Missile Technology Plant Moved to China

Scott Wheeler ^ | March 4, 2003 | Insight

[gettheUSoutoftheUN]

Missile Technology Plant Moved to China By Scott Wheeler Insight on the News | March 4, 2003

An important U.S. high-tech manufacturer is shutting down its American operations, laying off hundreds of workers and moving sophisticated equipment now being used to make critical parts for smart bombs to the People's Republic of China [PRC], Insight has learned.

Indianapolis-based Magnequench Inc. has not yet publically announced the closing of its Valparaiso, Ind., factory, but Insight has confirmed that the company will shut down this year and relocate at least some of its high-tech machine tools to Tianjin, China. Word of the shutdown comes as the company is producing critical parts for the U.S. Joint Direct Attack Munition [JDAM] project, more widely known as smart bombs, raising heavy security issues related to the transfer of military technology to the PRC. The factory uses rare earths to produce sintered neodymium-iron-boron permanent magnets that have many industrial applications but are essential to the servos critical to precision-guided munitions. According to documents obtained by Insight, Magnequench UG currently is producing thousands of the rare-earth magnets for "SL Montevideo Tech," a Minnesota-based manufacturer of servos. That company confirmed to Insight that it holds a Department of Defense [DoD] contract to produce the high-tech motors for the precision-guided JDAM.

The Valparaiso-based manufacturer, originally known as UGIMAG, became Magnequench UG when it was acquired by Magnequench Inc. in August 2000. Magnequench Inc. had been purchased in 1995 by a consortium that included the China-based San Huan New Materials and Hi-Tech Co., created and at least partially owned by the Chinese Academy of Sciences in Beijing. Magnequench was a spin-off company of General Motors Corp. [GM], and at the time of the buyout was headquartered in Anderson, Ind.

Clyde South was a negotiator for the United Auto Workers Local 662 representing the workers at Magnequench when the consortium began negotiating to buy the company in 1995. In an interview with Insight, South says that worker concern about PRC influence over the consortium led to an "agreement with GM" that the plant would remain in Anderson for at least 10 years According to South, the buyers made the same agreement with the union, but since he had doubts about their intentions he took his concerns to Washington. Warnings fell on deaf ears. In August 2001, the sixth year of the 10-year agreement, South's distrust was validated when the consortium's managers "told us they intend to close the plant" and eliminate roughly 400 jobs.

The Magnequench plant in Anderson transforms neodymium, iron and boron into powder using a unique patented process that produces the exotic rare-earth magnets. Following the buyout in 1995, the production line at Anderson was "duplicated in China" at a facility built by the PRC company. According to South, after the company "made sure that it worked, they shut down" the Anderson facility. South says he suspects the buyout was about getting the technology, adding, "I believe the Chinese entity wanted to shut the plant down from the beginning. They are rapidly pursuing this technology."

Meanwhile, says the union negotiator, "They told us, 'We are going bankrupt,'" and therefore had to close the Anderson facility. This was not long after the consortium purchased UGIMAG in Valparaiso, according to critics, telling the workers there that they planned to keep the factory running. But, according to some sources, Magnequench Inc. had "refused to buy the buildings or the property" on which the factory was located, "suggesting a temporary arrangement." South said of his experience, "You just couldn't believe anything they told you."

The plant workers at Magnequench UG are organized by the United Steelworkers of America. Insight contacted union official Michael O'Brien, who confirmed negotiations with Magnequench UG regarding the company's future, but declined to comment further.

The transfer to Communist China of technologies that make rare-earth permanent magnets also is a matter of concern for defense and national-security experts, says Peter Leitner, a senior strategic-trade adviser to the DoD. Leitner says rare-earth magnets "lie at the heart of many of our most advanced weapons systems, particularly rockets, missiles and precision-guided weapons such as smart bombs and cruise missiles." He tells Insight why the PRC's need for this type of technology is urgent, noting that "China has an ongoing high-priority effort to produce a long-range cruise missile. They are trying to replicate the capabilities the U.S. has, such as with the Tomahawk [cruise missile], as part of their power projection, and expanding their ability to strike targets at long distances."

