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Posted on 04/14/2003 5:35:16 AM PDT by SAMWolf
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 are acknowledged, affirmed and commemorated.
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Tensions between the Libya and the United States mounted after the hijacking of a TWA airliner at Beirut in July 1985 and bombing attacks at American airline counters at Rome and Vienna in December of that year. Qadhafi was implicated in these actions through his patronage of the alleged perpetrator, the Palestinian terrorist Abu Nidal. The Libyans also began installing batteries of SA-5 missiles acquired from the Soviet Union in late 1985, along with associated radar, to augment their air defense capabilities. United States naval vessels continued to challenge Qadhafi's claim to the Gulf of Sidra, periodically crossing the line of Libyan territorial claim, which he came to refer to as the "line of death."  The April 1986 bombing of a Berlin discotheque frequented by American servicemen helped convince President Reagan that it was time for the US to take action against Libyansponsored terrorism. (Photo via Denis Giangreco At the same time, a French-built Combattante-class missile attack craft was destroyed when it approached United States Navy ships protecting the aircraft carriers. The Libyan vessel was hit by two Harpoon missiles launched from an A-7 Corsair aircraft. The most serious loss for the Libyans was one of the eight Sovietsupplied Nanuchka-class missile corvettes in an attack by two A-6s shortly after midnight on March 26. A total of five attacks was carried out on Libyan ships. Ten days later, on April 5, 1986, a bomb exploded in a discotheque in Berlin frequented by United States service personnel. Of the 200 injured, 63 were American soldiers; one soldier and one civilian were killed. On the late evening of 15 April and early morning of 16 April 1986, under the code name El Dorado Canyon, the United States launched a series of military air strikes against ground targets inside Libya. The timing of the attack was such that while some of the strike aircraft were still in the air, President Reagan was able to address the US public and much of the world. He emphasized that this action was a matter of US self defense against Libya’s state-sponsored terrorism. In part, he stated, "Self defense is not only our right, it is our duty. It is the purpose behind the mission...a mission fully consistent with Article 51 of the U.N. Charter." The use of force was specifically prompted by what the President claimed was "irrefutable proof" that Libya had directed the terrorist bombing of a West Berlin discotheque nine days earlier which had killed one American and injured 200 others. The impetus for the President’s decision to authorize the raid was the American intelligence interception of a message from Gadaffi ordering an attack on Americans "to cause maximum and indiscriminate casualties." Another communications source, an intercepted Libyan message outlined the attack being planned in West Berlin.  With only the UK offering use of its bases, US aircraft faced a long flight to Libya. The round trip required eight to 12 in-flight refuelings for each airplane-this one, from Karma Flight, armed with 2,000-pound laser-guided bombs. (Photo via Jim Rotramel) The raid was designed to hit directly at the heart of Gaddafi’s ability to export terrorism with the belief that such a preemptive strike would provide him "incentives and reasons to alter his criminal behavior." The final targets of the raid were selected at the National Security Council level "within the circle of the President’s advisors." Ultimately, five targets were selected:
All except one of these targets were chosen because of their direct connection to terrorist activity. The single exception was the Benina military airfield which based Libyan fighter aircraft. This target was hit to preempt Libyan interceptors from taking off and attacking the incoming US bombers. It should also be noted that the French Embassy in Tripoli and several of the neighboring residential buildings also were bombed inadvertently during the raid; they were not targeted.  Puffy and Lujac attack elements, armed with Mk 82 Snakeye parachute-retarded 500-pound bombs like these, struck the Tripoli airport. The operation led to F-111 changes that would make the aircraft invaluable in the Gulf War. Mission planners decided, as part of the effort to attain tactical surprise, to hit all five targets simultaneously. This decision had crucial impact on nearly every aspect of the operation since it meant that the available US Navy resources could not perform the mission unilaterally. The only two types of aircraft in the US inventory capable of conducting a precision night attack were the Navy’s A-6s and the Air Force’s F-111s. The Navy had two aircraft carriers in the Mediterranean at the time planning for the raid: The America and The Coral Sea. Each had ten A-6 aircraft, but these were not the total of 32 aircraft estimated as required to successfully hit all five targets with one raid. The closest F-111s were based in the United Kingdom (UK); and use of these UK based aircraft dramatically affected the scope and complexity of the operation. Planning was even further compounded when the French refused to grant authority to overfly France. This refusal increased the distance of the flight route from Great Britain to Tripoli by about 1300 nautical miles each way, added 6-7 hours of flight time for the pilots and crews, and forced a tremendous amount of additional refueling support from tanker aircraft. The size of the strike force’s final configuration was immense and complex. Approximately 100 aircraft were launched in direct support of the raid: Air Force28 KC-10 and KC-135 tankers 5 EF-111 Raven ECM (Electronic Countermeasure) aircraft 24 FB-111 Strike aircraft (six of these were airborne spares, and returned to base after the initial refueling)
