Goodfellow’s Bedfellows: Who’s in Bed with the Washington Post

III. Post-Vietnam Transition: Campaign for a Democratic Foreign Policy and Coalition for a New Foreign and Military Policy

B. CIP Allies: The Latin America Working Group and the Fund for Reconciliation and Development

William Goodfellow came on bloggers’ radar following the April 2006 firing of CIA agent Mary McCarthy. McCarthy’s termination raised interest in her contact with Goodfellow’s wife, Washington Post journalist Dana Priest, whose reporting on alleged CIA secret prisons is the subject of a leak investigation. The CIA has not revealed whether it considers McCarthy to be Priest’s source for the specific leak under investigation, which McCarthy’s attorney has denied, and it is not the purpose of this article to explore this issue. But whether or not McCarthy’s firing proves relevant to the investigation of Priest’s sources, William Goodfellow turns out to be an interesting fellow in his own right, who has had some strange bedfellows beyond Dana Priest.

During the Vietnam War, Goodfellow was associated with an antiwar group which America’s last ambassador to South Vietnam named as one of the prime movers behind Congress’ decision to reject President Ford’s request for emergency financial aid to prevent the fall of Saigon. Since then he has been active in Latin American policy, leading groups which have supported Marxist politicians in Chile, assisted John Kerry’s investigation of the Contras, and opposed the appointment of officials unfriendly to Castro’s Cuba. In recent years Goodfellow’s associates have opposed the Bush administration’s War on Terror policies in Columbia as well as Iraq. Over the course of this activist career Goodfellow has crossed paths with individuals and groups linked to such figures as Jane Fonda, Orlando Letelier, and Joseph Wilson. The table below summarizes Goodfellow’s career, treated in more detail in the sections which follow:

Goodfellow graduated in 1970 from Boston University (BU). During his time at BU the campus hosted an active chapter of Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) which had been cofounded by Lee Webb, a national SDS official. Another national antiwar figure on campus was the Marxist political scientist Howard Zinn, who made a highly-publicized trip to Hanoi in January 1968 with radical priest Daniel Berrigan. It is unknown if Goodfellow interacted with the antiwar movement at BU, but his subsequent choice of graduate schools suggests he already had developed an interest in political activism.

*William Chester Goodfellow Social Network Diagram Summary Table*
	Affiliation	Description	Associations
Born May 25, 1947, Elverson, PA
c. 1966-1970	Boston University	Campus host to antiwar spokesman Howard Zinn and Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) chapter founded by Lee Webb.
1970-1972	Cambridge-Goddard Graduate School for Social Change	Experimental college founded in fall 1970 to train social activists.
1971-1975	Indochina Resource Center (IRC)	Main lobbying group responsible for persuading Congress to reject President Ford’s request for emergency financial aid to prevent the fall of Saigon.	Led by Cornell-linked scholars and activists publicizing atrocities allegations against South Vietnam and US military; associated with Vietnam Veterans Against the War (VVAW) Winter Soldier Investigation (WSI) and Communist Party USA (CPUSA) front People’s Coalition for Peace and Justice (PCPJ); allied with Tom Hayden and Jane Fonda’s Indochina Peace Campaign (IPC)
1975-present	Center for International Policy (CIP)	Latin American policy lobbying group formed by supporters of Chilean Marxists; later supported Sandinistas and lifting of sanctions against Castro regime, as well as Iraq antiwar movement.	Cofounded by anti-nuclear activist Lindsay Mattison and Orlando Letelier, a Chilean Marxist linked to agents of Cuba, East Germany, and the USSR; staffed and supported by former government officials and Congressmen linked to antiwar lobby of Institute for Policy Studies (IPS)
1976	Campaign for a Democratic Foreign Policy (CDFP)	Foreign policy lobbying offshoot of Tom Hayden’s Vietnam activism and 1976 Senate campaign.	Linked to Hayden’s Coalition for a New Foreign and Military Policy (CNFMP), a “popular front” coalition including groups controlled/infiltrated by CPUSA
1980-present	Human Rights Working Group (HRWG)/ Human Rights Political Action Committee/ Central American Working Group (CAWG)/ Latin America Working Group Education Fund (LAWGEF)	Spinoff of Hayden’s CNFMP publicizing alleged human rights violations by anti-Communist forces in Latin America and elsewhere.	Co-led by Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA), another group formed by supporters of Chilean Marxists.
October 7, 1989	Dana Louise Priest	Married.	Washington Post

After graduating from BU, Goodfellow spent the next two years attending the new Cambridge-Goddard Graduate School for Social Change (later renamed the Goddard-Cambridge Graduate Program in Social Change, aka G-C). This was an educational program for social activists started in fall 1970 as an external degree program of Goddard College, with sometime-support from the Cambridge Institute (later called the Cambridge Policy Studies Institute). Goddard College, which started as a Unitarian Universalist seminary prep school, had been founded by Royce Pitkin, a disciple of Marxist educational theorist John Dewey. Goddard took a radically experimental approach to education, and its G-C program became one of the earliest academic centers for feminist studies, supported from 1975-1976 by Goddard President Richard Graham, an associate of National Organization for Women (NOW) cofounder Betty Friedan. During the period of Goodfellow’s attendance from 1970-1972, the school consisted of approximately 66-100 students and 30 faculty members. At least two members of this small faculty, Paul Buhle and Dave Wagner, had been associated with an SDS spinoff called the Radical Education Project (REP), linked to Paul Mellen, cofounder of the terrorist offshoot of SDS known as the Weather Underground Organization (WUO or Weathermen). Buhle founded and edited the REP-inspired magazine Radical America, which promoted the work of Marxist intellectuals such as Pan-African theorist C.L.R. James and Guy Debord of the Situationist Internationale (SI). In short, G-C was a training ground for social revolutionaries, and the fact Goodfellow chose to attend graduate school there during its first semester of operation suggests his career path had already taken a left turn.

After earning his Master’s at G-C, Goodfellow was associated from 1973 to 1975 with the Indochina Resource Center, a group which pressured Congress to support various goals of the antiwar movement, such as severing US aid to South Vietnam and anti-Communist forces in Cambodia, negotiating the release of South Vietnam's political prisoners, and securing amnesty for American war resisters. Former US Ambassador to South Vietnam Graham Martin testified to the Senate in 1976 that the IRC’s lobbying effort--along with related operations run by IRC codirector Don Luce--had played what he considered the pivotal role in Congress’ decision to reject President Ford’s request for emergency financial aid to prevent the fall of Saigon.

The IRC had been founded in February 1971 by Fred Branfman, an activist against US bombing in Vietnam. Its codirectors included at various times Branfman, Luce, Berkeley/Cornell Vietnamese history specialist David G. Marr, and Cornell political scientist D. Gareth (Gary) Porter.

The background of IRC’s codirectors is worth some elaboration for the light it sheds on the significance of Goodfellow’s involvement with this group. Luce, Marr, and Porter were all associated with the Cornell Southeast Asia Program directed by George McTurnan Kahin, a leading academic spokesman for the antiwar movement who had previously worked with controversial Asia policy specialist Owen Lattimore. Both Luce and Branfman had worked in Southeast Asia for an antiwar faction of the overseas volunteer program International Voluntary Services (IVS). Both were active in propaganda campaigns against the US military that intersected with the Vietnam Veterans Against the War (VVAW)-organized Winter Soldier Investigation (WSI), an outgrowth of a propaganda campaign launched by KGB agent Romesh Chandra. Both were present during a November 1972 visit to Hanoi by a US antiwar delegation linked to the People’s Coalition for Peace and Justice (PCPJ), a Communist Party USA (CPUSA) front group. Finally, both Branfman and Luce worked in coordination with the lobbying efforts of Jane Fonda’s husband Tom Hayden. This background is summarized for reference in the table below and detailed in the sections which follow:

IVS was an overseas volunteer program which worked closely with US government agencies, similar to the Peace Corps. It had been initiated by the Friends (aka Quakers), Mennonites, and Brethren, pacifist denominations known collectively as the “Historic Peace Churches”. Accordingly, many IVS volunteers were religious pacifists. Some came to sympathize with the Vietnam antiwar movement.

Don Luce was the leader of IVS’ program in Vietnam. Unlike many of his IVS colleagues he was a Congregationalist rather than a member of one of the Historic Peace Churches. But while teaching part-time at an agricultural college outside Saigon in 1965-1966, he became close to a group of Vietnamese students and developed antiwar sympathies. Luce’s Vietnamese contacts included members of the Struggle Movement, a coalition of dissidents led by a militant Buddhist faction following the radical monk Thich Tri Quang, a former associate of Ho Chi Minh who encouraged self-immolation as a form of civil disobedience. During this period Luce also met Senator Edward Kennedy while testifying before the Senate Judiciary Committee’s Subcommittee on Refugees and Escapees in 1965.

