Green Card to move to Canada, said Khomeini had ruined Iran.

How many Iranians live the Western lifestyle? I can't be sure. How many have such contempt for the religious authority? I can't be sure of that either. But I do know they were certaintly different from the Iranians I would meet the next day.

While I had not known specifically what the mourners were chanting during the ceremony because they spoke Farsi, I could feel tension. Either their's, or, more likely, mine. While reading up on Iran before my trip I became convinced that most Iranians actually like Americans and that the media and the U.S. government has stereotyped them as terrorists and zealots.

I had figured though, that there must be at least a few Iranians who bear a grudge against America and Americans. And that this ceremony would be the place where I could run into a person like that. They were the religious ones. Many traveled hours to be here, I was told, from rural parts of Iran, and many had little education.

So there I was, at the shrine of Khomeini, the George Washington of the Iranian revolution. His tomb was in the next hall. And I looked to be the lone American among the hundreds of thousands of mourners present.

This was the Islamic Republic of Iran, the country where 52 Americans were held hostage for 444 days in 1979-81. The country that has branded the U.S. the Great Satan, for among other things, supporting the despotic Shah and engineering a coup of their elected president in 1953. The country that the U.S. government identifies as a sponsor of international terrorism. The country that issued a fatwa, or death sentence, for British author Salman Rushdie for blasphemy against Islam. And the country that has attempted to export its style of theocratic government.

In Iran the experiment is a unique one. Religious leaders are mixing Islam and democracy and the struggle is to have elected representatives and Islamic theocracy exist in the same government. The struggle intensified in 1997 when the people elected reformist Mohammad Khatami president. But Ayatollah Khameini, the Supreme Leader, has ultimate power and is stifling progress. Newspapers have been shut down and women are struggling for more freedoms. In July 1999 the struggle peaked when bloody riots erupted near the University of Tehran after hardliners attacked student protesters.

"Marg bar Esraaeel, marg bar Amrikaa," ("Death to Israel, death to America") the mourners cried out. I couldn't believe it. But here were 300,000 mourners or more, all chanting, in unison and all so loud. It had sounded so beautiful to me before. Now that I knew what the words meant, it took on a whole different meaning.

The shrine was the size of two or three football stadiums together, but the ceremony was only in a portion of it. The sides of the hall were open to the elements and the roof was made out of light blue corrugated translucent plastic that cast a blue tint over everything.

I immediately looked to Amir, my Iranian guide and translator, when Ken told me about the chanting. Amir assured me it was no big deal. "They don't mean it, it's just sloganeering," he said. I was not convinced.

They were packed tightly, elbow to elbow, as if at a rock concert. Men were separated from women. It was hot, and there was no air-conditioning. Some were passing out from heat exhaustion and paramedics would squeeze through the crowd and take them away on stretchers. The males, from early teens to men in their 60's all wore long sleeve shirts and pants. Dark colors were the preference, particulary black. There was a look of intensity in their eyes. They appeared to believe in a cause. Khomeini and Islamic fundamentalism?

During my 17-day trip to Iran, I experienced no other anti-American sentiment, either from the government officials I met, the police, or ordinary citizens. On the contrary, everyone was especially nice to me when they found out I was American. At the Khomeini Museum, I was offered dozens of free English language books about Khomeini and Islam, my own personal tour guide, and an ice cream bar. They were very pleased and excited that an American had an interest in Khomeini.

On a previous night out walking the streets, I had even met a young molla who told me he had no problem with Americans, just the American government.

After the Khomeini ceremony, still trying to make sense of it all, I walked around the outside of the complex taking pictures of Iranians camping, eating, sleeping and boarding buses for the ride home to other parts of the country.

Dozens approached me, hamming it up for my camera, wanting to practice their English and asking where I was from. When they found out that I was American, most became giddy. "America good," a few said, or "America, welcome."

But one guy became visibly agitated and jumped back a step or two behind his friends, his eyes wide. "America?" he said, in disbelief. Yes, I said, as I showed him my ID card. After a minute or so of checking me out he stepped forward and shook my hand and insisted I take a picture of him and his buddies. All was well with this guy.

But what about the chanters? "Marg bar Esraaeel, marg bar Amrikaa." Less and less did I think that meant much, yet I couldn't be sure. I knew little of the rural population, since I spent almost all of my time in large cities and meeting urban folk.

Some of what I saw in the cities struck me as surprisingly Western. Among them, an internet cafe in north Tehran where the two young Iranian men sitting next to me were looking at pictures of girls in skimpy bathing suits (internet activity appears to be unregulated); translations of Western rock lyrics, including Bob Dylan and Metallica; a fast food restaurant in north Tehran called Behrooz, with a weekday crowd overflowing onto the sidewalk and a logo that was obviously modeled on the McDonald's golden arches; mollas in the holy city of Qom entering their lesson plans onto the internet, and a religious bookstore in Qom that displayed books for sale by American self-help guru Tony Robbins.

On a Friday afternoon near the end of my time in Iran, I was walking near the University of Tehran and came upon a large crowd of people spilling into the street. Fridays are the holy day in Islam, and the university is host to a large prayer gathering every Friday afternoon. I noticed a commotion. Twenty or so Iranian men and children were circled around a man who was holding up a magazine in one hand and a newspaper in the other and yelling loudly.

