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Trump Must Bring QUO WARRANTO Action As Complete Defense To Impeachment
https://naturalborncitizen.wordpress.com ^ | 01.23.2021 | Leo Donofrio

Posted on 01/23/2021 8:31:23 PM PST by rxsid

TRUMP MUST BRING QUO WARRANTO ACTION AS COMPLETE DEFENSE TO IMPEACHMENT

Posted in Uncategorized on January 23, 2021 by naturalborncitizen

Donald J. Trump, please pay close attention to the following legal strategy. You can’t sit back on defense for the Senate’s pending attack on America. This so called impeachment trial fiasco is aimed at stopping the American people from holding the line concerning election fraud, error and blatant lawlessness in the 2020 election. If you are still willing to COUNTERPUNCH, rather than meekly playing defense, then you MUST bring the receipts to institute an action in quo warranto to oust Joe Biden and Kamala Harris from office right now.

PENDING QUO WARRANTO LITIGATION AS DEFENSE TO IMPEACHMENT

We have all heard this type of no comment interview parry before, “We cannot interfere with pending federal court litigation.” You need pending litigation in the D.C. District Court, President Trump, and you need it before the Senate trial begins. How can the Senate try you, when pending litigation has yet to be decided or dismissed by a federal district court?

If your behavior on January 6th in telling people to march peacefully to support the Representatives and Senators contesting the election is a high crime or misdemeanor, then the D.C. District Court must dismiss a pending quo warranto suit, the D.C.. Court of Appeals must affirm such dismissal, and the United States Supreme Court must also confirm dismissal prior to the Senate trial. If you have instituted quo warranto, and the Court has not dismissed it, then the Senate trial is premature. This is why you must use the quo warranto statute tactically now.

If the federal Judiciary seeks to retain any semblance of normalcy in the face of such a massive prima facie case showing evidence of fraud, error and lawlessness supported by hundreds of sworn affidavits, the favorable Wisconsin Supreme Court decision, video evidence, and voting machine irregularities, it will be required to allow a jury trial under the statute. These are issues of fact. And issues of fact get a trial in the version of America we all remember.

The law specifically designed for this by Congress – the same tribunal attempting to convict you – is the federal quo warranto statute. How can they convict you for insurrection, if their entire case is built around punishing you for contesting the election, when they themselves have enacted a federal statute giving all federal election contests for fraud, error and lawlessness a venue in the D.C. District Court?

How can the Senate seriously convict you for availing yourself of their own laws?

It’s a good question, right? How can your behavior be a high crime or misdemeanor, if Congress has enacted a statute to specifically accommodate such behavior? It’s an absurd impeachment for the very reason that they have impeached you for behavior they themselves, as Congress assembled, enacted legislation to support and accommodate.

Therefore, in order to take advantage of the argument I am making, you must institute an action for quo warranto immediately. Then you can make this rational argument. But until you avail yourself of their own law to contest a bogus election, then you can’t make this argument effectively. Your failure to institute quo warranto will leave history with the relevant question of why you didn’t.

Cloak yourself in their law. If the very act of alleging fraud, error and lawlessness is what they are impeaching you for, then why did Congress enact the quo warranto statute? Has there ever been a quo warranto action with such a plethora of irregularities, and hundreds of witnesses swearing under oath to election atrocities?

What the hell did Congress intend when they enacted the federal quo warranto statute, if not that it should apply to a moment like this?

This is a rational important question that America needs to be focused on. But only by requesting the DOJ to bring quo warranto and filing a verified complaint can you make the proper use of both the question and the law.

TACTICAL ADVANTAGES OF QUO WARRANTO.

Build it and they will come.”

Just change the words to, bring it and they will come. Quo warranto that is. Bring it and just like in the Texas case, other states will join you. The State Legislatures in Pennsylvania, Arizona, Georgia and Wisconsin can intervene in the quo warranto as interested parties. In fact, they can bring their own actions in quo warranto. Other states will enter briefs in support as amici curiae, just as they did in the Texas case.