Since the 1995 buyout of Magnequench by the consortium of two Chinese companies and a cooperating U.S. firm, it has in turn bought at least two more high-tech companies that deal in rare-earth magnets. In addition to UGIMAG in 2000, which became Magnequench UG, it has bought GA Powders, which was a spin-off company of the Idaho National Engineering and Environmental Laboratory, a U.S. national lab. An insider tells Insight that "Magnequench UG is the last American company making these rare-earth magnets. When it moves to China, there are none left." Leitner sees a pattern. He says the Chinese "have targeted the manufacturing process through a variety of suspicious business activities and have been furiously transferring the manufacturing technology to China, thereby becoming the only source. They are purchasing U.S. companies, shutting them down and transferring them to China."

According to Leitner, "The Chinese are clearly trying to monopolize the world supply of rare-earth materials such as neodymium that are essential to the production of the militarily critical magnets that enable precise guidance and control of our most advanced weapons and aircraft." He warns that risks are involved in allowing this kind of technology transfer, adding: "By controlling the access to the magnets and the raw materials they are composed of, U.S. industry in general and the auto industry in particular can be held hostage to PRC blackmail and extortion in an effort to manipulate our foreign and military policy. This highly concentrated control - one country, one government - will be the sole source of something critical to the U.S. military and industrial base."

Intelligence analysts emphasize that the PRC routinely combines espionage operations with business deals. Internal PRC documents refer to this as advancing "economy and i national-defense construction." A 1999 congressional report on PRC espionage states that the Beijing government sees "providing civilian cover for military-industrial companies to acquire dual-use technology through purchase or joint-venture business dealings" as a responsibility of the government. The report lists "rare-earth metals ... for military aircraft and other weapons" as one of the primary targets of the PRC.

So how could this be happening? Because of the PRC's involvement in the 1995 buyout of Magnequench, the deal required the approval of the Committee on Foreign Investments in the United States [CFIUS], which is chaired by the secretary of the Treasury. CFIUS approval of the buyout predated a series of reports by the FBI and congressional committees warning of massive PRC espionage efforts against U.S. businesses and military technology. In one case, which involved the then-struggling McDonnell Douglas Corp., the China National Aero-Technology Import and Export Corp. [CATIC] targeted the U.S. aircraft giant's plant at Columbus, Ohio, according to government sources. Plant 85, as it was known, is where the bodies of the U.S. Air Force C-17 strategic transport plane and the MX intercontinental ballistic missile were made.

In 1994, CATIC made an offer to buy Plant 85 and relocate it to what was to be a civilian aircraft-production facility, according to government documents. The request for an export license for the plant's machine tools touched off a bitter feud among export-control officials at the DoD that still lingers nine years later. Those opposed to the sale argued that once the Plant 85 machine tools were exported to the PRC, they would be used to produce missiles for China's People's Liberation Army [PLA]. Those who favored the sale pointed to the ancillary deal the PRC dangled in front of McDonnell Douglas to purchase more than $1 billion worth of aircraft.

In the end, those in favor of the sale of Plant 85 won out and those opposed almost immediately were vindicated. According to government documents, within months of exporting the plant to China, U.S. officials learned that the sensitive machine tools had been diverted for use in a Chinese factory that makes the Silkworm missile that Beijing has provided to rogue nations. United Auto Workers union official South tells Insight he sees similarities between the cases of McDonnell Douglas and Magnequench, noting that immediately after the consortium's first Magnequench acquisition, "They transferred the patented jet-casting process to China."

In an interview with Insight, Magnequench Inc. President Archibald Cox Jr. initially denied but later confirmed having a contract for the production of rare-earth magnets for the JDAM. When asked about the shutdown of the Anderson plant last year, he acknowledged having a 10-year agreement with GM and the steelworkers, but insists that despite the early termination of that agreement the workers "got a fair deal" when the company bought out their contract. Cox tells Insight the closing of the Valparaiso plant was a matter of economics, and denies that the company is moving equipment to China.