I backed away. I was alone and slightly worried. The guy was wearing a red headband with some yellow Farsi writing on it that identified him as a Basiji, a volunteer moral police enforcer.

I had read about them and heard about them from other Iranians. These were the guys who would stop couples on the street if they were holding hands and question them to make sure that they were married. These were the guys who would raid parties to see if alcohol was present, and if so, arrest people and make sure they were given 40 lashes with a whip the next day. They were also well known as the suicide bombers during the Iran-Iraq War who would strap explosives to their bodies and crawl under Iraqi tanks to blow it and themselves up.

From a distance I took pictures of the man and the crowd. After asking around, I finally found a guy who spoke some English who could tell me exactly what the fuss was about. Yes, the Basiji was angry that the woman on the magazine cover did not cover her hair completely. She wore a scarf in the picture but the front part of her hair was visible. This is a no-no to religious Iranians.

As we talked, a crowd of about 20 people formed around me. To my surprise, the Basiji suddenly appeared at my side. He gave me the once over and the others seemed to tell him what we were talking about. He demonstrated for me by pretending to stomp something under his foot. It's symbolic, I was told, for what he thought the pictured woman was doing to the Koran by not covering her hair completely.

Then he reached out and shook my hand and introduced himself as Reza. I was relieved. I had half-thought the guy might start yelling at me, or worse, for being part of the decadent American culture that he thought was contributing to the ruin of Iran. Then he really surprised me. He took off his headband, neatly folded it, and presented it to me with both hands.

As I took it, he held his hand over his heart, a typical Iranian gesture of friendship.

The night before I had been at a small party in north Tehran of twentysomething-year-old Iranians. North Tehran is the upscale, more modern part of the capital. It boasts a Nike store, internet cafes, well-stocked computer stores, and a fast-food restaurant called Boof that sells good fried chicken and pizza.

The partygoers were college-educated. One guy sported a long ponytail, blue jeans and a striped T-shirt a la J. Crew. The young women immediately took off their headscarves and manteaus, or cloaks, when they walked through the door. One girl wore a light blue dress that revealed her bare shoulders. Another had on tight black stylish pants and a short top that showed off her bare midriff. As the heavy-metal music of Metallica blared on the stereo, the group began passing around marijuana cigarettes.

When I told them that I was going to the Khomeini ceremony early the next morning they didn't understand why. One guy tried to talk me out of it, telling me it was not important. I told him that I had read that upwards of one million Iranians would be there, and that since Khomeini was the founding father of their revolution, and a huge reason for the animosity between our countries, I was interested.

I wanted to know just what was it with Iranians and the U.S? Did they really hate Americans? Or was that old news?

Only one of the eight or so in the room had ever been to the shrine, about 40 miles away. Most disdained Khomeini and the mollas (similar to a priest or rabbi) who have so much power in Iran. They shrugged at my curiosity, continued smoking and lost interest in the topic. Instead they wanted to know from me how prevalent marijuana use was in America.

The Case for Democracy
Frontpagemagazine ^ | 12-17-04 | Jamie Glazov

Posted on 12/17/2004 6:58:12 AM CST by SJackson
http://www.freerepublic.com/focus/f-news/1303393/posts

Frontpage Interview's guest today is Natan Sharansky, a former Soviet dissident and political prisoner who is the co- author (with Ron Dermer) of the new book The Case For Democracy: The Power of Freedom to Overcome Tyranny and Terror. Mr. Sharansky has been awarded the Congressional Gold Medal of Freedom for his courageous fight for liberty. He currently serves as Minister for Jerusalem and Diaspora Affairs.

(snip)

FP: You distinguish between "fear" and "free" societies. Briefly explain to our readers what you mean by this paradigm.

Sharansky: Free societies are societies in which the right of dissent is protected. In contrast, fear societies are societies in which dissent is banned. One can determine whether a society is free by applying what we call the “town-square test.” Can someone within that society walk into the town square and say what they want without fear of being punished for his or her views? If so, then that society is a free society. If not, it is a fear society.

People may believe that there can be a society where dissent is not permitted, but which is nonetheless not a fear society because everyone agrees with one another and therefore no one wants to dissent. But as we show in the book, such a monolithic society, which may occasionally emerge, will not last very long. Because of human diversity – different tastes, ambitions, interests, backgrounds, experiences, etc. - differences of opinion will be inevitable. Then the society will be confronted with the fundamental question. Will dissent be permitted? The answer to that question will determine whether the society is a free society or a fear society.

Of course, there can be serious injustices within free societies. They can have all sorts of problems and abuses of rights. But by having a right to dissent and having institutions which protect that right, free societies also have mechanisms to correct those abuses. In contrast, fear societies are always unjust and have no corrective mechanisms.

Fear societies are inevitably composed of three separate groups: True believers, dissidents and doublethinkers. True believers are those who believe in the ideology of the regime. Dissidents are those who disagree with that ideology and are prepared to say so openly. Doublethinkers are those who disagree with the ideology but who are scared to openly confront the regime.

With time, the number of doublethinkers in a fear society inevitably grows so that they represent the overwhelming majority of the population. To an outside observer, the fear society will look like a sea of true believers who demonstrate loyalty to the regime, but the reality is very different. Behind the veneer of support is an army of doublethinkers.

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