Let’s all go back to near midnight on December 7th, 2020. The State of Texas filed a massive original jurisdiction action at SCOTUS laying out the facts of complete and utter lawlessness having overtaken the electoral process in four states. On December 9th, you intervened, and on that same day, the State of Missouri and sixteen other states filed an amici curiae brief together. Read Point 3 of that brief – filed by seventeen States:

“The Bill of Complaint Alleges that the Defendant States Unconstitutionally Abolished Critical Safeguards Against Fraud in Voting by Mail”

So here we had Texas, supported by seventeen States of the Union, going to the United States Supreme Court alleging that the Defendant States created the conditions for fraud to flourish by abandoning laws enacted by their Legislatures to combat unlawful election activity. And now Congress wants to remove your ability to ever hold office for joining that suit.

How can it be a high crime or misdemeanor if eighteen States of the Union supported it? This is a damned witch hunt. Just like Russia. Just like Ukraine. Our legal norms are being eroded by this witch hunt and you need to COUNTERPUNCH rather than play defense. Quo warranto is the offensive tactic called for.

Texas and those seventeen States will join you, by directly intervening in quo warranto, bringing their own quo warranto, or at the very least entering briefs on your behalf. And all of this prior election litigation will be entered into the verified complaint for quo warranto. The Texas case was decided on standing, not the merits. The proper venue for standing is the D.C. District Court. So go there, and they will come.

TACTICAL ADVANTAGE OF QUO WARRANTO BEFORE SENATE TRIAL

This is a good spot to alert your legal team, should they actually be considering quo warranto, about the passive way the Attorney General and U.S. Attorney have deflected quo warranto actions in the past. § 16-3503 of the statute states:

“If the Attorney General or United States attorney refuses to institute a quo warranto proceeding on the request of a person interested, the interested person may apply to the court by certified petition for leave to have the writ issued. When, in the opinion of the court, the reasons set forth in the petition are sufficient in law, the writ shall be allowed to be issued by any attorney, in the name of the United States, on the relation of the interested person…”

The term “interested person” pertains to those parties who have an interest in the office being challenged by quo warranto which is a more particular interest than just members of the public at large. The statute gives any “third person” the right to relate facts concerning an illegal election to the AG and/or US Attorney, but if the DOJ officials refuse to act, ordinary third persons can’t take it any further.

However, if those third persons are also interested persons, they can go around the DOJ officials and file a certified petition with the D.C. District Court requesting leave to issue the writ bringing Biden/Harris into court to defend. If the Court finds the petition is sufficient in law, then the writ will issue, and there will be a jury trial if either party requests a jury.

It’s very important to take notice of the language in 16-3503, “sufficient in law”. This means that when the D.C. District Court exercises it’s discretion, it does not do so by judging the actual facts certified in the petition. Instead, the statute requires that the petition only be analyzed by the Court as to the law. If the law provides for an action in quo warranto, based on the allegations of fact in the petition, then the petition is sufficient in law, and the action proceeds to the fact-finding stage. §16-3544 states:

“Issues of fact shall be tried by a jury if either party requests it. Otherwise they shall be determined by the court.”

This illustrates my point, in that the court decides whether to allow the action, not based on their own view of the allegations, as that will be left to the jury, or to the court later, after the writ is issued, should neither party request a jury. When you initially request leave of the court to file the action, after a refusal of the DOJ officials, the court’s decision whether to allow the action to go forward is not based on an examination of the ultimate veracity of your allegations, but whether the petition is sufficient in law.

In other words, if the fraud, error, or lawlessness described in your petition were proved true, the petition is sufficient in law if you are an interested person asking for the specific relief offered by the statute. The analysis here is similar to a motion for summary judgment in a personal injury case.

Whenever you bring a law suit for personal injury, the other side will consider a motion for summary judgment, and the court can only dismiss the case if, after reading all of the plaintiff’s allegations of fact as being true, no basis in law exists for the suit.