Navy14 A-6E strike aircraft 12 A-7E and F/A-18 Electronic warfare and jamming aircraft which undertook air defense suppression for the mission Several F-14 Tomcats which took up the long range Combat Air Patrol (CAP) responsibilities 4 E-2C Hawkeye airborne command and control and warning aircraft In addition to the above, several helicopters were deployed for possible search and rescue operations, and "50-80 more aircraft were airborne in the vicinity of the carriers some 150-200 miles off shore." In fact, the total size of the force was criticized as excessive from various sources. All combined, the whole operation involved (to some degree) "more aircraft and combat ships than Britain employed during its entire campaign in the Falklands."  SR-71 #980 Departs Mildenhall on "El Dorado Canyon" Mission The 66th Electronic Combat Wing detached the 42nd ECS to the 20th TFW to take part in Eldorado Canyon the raid on Libya. On 14 April 1986, 5 EF-111As and 20 F-111Es took off from RAF Upper Heyford as part of the attack force. They were used as an airborne reserve for the F-111Fs of the 48th TFW, RAF Lakenheath. Three EF-111s (two were spares and turned back) formed up with the 48th's F-111Fs and provided electronic defense during the attack on Tripoli. USAFE initiated the Project Power Hunter intelligence network in December 1987. The wing first tested the Durandal runway-buster bombs during Exercise Red Flag, in January and February 1988. During the evening of 14 April, 28 Eighth Air Force KC-135s and KC-10s left the Royal Air Force (RAF) bases at Fairford and Mildenhall, England, to meet up with 24 F-111s from RAF Lakenheath. For this mission to Libya, the Eighth Air Force's tankers refueled the strike force four times under conditions of radio silence. On their return, the F-111s needed two more refuelings to get back to England. The mission took 14 hours to cover 5,500 miles nautical miles because France and Spain would not allow the formation to fly over their territory. Eighth Air Force's refueling support made the longest mission ever accomplished by tactical aircraft a success. The first aircraft to launch were the 28 tankers from Britain followed closely by the F/EF-111s. Four refuelings and several hours later, these planes rounded the tip of Tunisia and were integrated into the Navy’s airborne armada by an Air Force officer aboard a KC-10 tanker which had been modified to function also as an airborne command coordination center. Although joint in nature, the actual execution of the strike was operationally and geographically divided between the Navy and Air Force. Navy A-6s were assigned the target in the Benghazi area, and the Air Force F-111s hit the other three targets in the vicinity of Tripoli. This division of responsibility was done largely to simplify and deconflict command and control of the operational aspects of the raid. The modified KC-10 tanker was given charge of the Air Force resources while the carrier America controlled the Navy aircraft. The airborne E-2C Hawkeyes provided early warning, air control vectors, and operations.  The actual combat commenced at 0200 (local Libyan time), lasted less than 12 minutes, and dropped 60 tons of munitions. Resistance outside the immediate area of attack was nonexistent, and Libyan air defense aircraft never launched. One FB-111 strike aircraft was lost during the strike. The entire armada remained in the vicinity for over an hour trying to account for all aircraft. Although retaliation for the Berlin bombing had been anticipated, Libyan air defenses seemed almost wholly unprepared for the attack. In fact, it was reported that antiaircraft fire had not begun until after the American planes had passed over their targets at Tripoli. It was reported that some Libyan soldiers abandoned their posts in fright and confusion and officers were slow to give orders. Also, Libyans fighters failed to get airborne to challenge the attacking bombers.
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Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher signed off on the use of British bases in the operation, but Spain and France refused to grant American warplanes overflight permission; this meant the planes would have to fly 2,800 miles to reach their targets, and be refueled five times in the air. Italian Prime Minister Bettino Craxi spoke for many European leaders when he expressed concern that any American retaliation would simply trigger more terrorist acts in reprisal. But the Reagan administration was determined to act.
At least one thing never changes, we can count on Great Britain. Reagan stood up, GHW Bush stood up, but listened to the U.N., and Clinton just bombed all the wrong targets. We wouldn't have had 9/ll, IMO, if a real President had been in charge from 1992 to 1998.
EL DORADO CANYON
Reagan's Undeclared War with Qaddafi
By Joseph T. Stanik
From the US Naval Institute website:
Stanik, a retired naval officer and Middle East scholar, provides a detailed account of the raid as well as an in-depth analysis of its causes and effects. He also describes three other hostile encounters between U.S. and Libyan forces during Reagan’s presidency and details U.S. covert operations. From a bombing in Berlin, West Germany, to terrorism in the skies over Lockerbie, Scotland, from the halls of power in Washington to airbases in England and the decks of American warships in the Mediterranean, Stanik has woven a truly international thriller that is all too real and forebodingly relevant to current events. A study in diplomacy, strategy, high-level policy, deck-plate operations, and the unique challenges offered by a new brand of evil, this book is required reading for a better understanding of the ongoing war on terrorism.
Palestinian radical Abu Nidal, who reportedly committed suicide in Iraq last week, was a terrorist who waged war not only on Israel and the West but also on fellow Palestinians he regarded as insufficiently bold. These included the leadership of Yasser Arafat's Palestinian Liberation Organization, with whom he was once allied. He died at age 65 as he had lived, violently and shrouded in mystery. RFE/RL reviews his life and explores the circumstances of his death.