Indochina Resource Center Social Network Diagram Table*
*The term “social network diagram table” is meant to indicate a visual aid representing degrees of separation. Arrows symbolize approximate degrees of separation, the precise sociological significance of which varies with individual case, and in themselves neither imply nor exclude any connotation of “guilt by association”.
Individual/s	Affiliations	Social Network Chain
Fred Branfman	-> International Voluntary Services (IVS)	-> Don Luce, Gene Stoltzfus, Tom Fox, etc. ->US Study Team on Religious & Political Freedom in Vietnam (John Conyers Jr., Robert Drinan, etc.) -> Tom Harkin, etc.	-> World Council of Churches (WCC)	-> Christian Peace Conference (CPC)	-> USSR
”	-> Indochina Mobile Education Project	-> Don Luce	”	”	”
”	-> Project Air War	-> American Friends Service Committee (AFSC) -> Clergy and Laity Concerned (CALC) -> Vietnam Veterans Against the War (VVAW) -> People’s Coalition for Peace and Justice (PCPJ)	-> CPUSA	-> World Peace Council (WPC)	-> USSR
”	->Committee of Liaison with Families of Servicemen Detained in North Vietnam (COLIFAM)	-> Women Strike for Peace (WSP)	-> CPUSA	-> Women’s International Democratic Federation (WIDF)	USSR
”	->”	-> Daniel Berrigan, David Dellinger, Tom Hayden, Cora Weiss, Howard Zinn, etc.	->	->	North Vietnam
”	->Indochina Peace Campaign (IPC)	-> Tom Hayden, Jane Fonda	->	->	North Vietnam
Don Luce	SEE ABOVE
Don Luce, David G. Marr, D. Gareth Porter	->Cornell University Southeast Asia Program	-> George McTurnan Kahin	-> Selo Soemardjan -> Owen Lattimore	-> Sukarno -> Lauchlin Currie, Harry Dexter White	-> Indonesia -> USSR

The Struggle Movement had lost some momentum by the end of 1966. The next year the South Vietnamese government attempted to pacify its domestic opposition by announcing elections, scheduled for September 1967. Thich Tri Quag’s supporters immediately began questioning the legitimacy of the elections and threatening renewed civil disobedience. Three weeks after the election results, Luce and a group of other IVS leaders joined the radical Buddhists’ repudiation of the new government by sending the New York Times an advance copy of a letter to President Johnson announcing their resignation. Joining Luce in this action were fellow IVS program leaders Gene Stoltzfus (who would later direct the group Christian Peacemaker Teams, aka CPT) and Willi Meyers and IVS regional team leader Don Ronk. Also helping draft their letter of resignation but not resigning themselves were their IVS colleagues David Gitelson and Tom Fox (recently killed in Iraq while working for CPT).

Luce and his colleagues’ cause was taken up by Senator Kennedy, whose brother Robert was then considering running for President in the 1968 election on an antiwar ticket. Kennedy used his influence to give Luce and Stoltzfus access to State Department personnel and to arrange for them to testify before the Senate Subcommittee on Refugees and Escapees. In early 1968 Kennedy was given a factfinding tour of South Vietnam by Luce’s IVS associate John Sommer. David Gitelson also met with Kennedy at this time, and shortly afterwards IVS reported that he had been captured and killed by the Vietcong; his antiwar associates would assert without proof that he had actually been killed by anti-Communist agents. Kennedy subsequently wrote the foreword to Luce and Sommer’s 1969 book Viet Nam: The Unheard Voices, published by Cornell University Press.

Luce’s choice of publishers was significant. Following his resignation from IVS, Luce had spent 1968 at Cornell, which was his alma mater. There he worked at Cornell’s Center for International Studies as a research assistant with the Center’s Project on International Relations of East Asia, credited in the preface to his book. In this capacity he interacted with an antiwar network centered around Cornell’s Southeast Asia Program, directed by George McTurnan Kahin (usually referred to as George McT. Kahin). Kahin’s 1967 book The United States in Vietnam is cited on page 277 of Luce and Sommer’s book.

Kahin was a pivotal figure who stood at the nexus between the popular antiwar movement and its academic and political supporters. Before coming to Cornell in 1951, he had worked part-time as a journalist in Indonesia. There he asked Minister of Education Ali Sastroamidjojo to suggest a research assistant for him, and he was assigned Selo Soemardjan, secretary to Sultan Hamengku Buwono IX, who had been a leading figure in the Indonesian independence movement against the Dutch. Soemardjan introduced him to other political figures, most significantly President Sukarno. Kahin maintained his relationship with Sukarno until 1963 and invited Soemardjan to come study with him in the United States. Kahin’s academic attacks on Dutch colonialism led Dutch authorities to regard him as persona non grata and prompted the US State Department to withhold his passport from 1949 to 1954.

After returning to the US in 1949, Kahin became an instructor at Johns Hopkins University, where Asian studies specialist Owen Lattimore was Director of the Page School of International Relations. Lattimore’s FBI file includes an informant’s report on a private discussion Lattimore had about the Page School’s appointment of Kahin to research Indonesian nationalism. Lattimore mentioned that Kahin’s appointment was part of an effort to promote comparative work on nationalism in Asia, with Kahin to work on Indonesian nationalism, Chinese linguist John DeFrancis to work on Chinese nationalism, and an undesignated anthropologist or sociologist to be assigned to work on Mongolian nationalism (a field Lattimore later worked in).

Kahin and DeFrancis became research aides for Lattimore’s legal defense team after Lattimore was accused by Joseph McCarthy in 1950 of being “Moscow’s top spy” and “one of the principal architects of our Far Eastern policy”, allegations which remain controversial to this day even among anti-Communist historians. Two different Senate subcommittees reached conflicting conclusions about Lattimore, and subsequent research has not resolved the question of his precise relationship to Soviet intelligence. Declassified Soviet Venona cables do not directly settle this issue, implicating some of Lattimore’s associates but making no mention of Lattimore himself. US government documents pertinent to the case include over 8,000 pages of relevant FBI files and Senate testimony, which are still being digested by historians.

Without a lengthy digression into the Lattimore investigation, some significant known facts may be summarized briefly. The FBI had flagged Lattimore as a suspected Communist and potential security risk as early as May 1941, when he was being considered for a position as the Roosevelt administration’s political advisor to Chinese Nationalist leader Chiang Kai-shek. The Nationalists similarly opposed Lattimore’s appointment, but President Roosevelt forced him on Chiang, according to an FBI informant quoting Chiang’s wife. Lattimore had initially been recommended for the position by White House aide Lauchlin Currie (previously with the Treasury Department) and Treasury Department assistant Harry Dexter White, both later discovered to be members of the Silvermaster Group spy ring supervised by Jacob Golos and Elizabeth Bentley. At this time Currie was President Roosevelt’s personal representative in China and the head of the US economic mission to the Chinese Nationalist government. Lattimore received a desk in Currie’s office at Room 228 in the State Department Building, telling associates he could be reached there in a 1942 letter (contradicting his later Senate testimony that he never had a desk at the State Department). Meanwhile White and his staff at Treasury were blocking the delivery of US aid to the Nationalists which had been approved by Congress.

At the same time White was seconding Currie’s recommendation of Lattimore as a political advisor to the Nationalists, he also recommended that the Nationalists’ Ministry of Finance hire Communist spy Chi Ch’ao-ting, who like Lattimore was associated with the publication Amerasia. In June 1945 the FBI raided Amerasia, uncovering approximately a thousand stolen government documents, along with a spy ring linked to Soviet agent Joseph Bernstein which included Lattimore’s associates Philip Jaffe and T.A. Bisson. Follow-up investigation of Amerasia and other Soviet espionage activity eventually drew attention to Lattimore himself.

Several Communist Party informants and Soviet defectors told the FBI and Senate investigators that they had heard Lattimore was a Soviet agent. The FBI was apparently unable to substantiate this with direct surveillance evidence (at least judging by a declassified 1949 report, which is heavily censored in certain key sections), but did document regular contact between Lattimore and Communist front groups, party members, and agents. In addition to Currie, White, Jaffe, and Bisson, Soviet agents Lattimore had been in contact with during the 1930s and 1940s included Comintern agent Willi Munzenberg’s lieutenant Louis Gibarti, Agnes Smedley and Chen Han-seng of the Sorge spy ring, and Michael Greenberg of the Cambridge Five. All this does not prove beyond a reasonable doubt, by the standards that would apply in a court of law, that Lattimore was a spy rather than a fellow traveller or sympathizer, but it does nothing to exonerate him of reasonable suspicion in the court of history, either. At a minimum, he owed his position as a political advisor to a pair of key agents in the Soviet campaign to undermine the Chinese Nationalists, and his foreign policy statements were evidently viewed by these agents as conducive to the Soviets’ foreign policy goals in Asia.

In a similar way, Kahin’s foreign policy statements would prove useful to the North Vietnamese. While working for Lattimore’s defense, Kahin applied for a job at Cornell. There, using a strained analogy between the Indonesian nationalist movement and the Vietcong to portray the latter as “nationalists” rather than communists, he became an early supporter of the Vietnam antiwar movement. Joining the Teach-In movement in 1965, he quickly becoming one of the antiwar movement’s most prominent academic spokesmen. He agreed to debate Johnson administration representative McGeorge Bundy, which led to Bundy’s brother William attempting to co-opt him by inviting him to join the State Department’s East Asia Advisory Committee. Kahin accepted the invitation, but used the opportunity to network with government critics of Johnson’s Vietnam policy, including the leader of the Senate antiwar lobby, J. William Fulbright, as well as 1972 Democratic Presidential candidate George McGovern. In this way Kahin became a key contact between the antiwar movement and the Congressional antiwar lobby. Several of Kahin’s associates at Cornell would likewise become involved with the IRC’s efforts to influence Congress, including Luce, David G. Marr, and Gary Porter, who have collectively been referred to as the “Hanoi for Lunch Bunch”.

