A review of the Vatican Secret Archives reveals no mention of any recognition given to the Confederate States of America.
Posted on 11/06/2003 7:31:54 PM PST by republicanwizard
Astounding Triumph of Republicanism.
THE NORTH RISING IN INDIGNATION AT THE MENACES OF THE SOUTH
Abraham Lincoln Probably Elected President by a Majority of the Entire Popular Vote
Forty Thousand Majority for the Republican Ticket in New-York
One Hundred Thousand Majority in Pennsylvania
Seventy Thousand Majority in Massachusetts
Corresponding Gains in the Western and North-Western States
Preponderance of John Bell and Conservatism at the South
Results of the Contest upon Congressional and Local Tickets
The canvass for the Presidency of the United States terminated last evening, in all the States of the Union, under the revised regulation of Congress, passed in 1845, and the result, by the vote of New-York, is placed beyond question at once. It elects ABRAHAM LINCOLN of Illinois, President, and HANNIBAL HAMLIN of Maine, Vice-President of the United States, for four years, from the 4th March next, directly by the People.
The election, so far as the City and State of New-York are concerned, will probably stand, hereafter as one of the most remarkable in the political contests of the country; marked, as it is, by far the heaviest popular vote ever cast in the City, and by the sweeping, and almost uniform, Republican majorities in the country.
RELATED HEADLINES
ELECTION DAY IN THE CITY: All Quiet and Orderly At the Polls: Progress of the Voting in the Several Wards: The City After Nightfall: How the News Was Received: Unbounded Enthusiasm of the Republicans and Bell-Everett Headquarters: The Times Office Beseiged: Midnight Display of Wide-Awakes: Bonfires and Illuminations
(Excerpt) Read more at nytimes.com ...
Yes there is. Two pieces of evidence, actually:
1. We know that the Confederate Congress took up the issue but blocked the creation of the court for the explicit purpose of restraining Davis' power. They would not have done this had they not feared Davis using the appointments to his advantage, as all presidents do.
2. Davis himself openly expressed a desire for creating a court and did so publicly in the plainest of English.
All we have is your analysis of what Davis really meant
My analysis is fully corroborated by Davis' word. Davis told the Congress to complete its "duty of organizing a Supreme Court of the Confederate States; in accordance with the mandate of the Constitution." One cannot get any more explicit than that.
and what he really wanted and what he really said.
What he really said is known and fully documented: "I invite the attention of Congress to the duty of organizing a Supreme Court of the Confederate States; in accordance with the mandate of the Constitution." To date you have offered absolutely ZERO evidence that he wanted anything different than what he said.
Absent any indications from the man himself in his writings then my analysis is just as valid as yours is.
Two problems with that statement:
1. You have not, by your own admission, established an absence of the court issue in his writings.
2. I have, beyond any reasonable doubt, established a presence of the court issue in Davis' message to congress.
And I fail to see where he had any desire for a supreme court.
Then you are both fibbing and intentionally ignoring direct and incontroverable evidence:
"I invite the attention of Congress to the duty of organizing a Supreme Court of the Confederate States; in accordance with the mandate of the Constitution." - Jefferson Davis, annual message to Congress, 1862
Did the "Vatican State" even exist in 1861 as a valid nation-state? Didn't Mussolini and Cardinal Gasparri create the official division between Italy and the Vatican-city state when they signed the Lateran Treaty in 1929?
Before being known as the Vatican State, it was known as the Papal State, States of the Church, the Pontifical States, and Lo Stato della Chiesa.
Considering the nature of the speech, that is a highly unusual position for you to take. Suppose for a moment that President Bush convened Congress next January for his state of the union and said in it "I call upon the Congress to pass a bill eliminating half of the federal district court benches." Do you think it would be fair to state that President Bush thus favored eliminating half of the federal district courts? After all, it was just one line, was it not?
I for one think it would be perfectly fair because that one line came in his main address to Congress for the year, the State of the Union, and that is the address where presidents always list the top items of their legislative agendas. That is not every item of the legislative agenda - only the important ones. Well, Jefferson Davis' call for the creation of a supreme court came in his own equivalent of a State of the Union address to the confederate congress in 1862. Just as it would be fair to assign a belief from Bush's state of the union next January to Bush, it is fair to assign a belief from Davis' address to Congress to Davis.
