George Washington--Speech to the Officers of the Army

"Gentlemen: By an anonymous summons, an attempt has been made to convene you together; how inconsistent with the rules of propriety! how unmilitary! and how subversive of all order and discipline, let the good sense of the Army decide.

In the moment of this Summons, another anonymous production was sent into circulation, addressed more to the feelings and passions, than to the reason and judgment of the Army. The author of the piece, is entitled to much credit for the goodness of his Pen and I could wish he had as much credit for the rectitude of his Heart, for, as Men see thro’ different Optics, and are induced by the reflecting faculties of the Mind, to use different means, to attain the same end, the Author of the Address, should have had more charity, than to mark for Suspicion, the Man who should recommend moderation and longer forbearance, or, in other words, who should not think as he thinks, and act as he advises. But he had another plan in view, in which candor and liberality of Sentiment, regard to justice, and love of Country, have no part; and he was right, to insinuate the darkest suspicion, to effect the blackest designs.

That the Address is drawn with great Art, and is designed to answer the most insidious purposes. That it is calculated to impress the Mind, with an idea of premeditated injustice in the Sovereign power of the United States, and rouse all those resentments which must unavoidably flow from such a belief. That the secret mover of this Scheme (whoever he may be) intended to take advantage of the passions, while they were warmed by the recollection of past distresses, without giving time for cool, deliberative thinking, and that composure of Mind which is so necessary to give dignity and stability to measures is rendered too obvious, by the mode of conducting the business, to need other proof than a reference to the proceeding.

Thus much, Gentlemen, I have thought it incumbent on me to observe to you, to shew upon what principles I opposed the irregular and hasty meeting which was proposed to have been held on Tuesday last: and not because I wanted a disposition to give you every opportunity consistent with your own honor, and the dignity of the army, to make known your grievances. If my conduct heretofore, has not evinced to you, that I have been a faithful friend to the Army, my declaration of it at this moment wd. be equally unavailing and improper. But as I was among the first who embarked in the cause of our common Country. As I have never left your side one moment, but when called from you on public duty. As I have been the constant companion and witness of your Distresses, and not among the last to feel, and acknowledge your Merits. As I have ever considered my own Military reputation as inseperably connected with that of the Army. As my Heart has ever expanded with joy, when I have heard its praises, and my indignation has arisen, when the mouth of detraction has been opened against it, it can scarcely be supposed, at this late stage of the War, that I am indifferent to its interests. But, hoe are they to be promoted? The way is plain, says the anonymous Addresser. If War continues, remove into the unsettled Country; there establish yourselves, and leave an ungrateful Country to defend itself. But how are they to defend? Our Wives, our Children, our Farms, and other property which we leave behind us. Or, in this state of hostile seperation, are we to take the two first (the latter cannot be removed), to perish in a Wilderness, with hunger, cold and nakedness? If Peace takes place, never sheath your Swords Says he until you have obtained full and ample justice; this dreadful alternative, of either deserting our Country in the extremest hour of her distress, or turning our Arms against it, (which is the apparent object, unless Congress can be compelled into instant compliance) has something so shocking in it, that humanity revolts at the idea. My God! What can this writer have in view, by recommending such measures? Can he be a friend to the Army? Can he be a friend to this Country? Rather, is he not an insidious Foe? Some Emissary, perhaps from New York, plotting the ruin of both, by sowing the seeds of discord and seperation between the Civil and Military powers of the Continent? And what a Compliment does he pay to our understandings, when he recommends measures in either alternative, impracticable in their Nature?

But here, Gentlemen, I will drop the curtain, because it wd. be as imprudent in me to assign my reasons for this opinion, as it would be insulting to your conception, to suppose you stood in need of them. A moment’s reflection will convince every dispassionate Mind of the physical impossibility of carrying either proposal into execution.

There might, Gentlemen, be an impropriety in my taking notice, in this Address to you, of an anonymous production, but the manner in which that performance has been introduced to the army, the effect it was intended to have, together with some other circumstances, will amply justify my observations on the tendency of that Writing. With respect to the advice given by the Author, to suspect the Man, who shall recommend moderate measures and longer forbearance, I spurn it, as every Man, who regards liberty, and reveres that justice for which we contend, undoubtedly must; for if Men are to be precluded from offering their Sentiments on a matter, which may involve the most serious and alarming consequences, that can invite the consideration of Mankind, reason is of no use to us; the freedom of Speech may be taken away, and dumb and silent we may be led, like sheep, to the Slaughter.

I cannot, in justice to my own belief, and what I have great reason to conceive is the intention of Congress, conclude this Address, without giving it as my decided opinion, that that Honble Body, entertain exalted sentiments of the Services of the Army; and, from a full conviction of its merits and sufferings, will do it compleat justice. That their endeavors, to discover and establish funds for this purpose, have been unwearied, and will not cease, till they have succeed, I have not a doubt. But, like all other large Bodies, where there is a variety of different Interests to reconcile, their deliberations are slow. Why then should we distrust them? and, in consequence of that distrust, adopt measures, which may cast a shade over that glory which, has been so justly acquired; and tarnish the reputation of an Army which is celebrated thro’ all Europe, for its fortitude and Patriotism? and for what is this done? to bring the object we seek nearer? No! most certainly, in my opinion, it will cast it at a greater distance.