So, if you fell in a grocery store, and it’s not clear whether the fall was due to your own clumsiness, or negligence of the store, the court will not dismiss the case on summary judgment, because in order to grant such dismissal, the court must assume negligence on the part of the store, but find that the law provides no relief for such negligence.

If the store was on government property, and you failed to file a notice of claim within 30 days, as required by law, then your case can be dismissed on summary judgment, even if the court assumes your allegations of negligence are correct. Your complaint is insufficient in law, because you failed to file the requisite notice of claim.

I make this point to stress that while the D.C. District Court has discretion to determine whether the writ can be issued to bring Biden/Harris into court, that discretion, by the very text of the statute, is limited to sufficiency in law, not fact. And the determination whether the petition is sufficient in law is subject to review in the D.C. Court of Appeals and at SCOTUS based on long established legal norms.

I know those norms have been habitually violated in persecuting the Trump administration by activist jurists, but with every norm that is blatantly violated in trying to “get Trump”, the very rot in the system that governs all of us becomes more exposed to us as a nation.

And perhaps that is God’s design in full view. President Trump is not a perfect man, but he has stood up for the American People against the rotten federal deep state apparatus. And in doing so, Donald Trump has singlehandedly allowed the poisonous snake to bite him, again and again.

Trump is literally a deep state snake handler sucking all of the poisonous venom out of this corrupt federal old boy globalist cabal to defend the American People from it. And their persecution of Trump is not about him…at all. It’s about punishing us for getting in the way of their cartel. Full stop.

A SNEAKY DOJ QUO WARRANTO TACTIC

DOJ officials are going to hamper any quo warranto action’s potential, whether by Trump or State Legislatures, by not responding at all. They have tried this before and it has worked before. In Sibley v. Obama, 866 F.Supp.2d 17, 20 (2012), the D.C. District Court held as follows:

“Furthermore, as a matter of statute, plaintiff is not entitled to institute a quo warranto proceeding himself. Under Chapter 16, § 3503 of the District of Columbia Code, an ‘interested person’ may institute such a proceeding only if the Attorney General and the United States Attorney for the District of Columbia refuse to institute one on his request. Plaintiff submitted a request to Holder and Machen for them to begin a quo warranto action in November 2011, but he has not received an answer from them. Plaintiff has cited no law to support his assertion that a lack of response in this context should be considered a refusal. Since the refusal condition of D.C.Code § 16-3503 has not been met, plaintiff’s quo warranto petition is not ripe.”

That opinion was issued in June 2012, seven months after the plaintiff had contacted the DOJ in November of 2011. The DOJ did not respond at all to the request of plaintiff to institute quo warranto against President Obama. In not responding at all, neither to deny the request or grant it, the court held that, under the statute, an interested person’s right to petition the court directly was not ripe until the DOJ actually refuses.

This creates an absurdity in the law, in that if this ridiculous analysis is correct, the DOJ can stop all interested parties simply by never responding at all. Of course we have precedents to overrule absurdity. Under the absurdity doctrine, a court must construe the statute by applying the plain meaning of the text used unless it would lead to absurd or nonsensical results that the legislature could not possibly have ever intended.

In this case, clearly, the statute mentions three categories of potential plaintiffs; third persons; interested persons (a subset of third persons); and persons claiming true title to the office in question (a subset of interested persons). The statute means that third persons who are not interested parties may never bring the action without DOJ consent.

But the statute also makes clear, at § 16-3523, that when the DOJ refuses, “any attorney” can bring the action in the name of the United States on the relation of an “interested person”, if the court finds the petition “sufficient in law”. It would be a flagrant violation of the absurdity doctrine should the DOJ be able to stop all interested parties from having their day in court by not responding at all.

Furthermore, the statute’s section regarding such refusal has an official title:

“§ 16–3523. Refusal of United States attorney or Attorney General of the District of Columbia to act; procedures.”

When the federal quo warranto statute was originally enacted in 1901, this title was different, reading:

“§1540 If Attorney-General and District Attorney Refuse.”