It seems more like using the congress as fall guy.
Congress was the body holding up the bill to create a judiciary system. Thus, they were in a sense to blame and for that reason Davis called upon them to do their duty and create one!
Yes, of course, but was it recognized as a seperate full nation-state like it is today? Prior to 1927 did any other nation exchange ambassadors with it for instance?
It certainly did...sort of. What was left of the Papal States was a protectorate of the French at the time, whose troops kept King Victor Emmanuele from occupying the Patrimonium Petri. So the whole diplomatic recognition thing and that stuff about protecting confederates makes for an interesting, if not totally accurate, story. The Pope wasn't running the whole show at the time.
What country was sovereign to the Pope?
The current U.S. ambassador to the Vatican is Jim Nicholson. Archbishop Gabriel Montalvo is the Vatican's ambassador (Apostolic Nuncio) to the United States.
Did any nation send ambassadors to the Vatican in 1861? I don't believe it was thought of as a "country" in 1861, that only came after 1927. It could not "recognize" another state in 1861 could it?
A review of the Vatican Secret Archives reveals no mention of any recognition given to the Confederate States of America.
Correctly named, "The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government."
The Holy See and the Vatican City
Because the Roman Catholic Church has elected to participate in the United Nations as the “Holy See,” it is important to understand the historical origins of this entity and its current relationship to the Vatican City.
The “Holy See” is “the supreme organ of government of the [Catholic] Church,” with the Pope designated as its head in the Code of Canon Law. The Holy See consists of the Pope, the College of Cardinals, and the central departments that govern the Church. It is, by definition, a non-territorial religious entity. Prior to 1870, the Holy See was associated with the government of the Papal States, which had been created by Pepin-le-Bref and his son Charlemagne in the Ninth Century. In 1870, Italian troops annexed the Papal States and granted freedom to the Apostolic Palaces in Rome. The Lateran Agreement of 1929, signed by Italy and the Holy See, finally settled that Rome was under the jurisdiction of Italy, while the State of the Vatican City remained under the “sovereignty of the Supreme Pontiff.”
* * *
Status at the United Nations
In 1944, the Roman Catholic Church made tentative inquiries regarding the eligibility of the Vatican City to become a member state of the United Nations. Although the United Nations does not provide the international community with a definition of the term “state,” it does have requisite conditions for admission as a member. An applicant to the United Nations must: (1) be a State; (2) be peace-loving; (3) accept the obligations of the United Nations Charter; (4) be able to carry out these obligations; and (5) be willing to do so. Although the historical record is scant, there is some indication that member states viewed the Vatican City as being ineligible for United Nations membership. For example, United States Secretary of State Cordell Hull, in his reply to Vatican inquiries regarding possible membership, concluded that the Vatican City did not meet the requirements for admission. Article 24 of the Lateran Agreement binds the Holy See and the Vatican City to neutrality, and this policy of neutrality is regarded as incompatible with membership. In fact, the Vatican City has never made a formal membership application.
The Roman Catholic Church first officially participated at the United Nations when the Vatican City was invited to United Nations conferences through its membership in the Universal Postal Union and the International Telecommunication Union. In 1957, through an exchange of letters, the Holy See and the Secretary--General of the United Nations agreed to refer to the Papal delegation at the United Nations as the “Holy See.” Finally, on March 21, 1964, Pope Paul VI established the first Holy See “permanent observer” mission at the United Nations. As a result, the Holy See is regarded as a “non--member state” permanent observer. Switzerland is the only other entity that currently maintains non--member state permanent observer status.
The status of a permanent observer places restrictions upon an entity’s role at the United Nations, and these limitations generally vary according to the type of permanent observer status. There are no provisions in either the United Nations Charter or the Rules of Procedure of the Economic and Social Council (“ECOSOC”) that specifically refer to the participation of non--United Nations members in ECOSOC meetings. However, non-member state observers have been invited to participate in meetings discussing matters of concern to those states. Since the Holy See is a permanent observer, it cannot cast a vote in the General Assembly of the United Nations. But permanent observers have sometimes participated, on an ad hoc basis, in General Assembly discussions and decisions. The Holy See has participated in the General Assembly on several occasions. Pope Paul VI addressed that body on October 4, 1965, and Pope John Paul II did so on October 2, 1979. In 1978, the Permanent Observer for the Holy See addressed the Tenth Special Session of the General Assembly Devoted to Disarmament.