For myself (and I take no merit in giving the assurance, being induced to it from principles of gratitude, veracity and justice), a grateful sense of the confidence you have ever placed in me, a recollection of the cheerful assistance, and prompt obedience I have experienced from you, under every vicissitude of Fortune, and the sincere affection I feel for an Army, I have so long had the honor to Command, will oblige me to declare, in this public and solemn manner, that, in the attainment of compleat justice for all your toils and dangers, and in the gratification of every wish, so far as may be done consistently with the great duty I owe my Country, and those powers we are bound to respect, you may freely command my Services to the utmost of my abilities.

While I give you these assurances, and pledge myself in the most unequivocal manner, to exert whatever ability I am possessed of, in your favor, let me entreat you, Gentlemen, on your part, not to take any measures, which viewed in the calm light of reason, will lessen the dignity, and sully the glory you have hitherto maintained; let me request you to rely on the plighted faith of your Country, and place a full confidence in the purity of the intentions of Congress; that, previous to your dissolution as an Army they will cause all your Accts. to be fairly liquidated, as directed in their resolutions, which were published to you two days ago, and that they will adopt the most effectual measures in their power, to render ample justice to you, for your faithful and meritorious Services. And let me conjure you, in the name of our common Country, as you value your own sacred honor, as you respect the rights of humanity, and as you regard the Military and National character of America, to express your utmost horror and detestation of the Man who wishes, under any specious pretences, to overturn the liberties of our Country, and who wickedly attempts to open the flood Gates of Civil discord, and deluge our rising Empire in Blood. By thus determining, and thus acting, you will pursue the plain and direct road to the attainment of your wishes. You will defeat the insidious designs of our Enemies, who are compelled to resort from open force to secret Artifice. You will give one more distinguished proof of unexampled patriotism and patient virtue, rising superior to the pressure of the most complicated sufferings; And you will, by the dignity of your Conduct, afford occasion of Posterity to say, when speaking of the glorious example you have exhibited to Mankind, “had this day been wanting, the World had never seen the last stage of perfection to which human nature is capable of attaining.”

From the Farewell Address:

"Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment.

The Unity of Government which constitutes you one people is also now dear to you. It is justly so; for it is a main Pillar in the Edifice of your real independence, the support of your tranquility at home; your peace abroad; of your safety; of your prosperity; of that very Liberty which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee, that from different causes and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national Union to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual and immoveable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the Palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned, and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our Country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts.

For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens by birth or choice, of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your affections. The name of AMERICAN, which belongs to you, in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of Patriotism, more than any appellation derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, you have the same Religion, Manners, Habits, and political Principles. You have in a common cause fought and triumphed together. The independence and liberty you possess are the work of joint councils, and joint efforts; of common dangers, sufferings and successes.

But these considerations, however powerfully they address themselves to your sensibility are greatly outweighed by those which apply more immediately to your Interest. Here every portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the Union of the whole."

"Revolutionaries", then and now...

"Fraunces Tavern is a restaurant and museum in lower Manhattan, New York City. It was built on the site of a former building which played a significant role in pre-Revolutionary activities, and in which, on 4 December 1783, General George Washington bade farewell to his officers at the end of the Revolution, before returning to his home, Mount Vernon."
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fraunces_Tavern
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"During the 1970s and 1980s, FALN members set off at least 138 bombs in five major U.S. Cities. Six Americans were killed in those attacks. One of those bombings, in January 1975, was at the historic Fraunces Tavern in lower Manhattan while patrons were at lunch. The explosion killed four and injured more than 50."

http://www.realclearpolitics.com/articles/2008/05/bill_hillary_and_the_faln.html
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"Between 1974 and 1985 the FALN (Puerto Rican Armed Forces of National Liberation) organized 120 terrorist bombings in the United States. Many Americans were killed in those bombings, and many more were crippled. In 1983, another Puerto Rican terrorist group known as the Macheteros, attacked and robbed a Wells Fargo armored car in Connecticut. The Macheteros intended to use the money to finance a terrorist campaign against the United States. Working under the cover of Puerto Rican nationalism and claiming to act on behalf of the 'oppressed people of Puerto Rico,' the FALN and the Macheteros are nothing but Communist revolutionaries. Both groups were organized by Fidel Castro's secret police. The ultimate goal of the FALN and the Macheteros is the creation of an independent Marxist-Leninist dictatorship on the island of Puerto Rico."
http://www.worldnetdaily.com/news/article.asp?ARTICLE_ID=19760
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Eric Holder, Bill Clinton, Wright's 'Black Liberation' "church", and the pardons of 16 members of the Puerto Rican Marxist terrorist group FALN:(Wright's Marxist BLT 'church' (Obama's 'church' for 20+ years) advocated for FALN terrorists)
http://www.freerepublic.com/focus/f-news/2165024/posts

This is what the cliche meant by "First in Peace." Washington was not a wild-eyed revolutionary but a sober and conservative individual - that such as he could be forced to rebel should have told the British how very unrealistic their approach to governing the Colonies was.