"We are going to sell everything in the plant i unless we can use it somewhere else," says Cox. Insight has obtained evidence that "somewhere else" may mean China. A copy of an internal memo from the Valparaiso plant seems to contradict the "sell or auction" option. A brief memo, dated Jan. 23, states in part, "In the near future you will be seeing people in the plant performing measurements and a variety of estimating and planning activities in preparation for equipment sale and/or removal ... to give the company an idea of cost and logistics." According to eyewitness accounts, all such "people have been from China." Cox also acknowledges that Magnequench Inc. did not purchase the buildings or land where the Valparaiso plant is located, but refuses to characterize reluctance on the company's part: "It just wasn't part of the deal," Cox says.

And, Cox insists, "China is already selling the same products for less money."

A source with detailed and specific information about the internal operations of the company tells Insight that "the company set up their own competitors by transferring the machines and technology to China. Once the Chinese companies bought into Magnequench, they created their own competition."

According to company officials, Mangnequench asked for and received clearance to export equipment it has shipped to the PRC.

Meanwhile, employees of Magnequench UG have placed their hope in an unlikely labor-union ally. The one surefire deterrent to Magnequench UG's move to China would be for President George W. Bush to exercise his authority under the 1988 Exon-Florio amendment to the Defense Production Act and order San Huan New Materials to divest its holdings in this strategic U.S. company. In his State of the Union Address, the president offered a glimmer of hope for Magnequench employees by declaring his administration's intent to "strengthen global treaties banning the production and shipment of missile technologies." If so, say the workers, this may be a very good place to begin the process.

[Ben Ficklin]

Not to be critical, but this has already been posted.

Having said that, let me point out that the author of this article actually wrote two articles on the same subject. This one was published at Front Page and the other at Insight Mag

The article published at Insight Mag is much more informative in that it mentions MolyCorp's environmental problems in processing these rare earths at their California desert mine.

Contrary to the statement that MolyCorp has ended production, it has only been suspended. They have won the first court case to process their waste water in Utah.

[ought-six]

'Yeeeeeeeeah, like this isn't a conflict with national security. WTF is wrong with this country?'

This deal went down during the Clinton Administration. It could not have gone down without the Clinton Administration signing off on it. This is yet still one more example of how the Clintons sabotaged American security.

[FreeSpeechZone]

Half of Top Clinton Aides Now Lobbyists
By JONATHAN D. SALANT
Associated Press Writer

March 31, 2003, 12:06 PM EST

WASHINGTON -- Many top officials of the Clinton administration still are in Washington, trying to influence actions of their successors in government.

A study being released Monday by the Center for Public Integrity, a nonpartisan watchdog group, ranked the top 100 officials serving when President Clinton left office two years ago and found 51 now lobby the government or work for companies that do.

The center said the number is about the same as in previous administrations.

"This shows systematically what happens to an administration when they're tossed out on the street," said Charles Lewis, the center's director. "Where do they go? They basically go to the bank."

Clinton administration officials working for lobbying firms include three Cabinet secretaries -- Bruce Babbitt of Interior, Dan Glickman of Agriculture and Rodney Slater of Transportation. Two others, former Secretary of State Madeleine Albright and former Defense Secretary William Cohen, have formed international business consulting groups. Others work for companies regulated by the government or serve on their boards.

Herbert Alexander, professor emeritus of political science at the University of Southern California, said the Clinton administration officials are following a well-worn path. "Public officials find it much more lucrative to continue their careers after government service through representation of special interests," Alexander said.

Glickman, a former House member, said his experience and connections are attractive to clients.

"There's no question I know a lot of people," he said. "If somebody says, `What's this guy like on the Hill,' I can tell about my experience with him."

Clinton administration veterans also went into academia. Glickman spends most of his time running the politics institute at the Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University. Former Housing Secretary Andrew Cuomo, who failed in an effort to become governor of New York like his father, Mario, is a senior fellow the school.