* * *
Status under International Law
The international legal status of the Holy See has been subject to scrutiny ever since it lost control over a specific territory. After the annexation of the Papal States by Italy in 1870, the Pope continued to conclude agreements with some nations and to accredit and receive envoys. In 1929, with the creation of the Vatican City, the Holy See once again became associated with the government of a territory. But this territory can be regarded as an artificial construct that provided the Holy See with some claim to territorial integrity. While most international legal scholars would grant that the Holy See may possess “a degree of international personality,” there is considerable debate as to whether such personality amounts to statehood.
Even without an exhaustive review of international legal definitions of statehood, there are indications that the Holy See does not meet these criteria. According to the Montevideo Convention on the Rights and Duties of States: “The state as a person of international law should possess the following qualifications: a) a permanent population; b) a defined territory; c) government; and d) capacity to enter into relations with the other states.” These four factual criteria for determining statehood are founded upon principles that have been accepted by a host of international law scholars and are consistent with the foreign laws of some nations. The Holy See does not satisfy this definition. Almost by definition, it does not possess a defined territory Because the Holy See is the supreme organ of government for Catholics worldwide, it cannot be said to have a “permanent population.” Finally, the Holy See is itself the government of both the Roman Catholic Church and the Vatican City It cannot therefore be regarded as an entity that possesses a government. The only characteristic of a modern state that is attributable to the Holy See is its capacity to enter into relations with other states. The Holy See is party to international treaties and it, rather than the Vatican City, receives foreign envoys.
It is equally uncertain whether the Vatican City satisfies the modern definition of a nation. Although it has a permanent population, a defined territory, and a government, the Vatican City’s capacity to enter into relations with other states is difficult to assess. The Vatican City has no foreign service of its own and no foreign ministry distinct from that of the Holy See. Article 3 of the Constituent Laws of the Vatican City reserves “to the Sovereign Pontiff, by means of the State Secretariat, . . . the right of representation of the Vatican State, with foreign powers, for the conclusion of treaties and for diplomatic relations.” A state wishing to enter into official relations only with the Vatican City would have to deal first with the Holy See. There also appears to be no diplomatic mission accredited to the Pope solely in his capacity as a temporal sovereign of the Vatican City Yet, at the same time, the Vatican City is a party to some international and bilateral agreements.
The Pope and the President
Enough of that regard and admiration doubtless was communicated in letters from Davis to Pope Pius for it to be manifest to the pontiff, if only in terms of the letters' tone. The correspondence between the Confederate President and Ven. Pope Pius IX was not voluminous, but illuminating. It began when Union agents set about trying to recruit mercenaries from such European Catholic lands as Poland and Ireland. President Davis wrote to Pius, appealing to him to exercise the powers of his office to frustrate the recruiting effort. At his end, Pius communicated to the relevant bishops his concern that the recruitment risked internationalizing the American conflict. Moreover, when he responded directly to Davis he took care to address him as: "His Excellency, Jefferson Davis, President of the Confederate States of America."
Some historians have tried to contend otherwise, as if Vatican diplomacy, famous for its punctiliousness, suddenly went slipshod, but for Pius so to address Davis constituted recognition of the existence of the C.S.A. So would the pontiff's later agreement to receive a personal envoy, an ambassador, of President Davis.
Why did Pius, alone among European heads of state, extend recognition? On this score, there is no particular historical document to which the historian can refer, no memorandum ever retrieved from the archives of the Holy See or Confederate State Department that explains in black and white why he did.
=====
When Ven. Pope Pius IX agreed in 1865 to receive Bishop Lynch as envoy of the President of the C.S.A., the only condition stipulated for his reception was that slavery would not be a subject for discussion. There is no evidence that His Excellency wanted to try to discuss it or that President Davis instructed him to do so.