The statute was updated in later years, substituting the U.S. Attorney for the D.C. District Attorney, because the U.S. Attorney is more proper to challenge the lawful title of national offices such as President, as opposed to local officials. But the title of this section of code was also updated to add the words “to act”, and “procedure”, rather than just refuse.

This is important, because the statute now regards “refusal to act” in the title, rather than the previous simple refusal. And the title of § 16-3523 also mentions the “procedure” following such lack of action.

The plaintiff in Sibley v. Obama should have pointed this out to the Court, because both the title of the section, and the words thereunder, indicate that a refusal to act triggers the right of an interested party to petition the Court directly. If the statute had required a written or verbal refusal, the Court’s holding would be less absurd, but the statute only mentions “refusal to act” in the title, and refusal to “institute a quo warranto proceeding” in the text. Therefore, the Court obviously erred in denying that the case was ripe. It is lack of action by the DOJ that makes it ripe. Seven months of no action is certainly a refusal to act or institute.

REVERSE THE TACTIC

Trump can make very good use of this absurd precedent in the D.C. District Court by immediately requesting that the Attorney General, and/or the U.S. Attorney, institute an action in quo warranto to test the lawful title of Biden/Harris to their current offices.

Under the statute, Trump must do this before he can petition the court directly. But if the DOJ officials simply do nothing, attempting to stop him from ever petitioning the Court directly, Trump can rely on Sibley v. Obama in his motion to dismiss the impeachment, because the quo warranto request will still be pending before the DOJ.

If the DOJ officials have not refused to institute quo warranto, then – according to the D.C. District Court’s precedent – the DOJ officials are still considering it. And if Biden’s own DOJ will not refuse to bring an action in quo warranto against him, then how can Trump be impeached for questioning the legality of the election?

This is why Trump must officially request that Biden’s DOJ institute quo warranto against Biden immediately. It creates a catch 22 for them. If they do officially refuse Trump’s request, this makes his case ripe to petition the D.C. District Court directly. But if Biden’s DOJ pulls the same tactic as was done to the plaintiff in Sibley v. Obama, then Trump can rely on the precedent stating that the DOJ is still considering an action against Biden to oust him from the Office of President.

And if Biden’s own DOJ won’t stand up for him by officially refusing to institute a quo warranto to oust him from the Office of President, then how can the Senate convict Trump for insurrection resulting from his questioning the legality of the election? It’s all a ridiculous absurdity.

Let the poison flow out from the wound. Institute a quo warranto request now. We have nothing to lose and everything to gain, possibly the Office of President of the United States of America.



TOPICS: Government; History; Politics; Reference
KEYWORDS: biden; delusion; denial; drugsarebad; electionfruad; elections; house; impeachment; impeachmenttrial; leodonofrio; naturalborncitizen; nutjobs; okbro; putdownthecrackpipe; quowarranto; senate; trump
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To: rxsid

Bkmk


21 posted on 01/23/2021 10:42:01 PM PST by sauropod (#RecallMcConnell. #Resist. #NotMyPresident.)
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To: Jamestown1630

laches

Yeh they gots leeches


22 posted on 01/24/2021 12:18:30 AM PST by Zack Attack
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To: rxsid

I seriously doubt anyone hears this case. Bribes, blackmail and such. They thought this through when they were so brazen about stealing the election. They got this base covered.


23 posted on 01/24/2021 2:02:34 AM PST by Salvavida
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To: rxsid

Trump will need some super good attorneys to do this, not Rudy or that little girl.

Maybe John Eastman and some he picks could explore this but I have to say that the DC Circuit Court is as corrupt and biased as they come.


24 posted on 01/24/2021 5:53:54 AM PST by Colo9250 (Name the Democrat Congressman that assassinated Ashli Babbitt now!)
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To: rxsid

Maybe we can bring a friendly insurrection suit in court and make it so they can’t proceed with the impeachment?


25 posted on 01/24/2021 6:16:03 AM PST by kvanbrunt2 (spooks won on day 76)
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To: The MAGA-Deplorian

“...and trust what court to hear the case? They will tell Trump he has no standing, there are latches, and that he should have filed this before the election. The courts are corrupt. Justice doesn’t have the blindfold over her eyes, its now used as a gag!”