Former Treasury Secretary Lawrence Summers is president of Harvard, and ex-Health and Human Services Secretary Donna Shalala is president of the University of Miami.

The majority, however, traveled the well-worn path from government worker to government lobbyist.

Steve Ricchetti, Clinton's deputy chief of staff, opened a lobbying firm and landed such clients as AT&T, General Motors Corp. and Eli Lilly and Co. Former Deputy Defense Secretary Rudy deLeon became the chief lobbyist for Boeing Co., a major defense contractor.

Most government officials must wait one year before lobbying their former agencies. Likewise, members of Congress can't lobby their former colleagues for a year.

Shortly after taking office, Clinton issued an executive order that required officials in his administration to wait five years after leaving office before lobbying government agencies. He revoked the order in late December 2000, weeks before leaving office.

"It just means the revolving door is alive and well in Washington," Lewis said. "It doesn't matter what party you're in, the color of money is green. When you're one of the top officials in an administration, you're valuable because of your connections and your perceived clout and your perceived access."

* __

On the Net: Center for Public Integrity: http://www.publicintegrity.org

[MissAmericanPie]

It is this kind of corruption that destroys a nation from within.

[heyhey]

Special Report
Advisors of Influence: Nine Members of the Defense Policy Board Have Ties to Defense Contractors


By André Verlöy and Daniel Politi
Data by Aron Pilhofer


Of the 30 members of the Defense Policy Board, the government-appointed group that advises the Pentagon, at least nine have ties to companies that have won more than $76 billion in defense contracts in 2001 and 2002. Four members are registered lobbyists, one of whom represents two of the three largest defense contractors.

RELATED LINKS
Defense Policy Board Advisory Committee members
Corporate Affiliations of Defense Policy Board Members

The board’s chairman, Richard Perle, resigned yesterday, March 27, 2003, amid allegations of conflicts of interest for his representation of companies with business before the Defense Department, although he will remain a member of the board. Eight of Perle’s colleagues on the board have ties to companies with significant contracts from the Pentagon.

Members of the board disclose their business interests annually to the Pentagon, but the disclosures are not available to the public. “The forms are filed with the Standards of Conduct Office which review the filings to make sure they are in compliance with government ethics,” Pentagon spokesman Maj. Ted Wadsworth told the Center for Public Integrity.

The companies with ties to Defense Policy Board members include prominent firms like Boeing, TRW, Northrop Grumman, Lockheed Martin and Booz Allen Hamilton and smaller players like Symantec Corp., Technology Strategies and Alliance Corp., and Polycom Inc.

Defense companies are awarded contracts for numerous reasons; there is nothing to indicate that serving on the Defense Policy Board confers a decisive advantage to firms with which a member is associated.

According to its charter, the board was set up in 1985 to provide the Secretary of Defense “with independent, informed advice and opinion concerning major matters of defense policy.” The members are selected by and report to the Under Secretary of Defense for Policy—currently Douglas Feith, a former Reagan administration official. All members are approved by the Secretary of Defense. The board’s quarterly meetings—normally held over a two-day period—are classified, and each session’s proceedings are summarized for the Defense Secretary. The board does not write reports or vote on issues. Feith, according to the charter, can call additional meetings if required. Notices of the meetings are filed at least 15 days before they are held in the Federal Register.

ADDITIONAL RESOURCE
For additional information, visit the Web site of PBS' "Now With Bill Moyers."

The board, whose list of members reads like a who’s who of former high-level government and military officials, focuses on long-term policy issues such as the strategic implications of defense policies and tactical considerations, including what types of weapons the military should develop.

Michael O’Hanlon, a military expert at The Brookings Institution, told Time magazine in November 2002 that the board “is just another [public relations] shop for Rumsfeld.” Former members said that the character of the board changed under Rumsfeld. Previously the board was more bi-partisan; under Rumsfeld, it has become more interested in policy changes. The board has no official role in policy decisions.