=====
Author: United States. Naval War Records Office. and United States. Office of Naval Records and Library.
Title: Official records of the Union and Confederate Navies in the War of the Rebellion. / Series II - Volume 3: Proclamations, Appointments, etc. of President Davis; State Department Correspondence with Diplomatic Agents,etc.
Publisher: Govt. Print. Off. Publication Date: 1922
City: Washington Pages: 1368 page images
Subjects: United States -- History -- Naval operations -- Civil War, 1861-1865 -- Confederate States.
No. 66.]
Rome, November, 1863
Sir: As I expected at the date of my no. 65, I reached here on the 9th instant, late in the afternoon.
On the 11th, at half past 1 p.m., I sought and promptly obtained an interview with his Eminence, the Cardinal Secretary of State, Antonelli. I at once explained to him the object of my mission to Rome and he instantly assured me that he would obtain for me an audiance of the sovereign Pontiff.
His Eminence then remarked that he would not withhold from me an expression of his unbounded admiration of the wonderful powers which we had exhibited in the field in resistance to a war which had been prosecuted with an energy, aided by the employment of all the recent improvements in the instruments for the destruction of life and property, unparalleled, perhaps, in the worlds history. He asked me several questions with respect to President Davis, at the end of which he observed that he certainly had created for himself a name that would rank with those of the most illustrious statesmen of modern times. He manifested an earnest desire for the definitive termination of hostilities, and observed that there was nothing the government of the Holy See could do with propriety to occasion such a result that it was not prepared to do. I seized the utterance of this assurance to inform him that but for the European recruits received by the North, numbering annually something like 100,000, the Lincoln Administration; in all likelihood, would have been compelled some time before this to have retired from the contest, that nearly all those recruits were from Ireland, and that Christianity had cause to weep at such a fiendish destruction of life as occurred from the beguiling of those people from their homes to take up arms against citizens who had never harmed or wronged them in the slightest degree. He appeared to be touched by my statement, and intimated that an evil so disgraceful to humanity was not beyond the reach of a salutary remedy.
His Eminence, after a short pause, took a rapid survey of the affairs of the nations of the earth, and drew a rather somber picture of the future, particularly of Europe. He did not attempt to conceal his dislike of England, his want of sempathy with Russia, his distrust of any benefits which might be expected from the congress proposed by France. "If old guaranties," said he, emphatically, "are of no value, new ones will be to feeble to resist expediency when sustained by might."
This is but a short and otherwise imperfect outline of one of the most interesting official interviews I ever enjoyed, an interview which was of lengthened duration and marked from beginning to end with extreme cordiality and courtesy by the destinguished functionary by whom it was accorded. I will add, lest I may not have been sufficiently explicit on that point, that it took place in his office in the Vatican, where he receives all the foreign ministers.
I have the honor to be , sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
A. DUDLEY MANN.
Hon. J. P. BENJAMIN,
Secretary of State, C. S. A., Richmond, Va.
No. 67.]
Rome, November 14, 1863
Sir: At 3 o'clock on the afternoon of yesterday I received a formal notification that his Holiness would favor me with an audience, embracing my private secretary, Mr. W. Grayson Mann, to-day at 12 o'clock.
I accordingly proceeded to the Vatican sufficiently early to enable me to reach there fifteen minutes in advance of the designated hour. In five minutes afterwards-ten minutes prior to the appointed time-a message came from the sovereign Pontiff that he was ready to receive me, and I was accordingly conducted into his presence.
His Holiness stated, after I had taken my stand near to his side, that he had been so afflicted by the horrors of the war in America that many months ago he had written to the Archbishops of New Orleans and New York to use all the influence that they could properly employ for terminating with as little delay as possible the deplorable state of hostilities; that from the former he had received no answer, but that he had heard from the latter and that his communication was not such as to inspire hopes that his ardent wishes would be speedily gratified.
I then remarked that "it is to a sence of profound gratitude of the Executive of the Confederate States and of my countrymen, for the earnest manifestations which your Holiness made in the appeal referred to, that I am indebted for the destinguished honor for which I now enjoy. President Davis has appointed me special envoy to convey in person to your holiness this letter, which, I trust, you will receive in a similar spirit to that which animated its author."