Prague, 21 August 2002 (RFE/RL) -- He was born Sabri al-Banna 65 years ago in Jaffa. But he has been known worldwide since the 1970s as Abu Nidal: implacable terrorist, killer, hired gun, and leader-founder of the Fatah Revolutionary Council.
Now he is dead, reportedly a suicide, in Iraq's capital Baghdad.
The circumstances of Nidal's end are murky and raise doubts over whether he in fact committed suicide. The Palestinian newspaper "Al-Ayyam" last week was the first to announce his death, in an article that said he died of multiple gunshot wounds. Later news reports described his body as "bullet-riddled."
An Arabic-language daily in London, "Asharq Al Awsat," described a shoot-out in which Nidal was downed by four bullets.
But yesterday, Iraq's secret-service chief, Taher Jalil al-Habbush, said Nidal shot himself in the mouth as Iraqi authorities prepared to detain him for interrogation.
In a press conference today in Baghdad, al-Habbush added details. "When we found out that Sabri al-Banna was in Baghdad, we informed the high authorities and an order was issued to take him to court. He was told that he had entered the country illegally and that he should accompany the authorities to investigate this issue further. At first he agreed. Then he asked security [officers] for permission to change his clothes. He closed the door behind him and then the men heard a shot. It was confirmed that he had shot himself in the mouth using a pistol. He was transferred to the hospital and, after eight hours in intensive care, he died," al-Habbush said.
Eason Jordan, chief news executive of the U.S.-based Cable News Network (CNN), yesterday quoted a "very senior" Iraqi official, whom he did not name, as saying that Nidal had covertly entered Iraq a year ago from Iran. Jordan's anonymous source said authorities had placed Nidal under house arrest, but discovered recently that he had been conspiring with Kuwait and other foreign interests against Saddam Hussein's government.
At the press conference today, al-Habbush said agents learned more about Nidal's entry into Iraq after the shooting. "After this incident, we discovered that Sabri al-Banna entered the country with this Yemeni passport using this picture [at this point, al-Habbush exhibited the passport]. We found several entry visas in his passport: one for Jordan, one for Yemen, and one for Iran via al-Mundhariya, [Iraq]," al-Habbush said.
Al-Habbush said the agents also found forged documents, weapons, and other equipment that seemed to suggest that Nidal had remained an active terrorist. "We found three passports. We believe they were forged. We shall investigate with the help of the Jordanian authorities. We also found forged identity papers, including various photographs attached to various names. After a thorough search of his house, we also found light weapons and pistols and eight booby-trapped suitcases, a large group of passports and codes. We studied these codes and found they were related to some state that financed him with a certain amount of money for this purpose," al-Habbush said.
Professor and author Paul Wilkinson, director of the Center for the Study of Terrorism and Political Violence at Scotland's University of St. Andrews, has over the years amassed a dossier of data on Nidal and his organization. He said the suicide story gains some credence from the fact that Nidal was ill with leukemia and may have been low in spirits.
But, Wilkinson said, unless more becomes known, other theories are equally plausible. "One possibility would be that he, having fallen out with so many of the members of his organization over the years, got involved in another internecine feud and got killed by one of the people who felt particularly bitter against him. He had lots of enemies," Wilkinson said.
Wilkinson said also that there is a small possibility that Saddam's regime came to consider Nidal an embarrassment and eliminated him to send a signal that the government no longer chooses to harbor his brand of terrorism. "Again that, you know, may seem to have a certain plausibility, but I'm not convinced by the reasoning, because in the past, certainly, Saddam has found it useful to have some client terrorist groups [on] hand. And Abu Nidal obviously had a lot of affinity with Iraq," Wilkinson said.
Nidal's death came unexpectedly, even for a man who had twice been sentenced to death. Jordan tried him in absentia last December for the 1994 assassination of a Jordanian diplomat and sentenced him to die. In the 1980s, Yasser Arafat also had a court sentence him to be executed.
Sabri al-Banna was born to a prosperous citrus-plantation owner whose family was forced into exile after the establishment of Israel in 1948. The family settled in Nablus in the West Bank. But Sabri moved to Saudi Arabia where he worked as a technician.
There he began the journey that transformed him into terrorist Abu Nidal, a name that means "father of the struggle." He joined Yasser Arafat's Fatah but he broke with Arafat in the early 1970s.
He then formed the Fatah Revolutionary Council, which also often came to be referred to as the ANO, Abu Nidal's Organization, and led it on a terror spree that spanned a number of years.
This included a 1985 attack on the check-in desks of Israeli and American airlines in Rome that killed 19 people and injured more than 100. Earlier, he attacked and wounded the Israeli ambassador to London, Shlomo Argov. Israel subsequently invaded Lebanon in 1982. Among his Arab targets was Issam Sartawi, a member of the Palestine Liberation Organization who initiated contact with Israel officials.
Over the years, he had bases in Iraq, Syria, and Libya, three states associated with international terrorism. But followers of his career describe him as a loner who did not maintain consistent relations with any outside entity.
****Would have been cool to hear "Bagdad Bobs" version of things...
Another ABU down....
Next ABU in the Batters Box....."ABU AMAR"[rolling R]....better known as Yassier Arafat.
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