After a year at Cornell, Luce returned to Vietnam in 1969 as an investigative journalist for Cornell and for the United Methodist Church’s Vietnam Education Project (VEP). In this capacity he became affiliated with the World Council of Churches (WCC), an international religious body which had been infiltrated by Soviet intelligence through front groups such as the Prague-based Christian Peace Conference (CPC). Networking with other religious antiwar groups and with Thich Tri Quang’s follower Ngo Ba Thanh, Luce along with Stoltzfus and Fox joined a campaign to publicize allegations of torture against the South Vietnamese government, involving what were called “Tiger Cages”, allegedly located at Con Son Island Prison.

Luce’s public involvement in the Tiger Cages story was preceded by the more low-key involvement of his former IVS colleagues Stolzfus and Fox. Fox had also quit IVS after the 1968 Tet Offensive and was now working as a foreign correspondent for National Catholic Reporter, TIME, The New York Times, and Dispatch News Service International. Dispatch News, founded in 1968 by Berkeley grad student David Obst and freelance writer Michael Morrow, was the same news service that helped Seymour Hersh break the My Lai Massacre story in 1969. It was funded by Philip Stern, nephew of Soviet spy Alfred Stern and a financier and board member of the Marxist think tank the Institute for Policy Studies (IPS). Dispatch News also employed Soviet agent Wilfred Burchett. Luce’s Cornell associate Gary Porter later became Dispatch News’ Saigon bureau chief.

While Fox was working for Dispatch News, he also began courting and eventually married Vietnamese native Kim Hoa, who worked for the Saigon staff of the Committee of Responsibility (COR). This was a medical activist group founded in New York in 1966. Its Chairman was Herbert Needleman, a pediatrician and child psychologist associated with antiwar activist Benjamin Spock, later exposed for using faulty methodology to perpetrate junk-science claims about lead poisoning. Its Treasurer was Anne Peretz, a wealthy heiress married to Martin Peretz, who during that period worked with the antiwar magazine Ramparts and the Vietnam Moratorium Committee (VMC).

While Fox’s wife worked for the Saigon staff of COR, Fox and Stoltzfus served as the Saigon staff of the US Study Team on Religious & Political Freedom in Vietnam. This was a human rights investigating body consisting primarily of a group of religious antiwar leaders that included Fox’s friend Robert Drinan, an associate of the VMC and soon to run for Congress in a 1970 campaign chaired by John Kerry. Also part of the team was Congressman John Conyers, Jr. The Study Team’s research was conducted in May-June 1969 and the results were presented to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee in February 1970 by J. William Fulbright, leader of the antiwar lobby in the Senate. The Team’s report stated that “prison authorities denied the existence of ‘tiger cages’”, that “Team members were unable to elicit any more from the prison officials than that the ‘tiger cages’ were no longer in existence”, and that “Team members observed no brutality.” However an unidentified prisoner “speaking surreptitiously to the Team members said, in answer to a question, ‘Yes, the ‘tiger cages’ are here, behind Camp No. 2 and Camp No. 3. You looked in the wrong place.’”

To make this unsubstantiated hearsay sound more convincing, Luce started his own propaganda campaign. One of Luce’s former agriculture college students had been imprisoned at Con Son. Students protesting the imprisonment had written a report on conditions at the prison, which Luce and a Quaker friend translated and sent to hundreds of newspapers around the US. While Luce was preparing the report for distribution, he recruited Congressmen William Anderson and Augustus Hawkins and Congressional aide Tom Harkin to stray away from an official Congressional delegation to Saigon for a private fact-finding trip to Con Son in July 1970. Harkin forced his Vietnamese hosts to let him into the prison, violated security procedures by walking among the inmates, and shot some photos of prison cells with bars in the ceiling under catwalks, which shouting prisoners reportedly alleged were used for abusing inmates by dumping things from the ceiling. Luce’s factfinding team then went back to Saigon and collected abuse allegations from five former inmates who had been imprisoned as suspected Communists. The allegations collected by Luce’s team were disputed by officials who claimed the catwalks were used for observing inmates rather than for abuse. The US Agency for International Development’s Senior Advisor to the South Vietnamese Director of Corrections, Don Bordenkircher, would later extensively criticize the Luce team’s allegations, arguing, “The Tiger Cage story put out in 1970 stands as one of the most successful operations ever undertaken by Hanoi's Department of Psychological Warfare.” The majority of other Congressmen investigating the matter decided they did not find the Luce team’s allegations persuasive enough to include in their official report.

Bypassing his colleagues’ objections, Harkin called a press conference and denounced the official report as “a whitewash or a snow job”. He allowed Luce to provide some of his photographs for a pictorial essay in the July 17, 1970 issue of LIFE. Luce also supplied photographs to the underground paper Liberation News Service (LNS, supported by IPS) and wrote pieces on the subject for a British antiwar paper, the Manchester Guardian, as well as several Vietnamese newspapers. This led the government of South Vietnam to inform him that his press card would not be renewed.

No longer welcome in South Vietnam, Luce began telling his Tiger Cages story around the United States as he toured the country from 1971 to 1974 with what he called the Indochina Mobile Education Project. This involved Luce travelling by bus around the country and presenting visual aids designed to arouse opposition to the war and pressure Congress to cut off aid to South Vietnam.

Assisting Luce with the Indochina Mobile Education Project was poet Jacqueline Chagnon (aka Jacquelyn Chagnon, Jacqui Chagnon). Chagnon would later be overheard by federal investigators having conversations with convicted Vietnamese spy David Truong (Truong Dinh Hung). Truong, who like Luce was associated with the Vietnam Education Project, had cowritten a letter to the magazine New Republic in July 1971 regarding an inmate named Nguyen Truong Con imprisoned at Con Son, the location of Luce’s alleged Tiger Cages.

While running his Indochina Mobile Education Project, Luce travelled as an ABC News correspondent to Hanoi in fall 1972. On November 15 he appeared on ABC Evening News with a group of Americans visiting POWs held by the North Vietnamese. The segment included an interview with Jane Hart, wife of Senator Philip Hart. Mrs. Hart claimed that POWs were being treated well.

Hart had come to Hanoi that October as part of a four-person delegation of female poets called the Committee for the Release of Prisoners of War in Hanoi. According to FBI files, the delegation’s flight had been arranged by Anniversary Tours (AT), a travel agency controlled by CPUSA, which was funded and directed by the Soviet Union. In addition to Hart, the delegation also included “Mrs. D. Goodwin” (first name not given in FBI files), Muriel Rukeyser (under FBI surveillance since 1932 due to association with CPUSA fronts and identified as a CPUSA member by former member Louis Budenz), and Denise Levertov (wife of Mitchell Goodman, indicted for conspiring with the “Boston Five” to advocate draft evasion in 1967). Hart’s group was travelling on behalf of the Committee of Liaison with Families of Servicemen Detained in North Vietnam (COLIFAM, aka COL).

COLIFAM was a group which helped the North Vietnamese extort POW families by offering mail contact with POWs and the hope of POW releases in exchange for antiwar propaganda statements. It was formed in 1970 as an outgrowth of a July 1965 conference in Jakarta, Indonesia between female representatives of the Vietnamese Communists (including Madame Nguyen Thi Binh, future delegate to the Paris Peace Talks) and delegates from the US antiwar group Women Strike for Peace (WSP), which had been infiltrated by CPUSA and became the US affiliate of the Soviet front group the Women’s International Democratic Federation (WIDF). According to private conversations between COLIFAM committee member Richard Fernandez and an informant quoted in FBI files, COLIFAM had secretly been formed by North Vietnam and its members had been selected by the Hanoi government. COLIFAM’s formation was supported by representatives of WSP, the New Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam (New Mobe), the religious antiwar groups the American Friends Service Committee (AFSC) and Clergy and Laity Concerned (CALC), and other antiwar groups. COLIFAM was cochaired by WSP’s Cora Rubin Weiss and the New Mobe’s David Dellinger.

Dellinger was the protege of leading US pacifist A.J. Muste, identified as a CPUSA front man in 1957 FBI testimony to the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee. In 1966 he had helped Muste found the US antiwar movement’s national organizing body, the National Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam (Mobe, succeeded in 1969 by the New Mobe). Meanwhile he travelled to China and North Vietnam in fall 1966, shortly before Muste led one of the earliest US delegations to Hanoi (following up on an earlier 1965 delegation that included CPUSA’s Herbert Aptheker and SDS’ Tom Hayden and Staughton Lynd). He again visited China and North Vietnam in spring 1967, just after Muste died. Since then he had followed in Muste’s footsteps by taking the lead in handling arrangements for American antiwar delegations to North Vietnam. In early 1971 he became a leader of a CPUSA-controlled spinoff of the New Mobe called the People’s Coalition for Peace and Justice (PCPJ), which regularly sent delegations abroad to Communist-bloc countries and to conferences of Soviet front groups, such as the World Assembly for the Peace and Independence of the Peoples of Indochina held in Paris in February 1972, which was sponsored by the Soviet front groups the World Peace Council and the Stockholm Conference on Vietnam (aka World Conference on Vietnam). The PCPJ worked with representatives of North Vietnam to organize violent protests designed to paralyze Washington DC and American college campuses and thus pressure the US government to accept a “People’s Peace Treaty” expressing Hanoi’s peace terms. Luce helped support the PCPJ’s US demonstrations by using his contacts to organize parallel demonstrations in Saigon.