Looking for a moment at the address and afterwards at the seal of the letter, his Holiness took his scissors and cut the envelope. Upon opening it he observed: "I see it is in English, a language which I do not understand." I remarked: "If it will be agreeable to your holiness, my Secretary will translate its contents to you." He replied: "I shall be pleased if he will do so." The translation was rendered in a slow, solemn, and emphatic pronunciation. During its progress, I did not cease for an instant to carefully survey the features of the sovereign Pontiff. A sweeter expression of pious affection, of tender benignity, never adorned the face of mortal man. No picture can adequitely represent him when exclusively absorbed in Christian contemplation. Every sentence of the letter seemed to sensibly affect him. At the conclusion of each, he would lay his hand down upon the desk and bow his head approvingly. When the passage was reached wherein the President states, in such sublime and affecting language, "We have offered up at the footstool of our Father who is in Heaven prayers inspired by the same feelings which animate your Holiness," his deep sunken orbs visibly moistened were upturned toward that throne upon which ever sits the Prince of Peace, indicating that his heart was pleading for our deliverance from that causeless and merciless war which is prosecuted against us. The soul of infidelity--if, indeed, infidelity have a soul-- would have melted in view of so sacred a spectacle.
The emotion occasioned by the translation was succeded by a silence of some time. At length his Holiness asked whether President Davis was a Catholic. I answered in the negative. He then asked if I was one. I assured him that I was not.
His Holiness now stated, to use his own language, that "Lincoln & Co." had endeavored to create an impression abroad that they were fighting for the abolition of slavery, and that it might perhaps be judicious in us to consent to gradual emancipation. I replied that the subject of slavery was one over which the Government of the Confederate States, like that of the old United States, had no control whatever; that all ameliorations with regard to the institution must proceed from the States themselves, which were as sovereign in their character in this regard as were France, Austria, or any other continental power; that true philanthropy shuddered at the thought of the liberation of the slave in the manner attempted by "Lincoln & Co."; that such a procedure would be practically to convert the well-cared-for civilized negro into a semibarbarian; that such of our slaves as had been captured or decoyed off by our enemy were in an incomparably worse condition than while they were in the service of their masters; that they wished to return to their old homes, the love of which was the strongest of their affections; that if, indeed, African slavery were an evil, there was a power which, in its own good time, would doubtless remove that evil in a more gentle manner than that of causing the earth to be deluged with blood for its sudden overthrow.
His Holiness received these remarks with an approving expression. He then said that I had reason to be proud of the self- sacrificing devotion of my countrymen from the beginning to the cause for which they were contending. "The most ample reason," I replied, "and yet, scarcely so much as of my countrywomen, whose patriotism, whose sorrows and privations, whose transformation in many instances from luxury to penury, were unparalleled and could not be adequetly described by any living language. There they had been from the beginning--there they were still more resolute, if possible, than ever, emulating in devotion, earthly though it was in its character, those holy female spirits who were last at the cross.
His Holiness received this statement with evident satisfaction, and then said: "I would like to do anything that can be effectively done, or that even promises good results, to aid in putting an end to this most terrible war, which is harming the good of all the earth, if I knew how to proceed."
I availed myself of this declaration to inform his Holiness that it was not the armies of Northern birth which the South was encountering in hostile array, but that it was the armies of European creation, occasioned by the Irish and Germans, chiefly by the former, who were influenced to emigrate (by circulars from "Lincoln & Co." to their numerous agents abroad) ostensibly for the purpose of securing high wages but in reality to fill up the constantly depleted ranks of our enemy; that those poor unfortunates were tempted by high bounties (amounting to $500, $600, and $700) to enlist and take up arms against us; that once in the service they were invariably placed in the most exposed points of danger in the battle field; that in consequence therof an instance had occurred in which an almost entire brigade had been left dead or wounded upon the ground; that but for foreign recruits the North would most likely have broken down months ago in the absurd attempt to overpower the South.
His Holiness expressed his utter astonishment, repeatedly throwing up his hands, at the employment of such means against us, and the cruelty attendant upon such unscrupulous operations.