OBVIOUSLY, you didn’t read it.


26 posted on 01/24/2021 7:24:41 AM PST by faucetman (Just the facts, ma'am, Just the facts )
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To: Jamestown1630

“laches”

You also didn’t read it!

Could only be brought AFTER Biden was sworn in.


27 posted on 01/24/2021 7:26:12 AM PST by faucetman (Just the facts, ma'am, Just the facts )
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To: steve86

Leo Donofrio is BRILLIANT!


28 posted on 01/24/2021 7:27:54 AM PST by faucetman (Just the facts, ma'am, Just the facts )
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To: Governor Dinwiddie

You, didn’t read it either!


29 posted on 01/24/2021 7:28:54 AM PST by faucetman (Just the facts, ma'am, Just the facts )
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To: gas_dr


I have tried to learn and study the concept of laches. I am still not quite understanding it. Can you explain it in laymen terms?”

Let me answer that for him,

In the case of “quo warranto” LACHES DOES NOT APPLY!

“quo warranto” has to be brought AFTER Biden was sworn in. Also an example is given of a case that waited 10 month

In THIS CASE laches does not apply.


30 posted on 01/24/2021 7:33:14 AM PST by faucetman (Just the facts, ma'am, Just the facts )
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To: Salvavida

“They got this base covered.”

I doubt they ever even heard of it.


31 posted on 01/24/2021 7:35:33 AM PST by faucetman (Just the facts, ma'am, Just the facts )
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To: kvanbrunt2

“Maybe we can bring a friendly insurrection suit in court and make it so they can’t proceed with the impeachment?”

You, didn’t read it either!

“PENDING QUO WARRANTO LITIGATION AS DEFENSE TO IMPEACHMENT

We have all heard this type of no comment interview parry before, “We cannot interfere with pending federal court litigation.” You need pending litigation in the D.C. District Court, President Trump, and you need it before the Senate trial begins. How can the Senate try you, when pending litigation has yet to be decided or dismissed by a federal district court?”

and more, READ IT!


32 posted on 01/24/2021 7:40:38 AM PST by faucetman (Just the facts, ma'am, Just the facts )
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To: faucetman

Thank you. It appears that laches does not apply, but could you kindly explain the concept of laches. I have read a bunch of articles and I still cannot quite make a clear understanding on it.

Your education would be appreciated.


33 posted on 01/24/2021 7:54:59 AM PST by gas_dr (Trial lawyers AND POLITICIANS are Endangering Every Patient in America: INCLUDING THEIR LIBERTIES)
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To: rxsid

The Senate has no authority to try a private citizen. Even John Roberts wants no part in this. If I was Trump I wouldn’t bother to send a defense. Maybe a letter reminding them he’s a private citizen.


34 posted on 01/24/2021 7:55:34 AM PST by Georgia Girl 2 (The only purpose of a pistol is to fight your way back to the rifle you should never have dropped)
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To: rxsid

Hi.

I know you know this, but I have to state the obvious...

Impeachment is a political act to remove and then convict a person who is president of the U.S.

Donald J. Trump isn’t president.

Therefore any action (conviction and penalties) would be both expost facto and a bill of attainder.

That’s probably why CJ Roberts said he won’t sit for the trial.

Well, if we still have a constitutional republic.

5.56mm


35 posted on 01/24/2021 8:09:09 AM PST by M Kehoe (Quid Pro Joe and the Ho ain't my president.)
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To: faucetman

I was just trying to direct Gas Dr. to information about laches. If you’re an expert, you should explain it to him.


36 posted on 01/24/2021 11:09:43 AM PST by Jamestown1630 ("Corn Pop was a bad dude. He ran a bunch of bad boys.")
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To: gas_dr

He claims he doesn’t read responses to his posts.

I call BS; but if true, it makes him pretty worthless to engage.

Someone who really knows something about laches will come along.