Cora Weiss, COLIFAM’s other cochair, had a background similar to Dellinger’s. She was the daughter of Faberge millionaire and CPUSA member Samuel Rubin, a friend of CPUSA financier Armand Hammer. Her husband Peter Weiss was an attorney with the legal groups the National Lawyers Guild (NLG) and the Center for Constitutional Rights (CCR), which frequently defended Communist clients. Cora and her husband distributed the Rubin family fortune through a charity called the Fund for Tomorrow to left-wing groups such as IPS. Like Dellinger she had travelled to North Vietnam and was working with North Vietnam and the PCPJ to pressure the US government to accept the terms of the People’s Peace Treaty.

In the wake of Hart’s October 1972 COLIFAM delegation, another COLIFAM delegation had been announced departing for Hanoi on November 1, 1972, with some members travelling via Moscow aboard the Soviet airline Aeroflot. This delegation included:

--Tom Hayden and Carolyn Mugar, both recently active in the Indochina Peace Campaign (IPC) with Jane Fonda, who had been in Hanoi earlier that year;

--Dave Hunter of the WCC affiliate the National Council of Churches (NCC), who was also executive director of Philip Stern’s Stern Family Fund, which had provided the initial endowment for IPS;

--Daniel Berrigan and Howard Zinn, who had previously travelled to Hanoi together in 1968; and

--Fred Branfman, who would spend the next few years working with Don Luce and William Goodfellow at the IRC.

Like Luce, Branfman had worked with IVS, serving as a volunteer in Laos from March 1967 through June 1969. Qutting IVS, Branfman worked as an investigative journalist in Laos from September 1969 through February 1971 to expose US covert bombing operations in Southeast Asia. Then in February 1971 he returned to the US to continue his campaign against US bombing by founding a program called Project Air War, which he ran while codirecting the IRC.

Project Air War’s publicity campaign against US bombing was part of a broader propaganda offensive against the US military that was launched in 1971 by the same PCPJ-led coalition groups then helping the Vietnam Veterans Against the War promote war crimes allegations against US soliders through the Winter Soldier Investigation.

The WSI was an outgrowth of a Soviet propaganda campaign that can be traced back to at least early 1965 (with precedents during the French phase of the Vietnam War), when the US began its first major offensives in Vietnam and the antiwar movement countered with its first major protests. At that time KGB agent Romesh Chandra, who was chairman of the WPC, launched the Stockholm Conference on Vietnam, which promoted war crimes allegations against US troops. Meanwhile, Soviet archives reveal, Soviet intelligence began circulating forgeries in the name of Gordon Goldstein of the US Office of Naval Research, falsely “confessing” to US biological warfare activity in Vietnam and Thailand.

The Stockholm Conference sponsored the 1967 inauguration of the Bertrand Russell Peace Foundation’s International War Crimes Tribunal. In late 1969 Seymour Hersh’s My Lai expose inspired a US counterpart to the International War Crimes Tribunal called the Citizens’ Commission of Inquiry into War Crimes in Indochina (CCI). Representatives of the CCI and VVAW would join Don Luce in attending the International War Crimes Tribunal in Oslo, Norway in June 1971.

The VVAW’s Winter Soldier Investigation originally began in January 1970 as part of the CCI’s inquiry, but by the end of the year it had spun off into a separate project due to a conflict between CCI leadership and lawyer Mark Lane. Lane’s speculations about the Kennedy assassination had been supported by the KGB since 1964, but by the time of the Winter Soldier Investigation his self-promoting grandstanding had come to irritate CPUSA and CCI leaders. Unfortunately for his rivals, Lane was supported in this dispute by Jane Fonda, who was the VVAW’s Honorary National Coordinator and controlled the housing and funding arrangements for WSI. Fonda raised funds for WSI through a speaking tour at 54 colleges, through appeals to United Auto Workers and Detroit attorneys, and through benefit concerts involving fellow celebrities Donald Sutherland, Dick Gregory, Barbara Dane, Phil Ochs, David Crosby, and Graham Nash. Also contributing significant funding was the United States Servicemen’s Fund (USSF), whose funding in turn came from sources such as Cora and Peter Weiss’ Fund for Tomorrow, Philip Stern and David Hunter’s Stern Family Fund, Anne Peretz, and Democratic Party antiwar wing financier Max Palevsky (cofounder with businessmen Harold Willens and Henry Niles of an antiwar group called Business Executives Move for Peace in Vietnam aka BEM, founded in 1967 and changed in 1975 to Business Executives Move for New National Priorities). WSI and CCI’s work was also supported by a group of antiwar academics called the Education/Action Conference on US Crimes of War that included MIT’s Noam Chomsky, Harvard’s George Wald, IPS’ Richard Falk and Peter Weiss, Temple University’s Mark Sacharoff, AFSC’s Stewart Meacham, Luce’s former IVS associate Willi Meyers, CALC’s Richard Fernandez, IPS/VVAW-associated psychiatrist Robert Jay Lifton, and others.

WSI initially publicized its allegations against US troops in hearings held in Detroit from January 31 through February 2, 1971. That same February Branfman launched Project Air War, which collected information on US bombing operations for the purpose of generating public opposition to the intensification of bombing in Vietnam.

Project Air War reflected a strategic shift by the North Vietnamese and the antiwar movement in early 1971 to focus on countering the US bombing campaign. That spring as the VVAW joined the PCPJ in a Mayday protest that aimed to close down the streets of Washington DC (coordinated with a parallel protest PCPJ co-leader Rennie Davis had Don Luce organize in Saigon), antiwar protestors took up the slogan, “Stop the air war!” Towards this end, Project Air War worked closely with similar projects run by a network of antiwar groups tied to the VVAW.

One of Project Air War’s allies in this effort was an AFSC intelligence-gathering operation formed in 1969 called National Action/Research on the Military/Industrial Complex (NARMIC). NARMIC worked closely with IPS and an IPS spinoff called the North American Congress on Latin America (NACLA) to collect information on corporate US military contractors so that these companies could be targeted for protests. NARMIC corporate targets included napalm manufacturer Dow Chemical and cluster or “pineapple” bomb manufacturer Honeywell. NARMIC coordinated its propaganda efforts with the VVAW’s WSI operation. NARMIC research assistant Arthur Kanegis testified at the WSI, using slides provided by Seattle AFSC member Ken Kirkpatrick depicting alleged victims of napalm and cluster bombs. Kanegis followed up his presentation with a question-and-answer session which included a plug for NARMIC and a list of corporate targets mentioning Honeywell. NARMIC also coordinated with Project Air War. In 1972 Kanegis coproduced for NARMIC a slide show called The Automated Air War which was widely shown by antiwar groups to generate protests against US bombings.

Another ally of Project Air War and NARMIC was the VVAW’s Ad Hoc Military Buildup Committee (AHMBC, aka Ad Hoc Committee on US Military Buildup in Indochina). The AHMBC was activated in April 1972 as a function of the VVAW Intelligence Center, then run by New England VVAW Regional Coordinator Mike Roche. It was a joint project that included:

--the GI Press Service, an antiwar paper published by the Student Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam (Student Mobe) out of an address in Washington, DC which had been shared in 1969 by the New Mobe and a VVAW GI counterpart called Serviceman’s Link to the Peace Movement (LINK); and

--the Chicago Area Military Project, a group tied to Chicago VVAW leader Bart Savage which maintained contact with military bases all over the world.

With support from these groups, the AHMBC collected information from active-duty personnel and veterans about US military installations, operations, and troop movements, which was then disseminated to the media and other war critics.

Project Air War, the AFSC’s NARMIC operation, and the VVAW’s AHMBC operation worked in coordination with other antiwar groups from the PCPJ’s coalition over the course of 1971-1972. In February 1972 the PCPJ, AFSC, CALC, and the VVAW all sent delegations to Paris for the Soviet-sponsored World Assembly for the Peace and Independence of the Peoples of Indochina, where plans were discussed for US delegations to visit Hanoi later that year. After the PCPJ’s fellow travellers returned from Paris, a PCPJ-linked coalition implemented plans to disrupt the Republican National Convention, leading to a showdown between the VVAW and law enforcement in Miami that August. In September Project Air War, the AFSC, the VVAW, CALC, and a group called the Honeywell Project (formed by Minnesota activist Marv Davidov in 1968 to protest Honeywell’s corporate headquarters in Minneapolis) joined together to form the People’s Blockade Committee (PBC), which aimed to physically block munitions shipments to US troops.

This was followed up by the PCPJ coalition’s participation in the October-November 1972 COLIFAM delegations to Hanoi that Branfman and Luce were involved with. As COLIFAM’s delegations were returning from Hanoi that Christmas, Luce’s former IVS colleague Tom Fox also returned from Vietnam to the US, bringing with him his new wife Kim Hoa from the Saigon staff of COR. The next year Branfman and Luce would be joined at the IRC by William Goodfellow.

From 1973 through 1975, Goodfellow worked at the IRC with Branfman and Luce. Different sources variously list his title as “research director” and “associate”. Also at the IRC were David Marr and Gary Porter from the Cornell Hanoi for Lunch Bunch, as well as journalist John Spragens, Jr.