"But, your Holiness," said I, "Lincoln & Co. are even more wicked, if possible, in their ways than in decoying innocent Irishmen from homes to be murdered in cold blood. Their champions, and would your Holiness believe it unless it were authoritatively communicated to you, their pulpit champions have boldly asserted as a sentiment: 'Greek fire for the families and cities of the rebels and hell fire for their chiefs.' "
His Holiness was startled at this information, and immediately observed: "Certainly no Catholic could reiterate so monstrous a sentiment." I replied: "Assuredly not. It finds a place exclusively in the hearts of the fiendish, vagrant, pulpit buffoons whose number is legion and who impiously undertake to teach the doctrines of Christ for ulterior sinister purposes."
His Holiness now observed: "I will write a letter to President Davis, and of such a character that it may be published for general perusal." I express my heartfelt gratification for the assertion of this purpose. He then remarked, half inquiringly: "You will remain here for several months ?" I, of course, could not do otherwise than answer in the affirmative. Turning to my secretary, he asked several kind questions personal to himself and bestowed upon him a handsome compliment. He then extended his hand as a signal for the end of the audience and I retired.
Thus terminated one among the most remarkable conferences that ever a foreign representative had with a potentate of the earth. And such a potentate! A potentate who weilds the conciences of 175,000,000 of the civilized race, and who is adored by that immence number as the vice regent of Almighty God in this sublunary sphere.
How strikingly majestic the conduct of the government of the Pontifical State in its bearing toward me when contrasted with the sneaking subterfuges to which some of the governments of western Europe have had recourse in order to evade intercourse with our commissioners. Here I was openly received by appointment at court in accordance with established usages and customs and treated from beginning to end with a consideration which might be enveid by the envoy of the oldest member of the family of nations. The audience was of forty minutes duration, an unusually long one.
I have written this dispatch very hurriedly and fear that it will barely be in time for the monthly steamer which goes off from Liverpool with the mails from the Bahama Islands next Saturday.
I have the honor to be, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant.
A. DUDLEY MANN.
Hon. J. P. BENJAMIN,
Secretary of State, C. S. A., Richmond, Va.
No. 68.]
Rome, November 21, 1863
Sir: I confidently trust that my Nos. 66 and 67, giving detailed accounts of my audience with the sovereign pontiff and of my interview with the cardinal seceratary of state, will have been in your possession some days previous to the arrival of this. Lest, however, they may have been delayed on their way to their destination, I will state that my reception at the Vatican was cordial in the broadest sence of the word, and that my mission has been as successful as the President could have possibly desired it to be.
On the 19th I had a second interview with Cardinal Antonelli. I intended it to be of short duration, but he became so much interested in the communications which I made to him that he prolonged it for nearly an hour. He took the occasion to inform me, at the commencement that the acting representative of the United States had obtained an interview of him the day before to remonstrate against the facilities afforded by the government of the holy see to "Rebels" for entering and abiding in Rome; and that he, the cardinal, promptly replied that he intended to take such "Rebels" under his special protection, because it would be making exactions upon elevated humanity which it was incapable of concientiously complying with, to expect them to take an oath of allegiance to a country which they bitterly detested. I may add, in this connection, that such passports as you may issue will receive the visa of the nuncio at Paris or Brussels, and that there is now nowhere that the nationality of a citizen of the Confederate States is not as much respected as that of the United States except in the dark hole of the North of Europe.
We have been virtually, if not practically, recognized here. While I was in the foreign office the day before yesterday, foreign ministers were kept waiting for a considerable length of time in the antechamber in order that my interview might not be disturbed. Frequently the cardinal would take my hand between his and exclaim: "Mon cher your government has accomplished prodigies, alike in the cabinet and in the field."
Antonelli is emphatically the State. He is perhaps the very best informed statesman of his time. His channels for obtaining intelligence from every quarter of the earth are more multifarious and reliable than even those of the French. His worst enemies accord to him abilities of the very highest order. They say that he is utterly unscrupulous as to the means which he employs, but that no other man could have saved the temporal power of the Pope. He is bold, courageous, resolute, and is a great admirer of President Davis, because he is distinguished by those qualities, qualities which, if supported by good judgement, will, in his opinion, ever win the object to which they are devoted.