37 posted on 01/24/2021 11:26:13 AM PST by Jamestown1630 ("Corn Pop was a bad dude. He ran a bunch of bad boys.")
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To: rxsid
Silly rabbit. This is a Soviet style show trail. The verdict is known, all that is left is the staging of the trail. Laws don't matter, due process doesn't matter because justice will not be delivered by the court of the Senate.

The first impeachment involved no crime. Crimes are not relevant in a political show trail, neither are legal precedents.

38 posted on 01/24/2021 11:28:11 AM PST by Robert357
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To: rxsid
A judge will rule "No Standing" without even reading the petition and it will be gone in 60 seconds.

Brutus XI first known printing on 31 January 1788 gave us clear warning about the misuses of our Federal Court System.

"The nature and extent of the judicial power of the United States, proposed to be granted by this constitution, claims our particular attention.

Much has been said and written upon the subject of this new system on both sides, but I have not met with any writer, who has discussed the judicial powers with any degree of accuracy. And yet it is obvious, that we can form but very imperfect ideas of the manner in which this government will work, or the effect it will have in changing the internal police and mode of distributing justice at present subsisting in the respective states, without a thorough investigation of the powers of the judiciary and of the manner in which they will operate. This government is a complete system, not only for making, but for executing laws. And the courts of law, which will be constituted by it, are not only to decide upon the constitution and the laws made in pursuance of it, but by officers subordinate to them to execute all their decisions. The real effect of this system of government, will therefore be brought home to the feelings of the people, through the medium of the judicial power. It is, moreover, of great importance, to examine with care the nature and extent of the judicial power, because those who are to be vested with it, are to be placed in a situation altogether unprecedented in a free country. They are to be rendered totally independent, both of the people and the legislature, both with respect to their offices and salaries. No errors they may commit can be corrected by any power above them, if any such power there be, nor can they be removed from office for making ever so many erroneous adjudications.1

The only causes for which they can be displaced, is, conviction of treason, bribery, and high crimes and misdemeanors.

This part of the plan is so modelled, as to authorise the courts, not only to carry into execution the powers expressly given, but where these are wanting or ambiguously expressed, to supply what is wanting by their own decisions.

That we may be enabled to form a just opinion on this subject, I shall, in considering it,

1st. Examine the nature and extent of the judicial powers-and

2d. Enquire, whether the courts who are to exercise them, are so constituted to afford reasonable ground of confidence, that they will exercise them for the general good.

With a regard to the nature and extent of the judicial powers, I have to regret my want of capacity to give that full and minute explanation of them that the subject merits. To be able to do this, a man should be possessed of a degree of law knowledge far beyond what I pretend to. A number of hard words and technical phrases are used in this part of the system, about the meaning of which gentlemen learned in the law differ.

Its advocates know how to avail themselves of these phrases. In a number of instances, where objections are made to the powers given to the judicial, they give such an explanation to the technical terms as to avoid them.

Though I am not competent to give a perfect explanation of the powers granted to this department of the government, I shall yet attempt to trace some of the leading features of it, from which I presume it will appear, that they will operate to a total subversion of the state judiciaries, if not, to the legislative authority of the states.

In article 3d, sect. 2d, it is said, "The judicial power shall extend to all cases in law and equity arising under this constitution, the laws of the United States, and treaties made, or which shall be made, under their authority, &c."

The first article to which this power extends, is, all cases in law and equity arising under this constitution.

What latitude of construction this clause should receive, it is not easy to say. At first view, one would suppose, that it meant no more than this, that the courts under the general government should exercise, not only the powers of courts of law, but also that of courts of equity, in the manner in which those powers are usually exercised in the different states. But this cannot be the meaning, because the next clause authorises the courts to take cognizance of all cases in law and equity arising under the laws of the United States; this last article, I conceive, conveys as much power to the general judicial as any of the state courts possess.2

The cases arising under the constitution must be different from those arising under the laws, or else the two clauses mean exactly the same thing.