Spragens was the bureau chief of Pacific Basin Reports and wrote for American Reports. He also did work as a photographer and interpreter for the Washington Post. In 1977 he would translate Our Great Spring Victory, a chronicle of the fall of Saigon by North Vietnamese General Van Tien Dung. The book was edited by Don Luce and Cora Weiss and published by Monthly Review Press, a Marxist periodical then co-edited by Harry Magdoff, who had been a member of the Perlo Group Soviet spy ring during World War II.

The IRC contributed to the fall of Saigon by playing a key role in the campaign to pressure Congress to withdraw US aid to South Vietnam. In this campaign the IRC worked in coordination with the antiwar lobby in Congress and other members of the PCPJ coalition, particularly CALC, which Luce directed from 1974-1978. The IRC also formed a close relationship with an organization similar to itself called the Indochina Peace Campaign.

The Indochina Peace Campaign had been founded by Tom Hayden and Jane Fonda in September 1972, and lasted until the end of the Vietnam War in 1975. It was launched in Ohio concurrently with an appearance by Fonda on the Dayton-based Phil Donahue Show, where Fonda reported on her July 1972 visit to Hanoi and claimed she had witnessed American POWs being treated well. Other IPC members included Donald Sutherland and Holly Near from Fonda’s FTA troupe, the VVAW’s Scott Camil (whose legal defense in the Gainesville Eight trial was being funded by Fonda), former POW George E. Smith, and former Ramparts editor Mike Ansara.

Like the IRC, the IPC worked with the PCPJ coalition to pressure Congress to cut off US aid to South Vietnam. The IPC also collected aid in conjunction with Medical Aid for Indochina (MAI, aka Medical Aid for Indochina Committee), founded by IPC staff member Bill Zimmerman (recently media consultant for MoveOn.org). MAI raised donations to “buy medical equipment” for the Vietcong and North Vietnam, as well as Communists in Laos and Cambodia, with the funds sent via trips to Hanoi coordinated with COLIFAM and the CPUSA travel agency AT. MAI’s fundraisers included Cuban agent Rene Mederos.

The IPC developed a close relationship with the IRC. The IPC’s Cambridge, Massachusetts branch was actually known as the “Resource Center”, and Boston IPC associate Henry Norr collected publications from the IRC as part of his work for the IPC.

Hayden and Branfman also developed a close relationship after Hayden accompanied Branfman’s COLIFAM delegation to Hanoi in November 1972. Branfman spent 1975-1976 as an advisor to Hayden’s unsuccessful 1976 Senate campaign, which was directed by Bill Zimmerman. (Zimmerman’s firm Zimmerman, Galanty & Fiman also later produced the Jane Fonda’s Workout video, which Fonda used to finance her husband’s activism.)

After Saigon fell in 1975, the IPC dissolved and spawned two successor organizations: the Friends of Indochina and the Campaign for a Democratic Foreign Policy, the latter group similar in nature to the IPC but broader in its foreign policy scope than just the Vietnam War. William Goodfellow, while still affiliated with the IRC, became a board member of the Campaign for a Democratic Foreign Policy. Another member of the Campaign was Marjorie Tabankin, an old friend of Hayden’s. Tabankin had travelled as a PCPJ representative first to the Soviet-sponsored World Assembly for the Peace and Independence of the Peoples of Indochina in February 1972, and then to Hanoi later that year on a trip arranged by MAI. Tabankin would soon become the head of the government anti-poverty volunteer agency Volunteers to Service America (VISTA, a sort of domestic version of the Peace Corps) under the Carter administration.

Following Hayden’s unsuccessful 1976 Senate campaign, the Campaign for a Democratic Foreign Policy was absorbed into a new group formed in 1977 from Hayden’s campaign network, initially called the Hayden Group and later renamed the Campaign for Economic Democracy (CED). CED directed its organizing efforts towards attacking big business and electing anti-corporate/antiwar representatives. It received financial support from IPS through a tax-exempt 501(c)(3) nonprofit, the Foundation for National Progress.

Meanwhile, Hayden formed a complementary foreign policy lobbying network, the Coalition for a New Foreign and Military Policy (CNFMP). Hayden’s coalition was built on an IPC offshoot he and Fonda had formed in late 1972 called the Coalition to Stop Funding the War, which was apparently absorbed in October 1973 into what was called the United Campaign for Peace aka United Campaign to End the War. During Hayden’s 1975-1976 Senate campaign this group became the nucleus of the Ad Hoc Coalition for a New Foreign Policy. In May 1976 the Ad Hoc Coalition became the CNFMP by merging with a group called the Coalition on National Priorities and Military Policy (chaired by former Senator Joseph S. Clark, who was associated with the Council for a Livable World and Members of Congress for Peace Through Law aka MCPL, both linked to the anti-nuclear group SANE and to IPS).

CNFMP operated out of 120 Maryland Avenue in Washington, DC, an address which was one of a pair of properties owned by General Motors heir Stewart Rawlings Mott at 120 and 122 Maryland Avenue in Washington, DC. The 122 address was also known as the Mott House, and served as headquarters for the Mott-funded charity the Fund for Peace (FfP) and the FfP-funded antiwar groups the Center for Defense Information (CDI) and Center for National Security Studies (CNSS), which along with the Center for International Policy have collectively been referred to as “the Fund for Peace constellation”.

The Fund for Peace constellation had some significant connections to the financial heart of the antiwar left. CDI had emerged from a predecessor called the Businessmen’s Educational Fund, formed in the 1960s by Harold Willens. Willens was mentioned previously in connection with Winter Soldier Investigation financier Max Palevsky, who had helped him cofound Business Executives Move for Peace in Vietnam in 1967. At that time Willens was also the financial angel to the Center for the Study of Democratic Institutions (CSDI), a left-wing think tank founded by one Robert Maynard Hutchins.

Hutchins, an academic administrator at Yale Law School and the University of Chicago, had a history of Communist-related activity dating back to the 1920s. As Yale Law School Dean in 1927, he joined Harvard Law School’s Felix Frankfurter in supporting a propaganda campaign organized by Comintern agent Willi Munzenberg to defend anarchists Nicola Sacco and Bartolomeo Vanzetti from murder charges. He was also responsible for bringing to Yale future Supreme Court Justice William O. Douglas and helping establish a climate that would make Yale Law School a center of “legal realism”, the legal theory underlying what is today usually referred to as “judicial activism”. After two years at Yale, Hutchins went to the University of Chicago, where he acquired a reputation for defending the right of the Communist Party to form official school-sponsored clubs and to invite party leaders to speak on campus. Leaving the University of Chicago in 1951, Hutchins became Associate Director of the Ford Foundation in 1951. The next year he was questioned by Congress regarding the use of the Ford Foundation to fund Communist fronts. Leaving the Ford Foundation in 1954, he became President of the Fund for the Republic, which he had founded the previous year with a $15 million Ford grant. In 1956 he proposed to the Fund’s board that they should found an institution that would identify and counter the causes of McCarthyism by studying the factors which govern the dynamics of freedom and repression in democratic societies. This was the birth of CSDI, founded in 1959 as the Fund’s working arm. Financing initially came from the Fund for the Republic, with some support from left-wing philanthropists such as Cyrus Eaton, a financier of Bertrand Russell’s anti-nuclear activity. One of CSDI’s more ambitious projects, organized by former Roosevelt administration advisor Rexford Tugwell, was to write a new Constitution for the United States. CSDI’s most expensive activity was the sponsoring of million-dollar Pacem in Terris conferences, international antiwar conferences designed to appeal to intellectuals from both sides of the Iron Curtain. In 1965 CSDI hosted the founding of the National Conference for New Politics (NCNP), which worked with IPS and CPUSA public relations director Arnold Johnson to bring disillusioned Democrats together with radicals into a third-party movement. (NCNP cochair Dick Gregory would end up running on a third-party ticket with Mark Lane in 1968 under the banner of the Freedom and Peace Party, a splinter from Bob Avakian’s Peace and Freedom Party, which represented a Maoist faction of SDS.) The CSDI also interacted with the Vietnam antiwar movement, attracting Cornell’s George McT. Kahin to serve as a CSDI fellow from 1970-1971.

The Fund for the Republic began facing financial trouble during CSDI’s first year of operation, and Hutchins recruited Willens to save CSDI. Shorly after this CSDI began receiving significant financing from criminal sources such as the Albert Parvin Foundation (a front for mobster Meyer Lansky’s operations) and the Fund of Funds (an investment scam created by Bernard Cornfeld, partner of embezzlement expert and Medellin Cartel cofounder Robert Vesco). Willens subsequently became a major financier of the left wing of the Democratic Party, contributing significantly to the Presidential campaigns of Eugene McCarthy, George McGovern, and Jimmy Carter, as well as the Nuclear Freeze Movement. Willens, Palevsky and a group of other rich Los Angeles-based liberals came to be known as the “Malibu Mafia”, forming a faction which rivaled MCA chairman Lew Wasserman for domination of the left wing of the Democratic Party in Southern California in the early 1970s. Other associates of the Malibu Mafia included Stanley Sheinbaum (son-in-law of movie mogul Harry Warner, also associated with Hutchins, with Ramparts editor Robert Scheer, and with Pentagon Papers leaker Daniel Ellsberg), Warner Brothers chairman Ted Ashley, TV producer Norman Lear, clothing manufacturer Miles Rubin, Tool Research and Engineering Corporation executive Leopold Wyler, and celebrities Warren Beatty, Neil Diamond, Paul Newman, and Robert Redford. The Hollywood circles of this group were also linked through Fonda to Hayden’s activism.