It is a difficult literary style, choppy to the modern ear, many clauses whose length was dictated by the amount of ink that could be held by a quill pen. Readers of The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, published in 1776, are still driven to distraction by this sort of construction. Go with it - the message is worth it, and Washington and Gibbon would have understood one another perfectly.

The issue was pay for the army, promised but never delivered. The case was justified. Washington makes two points here - first, that patience was in order and that the new Congress would fulfill its obligations eventually (and, as it turned out, incompletely), and second, that there was nowhere to run; that wrecking the nascent nation and hoping to do better further west out of a sense of grievance was short-sighted and ultimately self-defeating. It was a bitter pill but he was right.

I think we can take something away from this. We have to fight it out here. There is no better place to go to, no haven, no utopia over the horizon; it's here and it's up to us to stand and make it happen. Hope is not in the hand of the perfumed demagogue, it is in the hand on the plow, or the gun at need, and their - our - gift to country may be more than they can ever hope to be repaid for. Gratitude is an illusion, but the country, the nation - that is not.

http://www.earlyamerica.com/earlyamerica/milestones/newburgh/

“”The Newburgh Address (also known as The Newburgh Conspiracy)

From David Ramsay’s Life of George Washington, first U.S. edition, 1807

The year was 1783. Though the War had virtually ended in October of 1781 with Cornwallis’ defeat at Yorktown, negotiations for a formal peace treaty had begun in Paris. On March 10 of 1783 a litany of mounting grievances by Continental army officers reached a crescendo. Complaints were many: arrears in pay, failure to settle food and clothing accounts and Congress’ lack of action in making provisions for the life pension of half pay.

Washington was aware of the discontent among his officers but suspected nothing untoward until March 10 when he was given a written call for a meeting of general and field officers the next day. Accompanying the call for the meeting was an anonymous letter circulated among the officers in the camp at Newburgh, New York, a fiery appeal later known as the first Newburgh address. The unsigned document urged the officers that unless their demands were met, they should refuse to disband when the war ended, and that if the war continued they would “retire to some unsettled country” and leave Congress without an army.

The next day, March 11, Washington issued General Orders denouncing the “irregular invitation” and the “disorderly proceedings.” At the same time he called for a meeting on March 15 of representatives of all the regiments to decide how “to attain the just and important object in view.” Shocked and deeply worried, Washington reported the developments in a letter to Congress.

The next day, March 12, a second unsigned letter was circulated expressing the view that the language of Washington’s General Order made him party to the complaints.

With these developments Washington realized that unless he took control of the meeting on the 15th, he faced the prospect of a military coup. Appearing before a tense group of officers on March 15, Washington read a statement he had prepared. In his address he denounced the proposed alternatives and criticized the anonymous letters for implying that the civil authorities were guilty of “premeditated injustice.” Washington’s Reply!

After urging his officers not to take any action that would “lessen the dignity and sully the glory you have hitherto maintained,” the commander in chief took a letter from his pocket describing the financial problems confronting Congress before it could meet the officers’ claims. As Washington stumbled over the closely-written letter, he paused momentarily to put on his glasses, remarking, in effect, “Gentlemen, you must pardon me. I have grown gray in your service and now find my self growing blind.”

When Washington left the meeting, a few of his most trusted officers took charge. Without dissent the officers in attendance expressed their confidence in Congress, and repudiated the “infamous propositions in a late anonymous address.” At that point the conspiracy was dead.

Eventually, it was learned that Colonel Walter Stewart was the original organizer of the movement. Stewart had turned to General Horatio Gates for support, and received a sympathetic ear. The unsigned letters were written by Gen. Gates’ Aide de Camp Major John Armstrong, Jr.

In handling this potentially damaging incident, Washington once again displayed powerful evidence of his personal leadership, a quality he would invoke on the new nation’s behalf in the years that followed.””

No sir, it was not George Washington that calmed those soldiers. His speech was nice, but the underlying reality—if those men were not paid what they were asking for they would initiate a military coup and take over the government installing Washington has King.

It was John Hanson that negotiated the settlement with those soldiers, not George Washington.

George Washington was a power hungry mad maniac and a terrible military tactician. He sought to build his own personal kingdom through land purchases and one of the first acts of his presidency was the Whiskey tax. A per gallon tax for the small distiller, a flat fee for the larger ones. After sending more continental troops to put down the public rebellion than was ever in the field during the Revolution, he promptly became the number one whiskey producer in the nation. And people complained about Dick Cheney and Halliburton. LOL

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