Of course I can form no conjecture when the letter of his holiness to the President will be ready for delivery. Weeks, perhaps months, may elapes first. With my explanations to him upon the subject of slavery, I indulge the hope that he will not allude, hurtfully to us, to the subject. As soon as I receive it I will endeavor to prevail with him to have the correspondence published in the official Journal here, or to give me permission to bring it out in the Paris Moniteur. Its information would be powerful upon all the Catholic governments in both hemispheres, and I would return to Brussels and make an appeal to King Leopold to exert himself with Great Britain, Prusia, etc., in our behalf. Thus I am exceedingly hopeful that before spring our independence will be generally acknowledged. Russia alone will most probably stand aloof until we are recognized by the North, as she has now, at least ostensibly, identify her fortunes with that distracted and demon-like division of the old Union.
So far my mission has not found its way into the newspapers. I wish to keep it secret in order that the publication of the letters may, from the unexpectedness, cause a salutary sensation everywhere when it occurs.
I have reason to believe that what I have said in high places in relation to Irish emigration to New York were words in season.
I have the honor to be sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
A. DUDLEY MANN.
Hon. J. P. BENJAMIN
Secretary of State, C. S. A., Richmond, Va.
Sir: The cardinal secretary of state, Antonelli, officially transmitted to me yesterday the answer of the Pope to the President. In the very direction of this communication there is a positive recognition of our government.
It is addressed "to the Illustrious and Honorable Jefferson Davis, President of ther Confederate States of America."
Thus we are acknowledged, by as high an authority as this world contains, to be an independant power of the earth.
I congratulate you, I congratulate the President, I congratulate his cabinet; in short, I congratulate all my true-hearted countrymen and countrywomen, upon this benign event. The hand of the Lord has been in it, and eternal glory and praise be to His holy and righteous name.
The document is in the latin language, as are all documents prepared by the Pope. I can not incure the risk of its capture at sea, and, therefore, I shall retain it until I can convey it , with entire certainty, to the President. It will adorne the archives of our country in all coming time.
I expect to receive a copy of it in time for transmission by the steamer which carries this (via New York) at Nassau.
I shall leave here by the 15th instant, and will proceed to Paris and from thence to Brussels and London.
The example of the sovereign pontiff, if I am not much mistaken, will exercise a salutary influence upon both the Catholic and Protestant governments of western Europe. Humanity will be aroused everywhere to the importance of its early emulation.
I have studiously endeavored to prevent the appearance of any telegraphic or other communications in the newspapers in relation to my mission. The nature of it, however, is generally known in official circles here, and it has been mentioned in one or more journals. The letters, in my opinion, ought to be officially published at Richmond, under a call for the correspondence by the one or the other branch of Congress. In the mean time I shall communicate to the European press, probably through the London Times, the substance of those letters.
I regard such a procedure as of primary importance in view of the interests of peace, and I am quite sure that the holy father would rejoice at seeing those interests benefited in this or any other effective manner.
I have the honor to be, sir, very respectively, your obedient servant,
A. DUDLEY MANN.
Hon. J. P. BENJAMIN,
Secretary of State, C. S. A.., Richmond, Va.
No. 70.]
Rome, December 12, 1863
Sir: Herewith I have the honor to transmit the copy sent to me yesterday of the orginal, in Latin, of the letter of the sovereign pontiff to President Davis. I have taken a duplicate of it. A period of more than a week elapsed between the date of the letter and the delivery of the copy.
I shall repair to Paris immediately where, after conferring with Mr. Slidell and Mr. Mason (from each of whom I have just received the kindest of letters), I shall proceed to Brussels. After a stay there of a day or two, I shall go to London. The Christmas season will be a propitious period for exciting the sympathies of the British public in behalf of the sublime initiative of the Pope. The people of England are never better in heart than during the joyous anniversary of the birth of Him whose cause was "Peace on earth, good will toward men."
Strange to say, a recent number of the Court Journal of London contains one of the most beautiful encomiums ever written upon the eminent purity of character of his Holiness.