Tapped into the Fund for Peace and Malibu Mafia financial networks, the CNFMP built a coalition that may be characterized as a “popular front”, including both Communist and non-Communist groups. The Mott House complex buildings used by the CNFMP were shared by various antiwar groups in addition to the members of the Fund for Peace constellation. Prominent among these were the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF) and Women Strike for Peace (WSP), which were linked to CPUSA, the WPC, and a new US affiliate of the Soviet front WIDF, Women for Racial and Economic Equality (WREE). Likewise, CNFMP’s coalition included a number of groups that had worked with CPUSA’s PCPJ coalition during the Vietnam War, along with several unions with historic CPUSA associations (such as the United Electrical, Radio, and Machine Workers of America and the International Longshoremen’s and Warehousemen’s Union), other CPUSA-associated groups (such as the National Lawyers Guild and the National Center to Slash Military Spending), and groups linked to the Trotskyist Socialist Workers Party (SWP).

Alongside such groups, the Winter/Spring 1977 issue of the Coalition’s Action Alert publication listed the IRC as a member of the CNFMP. Later in 1977 the IRC changed its name to the Southeast Asia Resource Center and moved its headquarters from Washington, DC to Berkeley, California. After David Truong’s arrest for espionage in January 1978 it also spawned a spinoff called the Indochina Project, directed by Gary Porter and Washington Post Cambodia correspondent Elizabeth Becker, which lasted from 1978 until 1980.

The Southeast Asia Resource Center and Indochina Project continued to work with the CNFMP coalition, which included a project called the Indochina Working Group. Don Luce remained associated with the Southeast Asia Resource Center as its director. Gary Porter, who had been in Washington, DC testifying to Congress on behalf of the IRC, stayed there to join IPS when the IRC moved. Meanwhile William Goodfellow had already cofounded a new IPS spinoff linked to the CNFMP and Indochina Project: the Center for International Policy.

Goodfellow cofounded CIP and was its Deputy Director from its founding in 1975 until 1985. Since 1985 he has been its Executive Director.

CIP expanded the Vietnam antiwar movement’s scope to include opposition to US intervention in other areas of Cold War conflict. Initially in the mid-1970s CIP opposed US support of anti-Communist forces in places such as Chile, Korea, and Angola. CIP placed special emphasis on blocking loans from financial institutions to anti-Communist governments in Latin America. In the 1980s it opposed US support for anti-Communist forces in El Salvador and Nicaragua. Since then it has continued to influence Latin American policy through means such as lobbying for the lifting of sanctions against Cuba, supervising elections in Haiti, and criticizing US policy in Columbia. Recently CIP has also supported the Iraq antiwar movement.

Center for International Policy Social Network Diagram Table*
*The term “social network diagram table” is meant to indicate a visual aid representing degrees of separation. Arrows symbolize approximate degrees of separation, the precise sociological significance of which varies with individual case, and in themselves neither imply nor exclude any connotation of “guilt by association”.
Address/Individual	Affiliations	Social Network Chain
Mott House complex (120-122 Maryland Avenue NE, Washington, DC)	-> Coalition for a New Foreign and Military Policy (CNFMP), Tom Hayden, Jane Fonda	-> United Electrical, Radio, and Machine Workers of America, International Longshoremen’s and Warehousemen’s Union, National Lawyers Guild, National Center to Slash Military Spending, etc.	->. . .	-> . . .	->CPUSA, USSR
”	-> Fund for Peace (FfP), Center for Defense Information	-> Harold Willens	-> Robert Maynard Hutchins	-> Fund for the Republic/ Center for the Study of Democratic Institutions/ National Conference for New Politics	-> CPUSA, USSR
”	->”	->”	-> “Malibu Mafia”	-> Jane Fonda	-> Tom Hayden
Lindsay Mattison	-> Committee for Nuclear Information, Bruce Commoner	-> Edward Condon, Linus Pauling	-> Robert Maynard Hutchins	-> SEE ABOVE	->
”	-> Business Executives Move for Peace in Vietnam (BEM)	-> Harold Willens	-> SEE ABOVE
”	-> Center for Defense Information (CDI)	-> Harold Willens	-> SEE ABOVE	->	->
”	-> Center for Development Policy (CDP)	-> Robert White	-> Commission on US-Central American Relations	-> Fenton Communications	-> Nicaragua
”	->“	-> Christic Institute	-> Quixote Center	-> Medical Aid for Nicaragua	-> Nicaragua
Orlando Letelier	-> Isabel Letelier	-> Chile Committee for Human Rights	-> Abe Feinglass	-> CPUSA, WPC	-> USSR
”	-> Transnational Institute	-> Institute for Policy Studies	-> Saul Landau	-> WPC	-> USSR
”	-> International Tribunal to Judge the Crimes of the Chilean Junta	-> . . .	-> . . .	-> WPC	-> USSR
”	-> Valery Nikolayenko and Victor Degtyar	-> . . .	-> . . .	-> KGB	-> USSR
”	-> Clodomiro Almeyda, Carlos Altamiro Orrego	-> . . .	-> . . .	-> . . .	-> East Germany
”	-> Luis Fernandez Ona, Julian Rizo, Teofilo Acosta	-> . . .	-> . . .	-> Direccion General de Inteligencia (DGI)	->Cuba
Robert White	-> Center for Development Policy	-> SEE ABOVE

The CIP was rooted in the antiwar network descended from the IRC, IPC, and CNFMP. Like the CNFMP, it initially operated out of the Mott House complex on Maryland Avenue in Washington (later moving to Massachusetts Avenue). CIP financed the IRC’s Indochina Project spinoff. The Summer 1979 issue of the CNFMP publication Coalition Close-Up listed CIP as a member of the CNFMP coalition. CIP’s founder and first codirector was a member of CNFMP, Lindsay Mattison.

Mattison (recently active with the New Forests Project and the Center for Democracy and Human Rights in Saudi Arabia.) had a background with antiwar groups close to the Fund for Peace financing network. In the 1960s he had written for the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists while working for the anti-nuclear group the Greater St. Louis Citizens’ Committee for Nuclear Information (CNI, called the Committee for Environmental Information aka CEI after May 1967). CNI had been founded in 1958 by pioneer environmentalist Barry Commoner, who had recently worked with scientific antiwar spokesmen Edward Condon and Linus Pauling in circulating a petition linked to Bertrand Russell’s antinuclear campaign. A 1946 FBI report to President Truman had cited an informant’s allegation that Condon was assisting the Silvermaster Group in atomic espionage. The report noted that the Bureau had no evidence to substantiate that Condon had passed on any classified information, but that Condon was known to be in contact with Silvermaster. Meanwhile, that year Pauling joined the Emergency Committee of Atomic Scientists, a CPUSA-linked group lobbying against US atomic research. Condon and Pauling would both be investigated by Congressional security bodies, leading to the revocation of Condon’s security clearance and the threatening of contempt charges against Pauling for his refusal to answer questions about whether CPUSA was involved in his activity with Condon and Commoner. The cloud of suspicion around Pauling forced his removal from the board of SANE, but he managed to generate enough public support to intimidate investigators into dropping prosecution threats, and went on to become a fellow at Robert Maynard Hutchins’ CSDI from 1963 to 1967.

While working with CNI/CEI, Mattison also served on the staff of BEM, cofounded by Hutchins’ financier Harold Willens. In the early 1970s Mattison codirected Willens’ CDI, which was funded by the Fund for Peace. When Mattison founded CIP in 1975, FfP began financing CIP as well.

Assisting Mattison in founding CIP was Chilean diplomat Orlando Letelier. Letelier represented the exiled remnant of the Marxist regime formerly led by Salvador Allende, deposed in a 1973 coup led by General Augusto Pinochet.

From March to September 1976, while affiliated with CIP, Letelier also directed IPS’ Amsterdam-based international affiliate, the Transnational Institute (TNI) affiliate. (He would be succeeded in this position by Tariq Ali, a PLO sympathizer then associated with the International Marxist Group aka IMG, the British section of the international Trotskyist group the United Secretariat of the Fourth International aka USFI. More recently Ali has attended the World Social Forum in Brazil and Pakistan.) Meanwhile Letelier’s wife Isabel organized a US lobbying group, the Chile Committee for Human Rights (CCHR), linked to IPS, IPS’ lobby in Congress, and CPUSA’s Abe Feinglass. Feinglass was an official with the WPC, which had frequent contacts with IPS, illustrated by Letelier’s IPS friend Saul Landau leading the US delegation to the WPC Conference on Solidarity with Chile. Letelier himself became a leading figure in the WPC-sponsored International Tribunal to Judge the Crimes of the Chilean Junta, held in Mexico City in early 1976.

Beyond his contact with front groups and fellow travellers, Letelier also had direct contact with Communist-bloc intelligence agents, which came to light after he was assassinated in September 1976. Letelier’s assassination has been a subject of considerable controversy, which is beyond the scope of this article to attempt to resolve, but a summary is warranted for context.