The cases arising under the constitution must include such, as bring into question its meaning, and will require an explanation of the nature and extent of the powers of the different departments under it.

This article, therefore, vests the judicial with a power to resolve all questions that may arise on any case on the construction of the constitution, either in law or in equity.

1st. They are authorised to determine all questions that may arise upon the meaning of the constitution in law. This article vests the courts with authority to give the constitution a legal construction, or to explain according to the rules laid down for construing law. These rules give a certain degree of latitude explanation. According to this mode of construction, the courts are to give such meaning to the constitution as comports best with the common, and generally received acceptation of the words in which it is expressed, regarding their ordinary and popular use, rather than their grammatical propriety. Where words are dubious, they will be explained by the context. The end of the clause will be attended to, and the words will be understood, as having view to it; and the words will not be so understood to bear no meaning or a very absurd one

. 2d. The judicial are not only to decide questions arising upon the meaning of the constitution in law, but also in equity.

By this they are empowered, to explain the constitution according to the reasoning spirit of it, without being confined to the words or letter.

"From this method of interpreting laws (says Blackstone) by the reason of them, arises what we call equity;" which is thus defined by Grotius, "the correction of that, wherein the law, by reason of its universality, is deficient; for since in laws all cases cannot be foreseen, or expressed, it is necessary, that when the decrees of the law cannot be applied to particular cases, there should some where be a power vested of defining those circumstances, which had they been foreseen the legislator would have expressed; and these are the cases, which according to Grotius, lex non exacte definit, sed arbitrio boni viri permittet."

3

The same learned author observes, "That equity, thus depending essentially upon each individual case, there can be no established rules and fixed principles of equity laid down, without destroying its very essence, and reducing it to a positive law."

From these remarks, the authority and business of the courts of law, under this clause, may be understood.

They will give the sense of every article of the constitution, that may from time to time come before them. And in their decisions they will not confine themselves to any fixed or established rules, but will determine, according to what appears to them, the reason and spirit of the constitution. The opinions of the supreme court, whatever they may be, will have the force of law; because there is no power provided in the constitution, that can correct their errors, or controul their adjudications. From this court there is no appeal. And I conceive the legislature themselves, cannot set aside a judgment of this court, because they are authorised by the constitution to decide in the last resort. The legislature must be controuled by the constitution, and not the constitution by them. They have therefore no more right to set aside any judgment pronounced upon the construction of the constitution, than they have to take from the president, the chief command of the army and navy, and commit it to some other person. The reason is plain; the judicial and executive derive their authority from the same source, that the legislature do theirs; and therefore in all cases, where the constitution does not make the one responsible to, or controulable by the other, they are altogether independent of each other.

The judicial power will operate to effect, in the most certain, but yet silent and imperceptible manner, what is evidently the tendency of the constitution:-I mean, an entire subversion of the legislative, executive and judicial powers of the individual states. Every adjudication of the supreme court, on any question that may arise upon the nature and extent of the general government, will affect the limits of the state jurisdiction. In proportion as the former enlarge the exercise of their powers, will that of the latter be restricted.

That the judicial power of the United States, will lean strongly in favour of the general government, and will give such an explanation to the constitution, as will favour an extension of its jurisdiction, is very evident from a variety considerations.

1st. The constitution itself strongly countenances such a mode of construction. Most of the articles in this system, which convey powers of any considerable importance, are conceived in general and indefinite terms, which are either equivocal, ambiguous, or which require long definitions to unfold the extent of their meaning. The two most important powers committed to any government, those of raising money, and of raising and keeping up troops, have already been considered, and shewn to be unlimitted by any thing but the discretion of the legislature.7 The clause which vests the power to pass all laws which are proper and necessary, to carry the powers given into execution, it has been shewn, leaves the legislature at liberty, to do every thing, which in their judgment is best.8 It is said, I know, that this clause confers no power on the legislature, which they would not have had without it-though I believe this is not the fact, yet, admitting it to be, it implies that the constitution is not to receive an explanation strictly, according to its letter; but more power is implied than is expressed. And this clause, if it is to be considered, as explanatory of the extent of the powers given, rather than giving a new power, is to be understood as declaring, that in construing any of the articles conveying power, the spirit, intent and design of the clause, should be attended to, as well as the words in their common acceptation.