I have the honor to be, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
A. DUDLEY MANN.
Hon. J. P. BENJAMIN,
Secretary of State, C. S. A.., Richmond, Va.
[Translation.]
Illustrious and honorable sir, greeting:
We have lately received with all kindness, as was meet, the gentle- men sent by your Excellency to present to us your letter dated on the 23d of last September. We have received certainly no small pleasure in learning both from these gentlemen and from your letter the feelings of gratification and of very warm appreciation with which you, illustrious and honorable sir, were moved when you first had knowledge written in October of the preceding year to the venerable brethren, John, archbishop of New York, and John, archbishop of New Orleans, in which we again and again urged and exhorted those venerable brethren that because of their exemplary piety and episcopal zeal they should employ their most earnest efforts, in our name also, in order that the fatal civil war which had arisen in the States should end, and that the people of America might again enjoy mutual peace and concord, and love each other with mutual charity. And it has been very gratifying to us to recormze illustrious and honorable sir, that you and your people are animated by the same desire for peace and tranquillity, which we had so earnestly inculcated in our aforesaid letters to the venerable brethren above named. Oh, that the other people also of the States and their rulers, considering seriously how cruel and how deplorable is this internecine war, would receive and embrace the counsels of peace and tranquillity. We indeed shall not cease with most fervent prayer to beseech God, the best and highest, and to implore Him to pour out the spirit of Christian love and peace upon all the peo- ple of America, and to rescue them from the great calamities with which they are afflicted. And we also pray the same most merciful Lord that he will illumine your Excellency with the light of His divine grace and unite you with ourselves in perfect charity. Given at Rome at St. Peters on the 3d December, 1863, in the eighteenth year of our pontificate.
Pius P. P. IX.
Illustrious and Hon. JEFFERSON DAVIS,
President of the Confederate States of America, Richmond.
No, that's his other book. Davis completed "A Short History of the (C)onfederate (S)tates of (A)merica" just before he died.
Tsk, tsk, tsk. Lying to the Pope. I'm sure he's rotting in hell for that one.
That would depend on his actions over the next three years. If he worked for the elimination of the district courts, mentioned it in subsequent speeches, lobbied for it in the Congress, used the powers of his office as much as possible to bring that about then I would agree that he favored it. But if he let it drop then I would just chalk it up to politics.
A review of the Vatican Secret Archives reveals no mention of any recognition given to 'mac_truck'.
From the Political Graveyard:
U.S. Diplomatic chiefs of mission to Vatican City
Jacob L. Martin (Charge d'Affaires to the Papal States 1848) Lewis Cass, Jr. (Charge d'Affaires to the Papal States 1849-54) Lewis Cass, Jr. (Minister to the Papal States 1854-58) John P. Stockton (Minister to the Papal States 1858-61) Alexander W. Randall (Minister to the Papal States 1861-63) Richard Milford Blatchford (Minister to the Papal States 1862) Rufus King (Minister to the Papal States 1863) D. Maitland Armstrong (Charge d'Affaires to the Papal States 1869) Harold H. Tittmann, Jr. (Charge d'Affaires to the Vatican 1941-44) William A. Wilson (Ambassador to the Vatican 1984-86) Frank Shakespeare (Ambassador to the Vatican 1986-89) Thomas Patrick Melady (Ambassador to the Vatican 1989-93) Raymond L. Flynn (Ambassador to the Vatican 1993-97) Corinne C. Boggs (Ambassador to the Vatican 1997-) James Nicholson (Ambassador to the Vatican 2001)
How about this whopper?
..."But, your Holiness," said I, "Lincoln & Co. are even more wicked, if possible, in their ways than in decoying innocent Irishmen from homes to be murdered in cold blood. Their champions, and would your Holiness believe it unless it were authoritatively communicated to you, their pulpit champions have boldly asserted as a sentiment: 'Greek fire for the families and cities of the rebels and hell fire for their chiefs.' "
Disclaimer: Opinions posted on Free Republic are those of the individual posters and do not necessarily represent the opinion of Free Republic or its management. All materials posted herein are protected by copyright law and the exemption for fair use of copyrighted works.