Since the FBI’s initial investigation in the 1970s, significant light has been shed on the case by Paraguayan documents discovered in 1992, US documents declassified since 1999, and Soviet documents publicized in 2005. According to declassified US documents, on July 30, 1976 the CIA informed the State Department it had become aware that Operation Condor, an intelligence alliance between Chile’s intelligence agency (the Direccion de Inteligencia Nacional, aka DINA) and other South American security agencies, included a plot to assassinate Pinochet’s political opponents abroad. On August 23, 1976 Secretary of State Henry Kissinger ordered the State Department’s envoys in South America to try to avert this plot by advising their respective countries that the US was aware of the plan and concerned about it. However, the US ambassador to Chile, after consulting with the CIA station there, decided that Pinochet would be insulted by such a message and it would be futile to deliver it to him. Over the next few weeks US officials debated what course of action to take, considering alternative courses of action such as bypassing Pinochet by going directly to the DINA chief Manuel Contreras.

Meanwhile, the KGB had also apparently learned of Operation Condor. Soviet archives record that on August 10,1976, KGB chief Yuri Andorpov authorized Operation TOUCAN, a plan to use forgeries to expose Operation Condor and exploit it for propaganda points. The KGB’s forgeries would end up being quoted by reporter Jack Anderson, who speculated that the CIA was complicit in DINA’s activities.

That September 21, Letelier was assassinated in Washington, DC while on his way to IPS, in a car bombing that also killed his American aide Ronni Moffitt and injured Moffitt’s husband. The crime was eventually confessed to by a hitman named Michael Townley, who turned state’s evidence, implicated members of DINA and Miami’s anti-Castro community, and was then released under the Witness Protection Program, to later become a suspect in other murders. Follow-up prosecution of Townley’s alleged accomplices remains ongoing three decades later.

Although FBI investigators of the assassination publicly claimed in 1980 that they did not suspect Letelier of being a Communist agent, they did not offer any convincing alternative explanation for observations noted by independent reviewers of Letelier’s effects. Letelier had carried on frequent correspondence with Beatriz (Tati) Allende Ona, daughter of Salvador Allende and wife of Cuban intelligence agent Luis Fernandez Ona. Ona had served as her father’s security chief and was one of his key points of contact with both Cuban and Soviet intelligence, Soviet archives publicized in 2005 reveal. Letters Ona wrote Letelier from Cuba mention regular payments to him “in the name of the party”. Letelier’s address and appointment books listed among his contacts 11 Cuban officials, including Julian Rizo, the top official of Cuba’s Direccion General de Inteligencia (DGI) stationed at the UN, and Teofilo Acosta, a high-ranking DGI agent stationed at the Czechoslovakian embassy in Washington, DC; 13 East German contacts, as well as several Chilean Marxists exiled in East Germany and linked to the WPC; 4 Soviet officials, including KGB officers Valery Nikolayenko and Victor Degtyar (later one of the KGB contacts of FBI mole Robert Hanssen); and 27 US media personnel, including 7 contacts from the Washington Post. Letelier’s papers also included a letter from NACLA’s Elizabeth Farnsworth praising Goodfellow’s work on Chile.

In addition to Mattison, Letelier, and Goodfellow, other early staff members of CIP included:

--Donald Ranard, a former State Department official close to Letelier; Ranard was opposed to US support of South Korea and was instrumental in triggering the Koreagate investigation;

--Donald Fraser, a former Congressman whose House Committee on Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on International Organizations and Movements had directed the Koreagate investigation, as well as an investigation of CIA activity in Latin America prompted by the Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA), a “human rights” lobbying group founded by Marxist “liberation theologians” who supported Allende’s regime in Chile and travelled to Cuba;

--Edward Snyder of the Friends Committee on National Legislation, AFSC’s lobbying arm, who along with WOLA’s Joseph Eldridge had helped Congressman Tom Harkin draft a 1975 amendment to the Foreign Assistance Act which tied US foreign aid to human rights criteria in an effort to cut off US aid to Chile;

--Susan Weber, formerly registered as an agent of the Soviet government while employed as a copy editor for Soviet Life;

--Carl Marcy of the American Committee on East-West Accord (ACEWA aka American Council on United States-Soviet Relations), a SANE-linked antinuclear group which also employed one Jeanne Mattison; and

--Anthony Lake, a member of a dove faction in the Nixon administration who resigned over Nixon’s Cambodia policy and then took up with IPS, the Church Committee, and the Carter State Department; and

--David Aaron, an assistant to Walter Mondale; Aaron, along with CIP’s William G. Miller played a key role in the Church Committee and Carter administration’s reconstruction of the intelligence community.

--Benjamin Cohen, a former New Dealer and key member of a left-wing apparatus within the government run by Supreme Court Justices Louis Brandeis and Felix Frankfurter, who were responsible for promoting the careers of several Soviet spy recruits including Alger Hiss;

B. CIP Allies: The Latin America Working Group and the Fund for Reconciliation and Development

Goodfellow’s work for the CIP has overlapped with his work for other groups involved in lobbying related to Latin American policy. In 1980 Goodfellow became Executive Director of the Human Rights Political Action Committee, affiliated with a CNFMP project called the Human Rights Working Group (HRWG). HRWG, formed in January 1976, was cochaired by WOLA, and like WOLA it lobbied on issues related to human rights in Latin America. In the mid-1970’s HRWG cochair Bruce Cameron worked with IPS’ Cynthia Arnson to lobby on behalf of Congressmen Donald Fraser and Tom Harkin’s efforts to use human rights legislation to restrict US aid to anti-Communist forces in places such as Chile, Iran, and Nicaragua. In 1976 Harkin and WOLA director Joe Eldridge made a factfinding trip to Chile in an attempt to document alleged abuses there. In February 1979 CNFMP/HRWG and local pro-Sandinista groups formed the National Network in Solidarity with the Nicaraguan People (NNSNP), which supported the Sandinistas and opposed US aid to anti-Communist forces in Nicaragua. Cameron, who joined CIP in 1984, later became disillusioned with the Sandinistas and called WOLA “a shill for the Sandinistas”, resulting in his expulsion from CIP and related groups.

In 1983 HRWG spawned the Central America Lobby Group, which began as a CNFMP project and then spun off in 1988 into a separate entity called the Central America Working Group (CAWG) supported by the Church of the Brethren. CAWG, operating out of WOLA’s offices at 110 Maryland Avenue in Washington, DC (near the Mott House complex at 120-122 Maryland), brought together a coalition of approximately 50 groups involved in Latin American lobbying. In 1987 Goodfellow served on the management committee of what became CAWG the next year.

In 1995 CAWG expanded its geographical scope to become the Latin America Working Group (LAWG), with a sister called the Latin America Working Group Education Fund (LAWGEF). LAWG includes over 65 groups active in Latin American policy, notably WOLA, and like WOLA has operated out of 110 Maryland Avenue. LAWG/LAWGEF, WOLA, and CIP have participated in various joint projects, recently coproducing the reports Blurring the Lines: Trends in U.S. military programs with Latin America and Blueprint for a New Colombia Policy. Goodfellow sits on the Board of Directors of LAWGEF.

Additionally, Goodfellow has contributed to Interchange (formerly Indochina Interchange), the magazine of the Fund for Reconciliation and Development (FRD, formerly called the US-Indochina Reconciliation Project aka USIRP). FRD, an AFSC offshoot founded in 1985 by Vietnam antiwar activist John McAuliff, has lobbied for normalized relations with Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia, and (since 1998) Cuba. FRD’s US-Cuba Reconciliation Initiative draws heavily in its literature from research done by CIP’s Cuba Program, headed by Wayne S. Smith, director of Johns Hopkins University’s Cuba Exchange Program.

The CIP also interlocked with another organization Mattison founded in 1977, the Center for Development Policy (CDP, aka International Center for Development Policy, ICDP, International Center, etc.). Former Carter administration Ambassador to Paraguay and El Salvador Robert White, who has been President of CIP since 1989, became Chairman of the CDP’s Commission on US-Central American Relations in 1983 and then served as President of CDP from 1985-1990.

CDP conducted a lobbying and public relations campaign to influence public opinion on Latin America. The CDP Commission on US-Central American Relations’ publicity arrangements were handled by Fenton Communications (founded by former Liberation News Service photographer David Fenton), registered from 1983-1984 as a foreign agent representing the Nicaraguan government. The Commission’s personnel included:

--left-wing journalist I.F. Stone, a sometime Soviet asset who was an IPS honorary fellow and had spoken at PCPJ rallies;

--Adam Hochschild, former writer at Ramparts (published by I.F. Stone’s brother Mark Stone) and founding editor of Mother Jones (published by the IPS-funded Foundation for National Progress);

--Screen Actors Guild President Ed Asner, also a founding member of Medical Aid for El Salvador (founded by Medical Aid for Indochina founder and Hayden associate Bill Zimmerman); and

--anti-nuclear activist David Cortright, active in SANE/Freeze and in the CPUSA front the US Peace Council (USPC).

Another CDP staffer was former CIA agent David MacMichael, future cofounder of Association of National Security Alumni (ANSA) and Veteran Intelligence Professionals for Sanity (VIPS). CDP was financed by some of the same sources as IPS, including the Stern Fund, the Stewart R. Mott Charitable Trust, and ARCA, where Jeanne Mattison has worked as a fundraiser.