This constitution gives sufficient colour for adopting an equitable construction, if we consider the great end and design it professedly has in view-there appears from its preamble to be, "to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and posterity." The design of this system is here expressed, and it is proper to give such a meaning to the various parts, as will best promote the accomplishment of the end; this idea suggests itself naturally upon reading the preamble, and will countenance the court in giving the several articles such a sense, as will the most effectually promote the ends the constitution had in view-how this manner of explaining the constitution will operate in practice, shall be the subject of future enquiry.

2d . Not only will the constitution justify the courts in inclining to this mode of explaining it, but they will be interested in using this latitude of interpretation. Every body of men invested with office are tenacious of power; they feel interested, and hence it has become a kind of maxim, to hand down their offices, with all its rights and privileges, unimpared to their successors; the same principle will influence them to extend their power, and increase their rights; this of itself will operate strongly upon the courts to give such a meaning to the constitution in all cases where it can possibly be done, as will enlarge the sphere of their own authority. Every extension of the power of the general legislature, as well as of the judicial powers, will increase the powers of the courts; and the dignity and importance of the judges, will be in proportion to the extent and magnitude of the powers they exercise. I add, it is highly probable the emolument of the judges will be increased, with the increase of the business they will have to transact and its importance. From these considerations the judges will be interested to extend the powers of the courts, and to construe the constitution as much as possible, in such a way as to favour it; and that they will do it, appears probable.

3d. Because they will have precedent to plead, to justify them in it. It is well known, that the courts in England, have by their owns authority, extended their jurisdiction far beyond the limits set them in their original institution, and by the laws of the land.

The court of exchequer is a remarkable instance of this. It was originally intended principally to recover the king's debts, and to order the revenues of the crown. It had a common law jurisdiction, which was established merely for the benefit of the king's accomptants. We learn from Blackstone, that the proceedings in this court are grounded on a writ called quo minus, in which the plaintiff suggests, that he is the king's farmer or debtor, and that the defendant hath done him the damage complained of, by which he is less able to pay the king. These suits, by the statute of Rutland, are expressly directed to be confined to such matters as specially concern the king, or his ministers in the exchequer. And by the articuli super cartas, it is enacted, that no common pleas be thenceforth held in the exchequer contrary to the form of the great charter: but now any person may sue in the exchequer. The surmise of being debtor to the king being matter of form, and mere words of course; and the court is open to all the nation. When the courts will have a president [precedent] before them of a court which extended its jurisdiction in opposition to an act of the legislature, is it not to be expected that they will extend theirs, especially when there is nothing in the constitution expressly against it? and they are authorised to construe its meaning, and are not under any controul?

This power in the judicial, will enable them to mould the government, into almost any shape they please.-The manner in which this may be effected we will hereafter examine."

39 posted on 01/24/2021 11:43:34 AM PST by fella ("As it was before Noah so shall it be again,")
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To: Robert357

Trial.

(It struck me today, listening to Ken Starr on TV, that by this ‘impeachment’ the Dems seem to be admitting that Trump is still president...maybe that qualifies as a ‘Freudian’ giveaway, in some sense.)

If there is a trial, the Republicans who are against it should air video of the actual speech that the President gave, along with a timeline contrasting the speech against when the trouble at the Capitol actually began. (People who were actually there have already attested to the fact that the trouble began well before the President even finished his speech.)

These democrats - and the flaccid republicans who are caving to them - are lying to our faces, and they don’t even care that we can see it plainly.

Speech Timeline begins at 14:30, Ken Starr at 17.03 (I don’t know how long this link will be good):

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Qv9jHpNftkc


40 posted on 01/24/2021 4:06:20 PM PST by Jamestown1630 ("Corn Pop was a bad dude. He ran a bunch of bad boys.")
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