CDP, assisted by Fenton Communications, made various allegations of questionable credibility against anti-Communist forces in El Salvador and Nicaragua. CDP paid one informant $50,000 for information White used to accuse a group of Miami Salvadoran exiles of involvement in death-squad activity. One of the people White accused turned out to have actually been deceased for two years. Confronted with a $10 million libel suit by another of the accused parties, White retracted his accusation. The CDP also provided the initial tip that led Senator John Kerry’s staff to investigate CIA support of the Contras in Nicaragua. In the process, the CDP collected allegations of narcotics trafficking by CIA Contra assets. Most of these allegations were supplied by drug dealers, such as Michael Palmer, a major trafficker for whom Kerry arranged immunity in return for his testimony. CDP’s witnesses passed their allegations on to Kerry’s staff, Tom Hayden (then a California State Assemblyman), and the Christic Institute, a spin-off of a group called the Quixote Center which funneled money to the Sandinistas through an affiliate called Medical Aid for Nicaragua. The investigations triggered by CDP’s witnesses did not produce sufficient evidence to warrant any law-enforcement action or convictions. A lawsuit Christic filed (also publicized by Fenton Communications) was summarily dismissed, and a later critical review failed to find any substantiation of Kerry's allegations of CIA complicity in Contra drug trafficking. But Kerry’s investigation did manage to interfere in some ongoing investigations of actual drug dealers, and succeeded in severely damaging the CIA’s reputation.

In May 1986 at the request of Oliver North, an FBI counterintelligence unit investigated CDP members’ foreign contacts as part of an effort to determine if Nicaraguan intelligence was assisting the actions against the Contras being directed by John Kerry, Tom Harkin, Christopher Dodd, John Conyers, and others. The FBI concluded in a June 11, 1986 report that “it has been determined that there is a definite association between the dates of the congressional votes on contra aid. . .to the Nicaraguan rebels and the ‘active measures’ being directed against Lt. Col. North”. In follow-up surveillance, the FBI investigated four CDP members’ foreign contacts, conducting interviews regarding David MacMichael’s contact with Nicaraguan embassy employees, Melinda Rorick and Margarita Suarez’ contact with some Cubans, and Bill Loker’s contact with a Soviet embassy employee.

As the CDP was busy supporting the Sandinistas in Latin America, CDP President White also found time to pen attacks on America’s South Korean ally and to lead delegations to South Korea, Taiwan, the Philippines, and Afghanistan from 1986-1988. Arriving in Afghanistan as the Soviets were pulling out in 1988, White analyzed the situation through the lens of his perspective on Nicaragua. As TIME reported (describing the CDP as “a left-of-center think tank”), “Ambassador White, for one, was not impressed by what he saw. He likened Najibullah's situation to that of Nicaraguan Dictator Anastasio Somoza Debayle in 1979, shortly before the ruler was overthrown. Said White: ‘Some Soviets have come up to me and said privately, 'I agree with your Somoza analogy.’”

WhileWhite was agreeing with the Soviets on the alleged analogies between Afghanistan and Nicaragua, White and CIP’s Goodfellow worked together on Nicaraguan policy. During the last two years of the Reagan administration and the transition to the Bush administration, White and Goodfellow pressed for the US to accept Central American peace terms proposed by Costa Rican President Oscar Arias, rather than an alternative peace plan supported by Reagan’s Assistant Secretary of State Elliott Abrams which would have included US military aid to the Contas.

During the War on Terror, the CIP under Goodfellow and White has maintained its traditional focus on Latin American issues. Through its Cuba Program under Wayne Smith, it has continued to protest the inclusion of Cuba on the State Department’s list of terrorist sponsors, and has joined in the effort to block the appointment of anti-Castro diplomats such as Otto Reich, Roger Noriega, and John Bolton, as well as CIA Director Porter Goss. It has also published a critique of US anti-terrorist policies in Columbia.

The CIP has also involved itself in the Iraq antiwar movement. Two of CIP’s most vocal participants in this area have been Jim Mullins, a former Vietnam antiwar activist, and Melvin Goodman, a former CIA Soviet analyst who resigned in 1990 over the anti-Communist stance of William Casey and Robert Gates.

Goodman’s circle of associations is particularly relevant to the nexus between CIP’s antiwar network and the media. In 2003 Goodman joined former CDP member David MacMichael at VIPS. In October 2003 Goodman appeared with Joseph Wilson, Christopher Dodd, Robert White, and Dana Priest at CIP’s Cowboy Diplomacy conference. CIP’s report on the conference touted Goodman’s book Bush League Diplomacy: How the Neoconservatives are Putting the Nation at Riskand his appearance in the film Uncovered: The War on Iraq, which also featured Wilson, several members of VIPS, and Scott Ritter, whose propaganda efforts had recently been financed with Oil-for-Food vouchers by Saddam Hussein’s agent Shakir Al-Khafaji. During the 2004 campaign Goodman became a policy advisor of the Secure America Project of the Fourth Freedom Forum, presided over by former CDP member and current Win Without War associate David Cortright. Secure America’s board of advisers included Goodman, Robert McNamara, Anthony Lake, Morton Halperin, Win Without War’s Tom Andrews, and Joseph Wilson. In July 2005 Goodman spoke as a panelist at the so-called Congressional Briefing on 9/11 cohosted by Cythina McKinney. There he endorsed McKinney’s conspiracy theories blaming the US for 9/11 by saying, “I hope someday her views will be considered conventional wisdom.”

Goodman’s media contacts have ranged from underground extremist outlets to more mainstream left-leaning media. Goodman has been featured regularly on Pacifica Radio, historically associated with far-left activity in the San Francisco area. In July 2003 one of Goodman’s articles was featured at the anti-Zionist website CounterPunch, which initially hosted VIPS email address and articles. Meanwhile Goodman was hosted by the website of the Washington Post, taking opportunities to plug his book while fielding questions for online visitors during the early phases of the Iraq War and the Plame leak investigation.

Goodman’s commentary for the Washington Post, Dana Priest’s participation in CIP’s Cowboy Diplomacy conference, Warren Unna’s involvement with CIP, and Elizabeth Becker’s direction of CIP’s Indochina Project highlight the link between the Post and CIP’s network. This link intersects with the deeper interconnections between the Postand IPS’s network.

The Post has had a strong relationship with IPS’ network since at least 1974, when Walter Pincus chaired a discussion of “The CIA and Watergate” at an IPS-sponsored conference attacking the intelligence community. After IPS opened its Washington School 1978, courses on investigative journalism and foreign correspondence were taught there by Washington Post personnel such as Karen DeYoung, John Dinges, Dusko Doder, Robert Kaiser, and Joanne Omang. The list of Washington Post editors and journalists who have had IPS associations is long, including Pincus, DeYoung, Dinges, Doder, Kaiser, Omang, Jack Anderson’s assistant Leslie Whitten Jr., Bob Woodward’s assistant Patrick Tyler, and Sidney Blumenthal, among others.

Of these, Pincus, DeYoung, and Omang have all co-authored articles with Dana Priest. Priest seems to have already crossed paths with IPS’ network at the Post by December 1989, when she and Omang reported together on the US invasion of Panama, one of Priest’s earliest ventures into foreign policy-related journalism. In this context, Goodfellow’s October 1989 marriage to Priest serves to symbolize the intimacy between the antiwar left’s propaganda network and the Washington Post.

From Vietnam to Chile, Central America, and Iraq, William Goodfellow’s career has been characterized by a lineage of left-wing groups waging a series of propaganda offensives against US foreign policy. This psychological warfare campaign--to label it by a name that underscores its military function and unmasks its “pacifist” facade--has been coordinated with liberal academics, government whistleblowers, disgruntled military and intelligence veterans, and sympathetic reporters. And so we find that when we pull back the covers on William Goodfellow, we get a revealing glimpse of who’s in bed with the Washington Post.

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Found this on a quick Google search. I don't know anything about the origin of the website, but some of the comments in this review will make you smile.
PS: Sorry, my /i did not 'take' in my previous post.

http://www.namebase.org/books18.html

ELITES/POLITICAL/LEFT

Powell, S.Steven. Covert Cadre: Inside the Institute for Policy Studies. Ottawa IL: Green Hill Publishers, 1987. 469 pages.

Historically, the U.S. Left has done a better job of investigating the U.S. Right than vice-versa, but this is one book that attempts to reverse the trend. The material on IPS is unimportant; the organization is no longer influential. When Powell spends some pages attempting to show significant links between IPS and Soviet KGB-diplomats stationed in DC, it even gets slightly ridiculous. The book is valuable for other reasons -- it represents the best available compilation (over 600 names) of material on elitist Left personalities, organizations, and funding sources during the late 1970s and 1980s. "Elitist" refers mainly to those who are active on the national or international level as opposed to grass-roots organizing. But if you apply to these foundations for project support without being a member of their old-boy-girl network, the word begins to assume its more usual connotations as well. To keep matters in perspective, remember that funding for the Left was only a tiny fraction of the tax-deductible support that flowed into neocon coffers during the 1980s.
Scott Steven Powell had a tremendous amount of research assistance from Rightist groups and individuals, beginning with an obscure outfit in DC called the National Journalism Center. He was last spotted in 1989 as a Media Fellow at the Hoover Institution at Stanford University.

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