The agendas for the last three meetings, which were obtained by the Center, show a variety of issues were discussed. The Oct. 10-11, 2002 meeting was devoted to intelligence briefings from the Defense Intelligence Agency and other administration officials. One of the first items on the agenda was an ethics brief by the Office of the General Counsel.

In December 2002, a two-hour intelligence briefing, strategy, North Korea, and the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency were on the agenda. In February 2003, the topics discussed on the first day included North Korea, Iran and Total Information Awareness, the controversial Pentagon research program that aims to gather and analyze a vast array of information on Americans. As the Center previously reported, research for the program is being conducted by private contractors.

Richard Perle, who has been a very public advocate of the war in Iraq, resigned the chairmanship of the Defense Policy Board after being criticized in recent weeks because of his involvement in companies that have significant business before the Defense Department. He did not return the Center’s phone calls.

In a March 24 letter, Rep. John Conyers, the ranking Democrat on the House of Representatives Judiciary Committee, asked the Pentagon’s inspector general to investigate Perle’s role as a paid adviser to the bankrupt telecommunications company Global Crossing Ltd. The Hamilton, Bermuda-based company sought approval of its sale of overseas subsidiaries from the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States, a government panel that can block sales or mergers that conflict with U.S. national security interests. Rumsfeld is a member of the Committee.

Perle reportedly advised clients of Goldman Sachs on investment opportunities in post-war Iraq, and is a director with stock options of the U.K.-based Autonomy Corp., whose customers include the Defense Department.

“Mr. Perle is considered a ‘special government employee’ and is subject to government ethics prohibition—both regulatory and criminal—on using public office for private gain,” Rep. Conyers wrote in the letter obtained by the Center.


Potential conflicts not limited to Perle

Perle, however, is not the only Defense Policy Board member with ties to companies that do business with the Defense Department:

Retired Adm. David Jeremiah, a former vice chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff who served over 38 years in the Navy, is a director or advisor of at least five corporations that received more than $10 billion in Pentagon contracts in 2002. Jeremiah also sat on the board of Getronics Government Solutions, a company that was acquired by DigitalNet in December 2002 and is now known as DigitalNet Government Solutions. According to a news report by Bloomberg, Richard Perle is a director of DigitalNet Holdings Inc., which has filed for a $109 million stock sale.

Retired Air Force Gen. Ronald Fogleman sits on the board of directors of companies which received more than $900 million in contracts in 2002. The companies, which all have longstanding business relationships with the Air Force and other Defense Department branches, include Rolls-Royce North America, North American Airlines, AAR Corporation and the Mitre Corp. In addition to being chief of staff for the Air Force, Fogleman has served as a military advisor to the Secretary of Defense, the National Security Council and the President. He also served as commander-in-chief of the U.S. Transportation Command, commander of Air Mobility Command, the 7th Air Force and the Air Component Command of the U.S./ROK Combined Forces Command.

Retired Gen. Jack Sheehan joined Bechtel in 1998 after 35 years in the U.S. Marine Corp.

Bechtel, one of the world's largest engineering-construction firms, is among the companies bidding for contracts to rebuild Iraq. The company had defense contracts worth close to $650 million in 2001 and more than $1 billion in 2002. Sheehan is currently a senior vice president and partner and responsible for the execution and strategy for the region that includes Europe, Africa, the Middle East and Southwest Asia. The four-star general served as NATO’s Supreme Allied Commander Atlantic and Commander in Chief U.S. Atlantic Command before his retirement in 1997. After his leaving active duty, he served as Special Advisor for Central Asia for two secretaries of Defense.

Former CIA director James Woolsey is a principal in the Paladin Capital Group, a venture-capital firm that like Perle’s Trireme Partners is soliciting investment for homeland security firms. Woolsey joined consulting firm Booz Allen Hamilton as vice president in July 2002. The company had contracts worth more than $680 million in 2002. Woolsey told the Wall Street Journal that he does no lobbying and that none of the companies he has ties to have been discussed during a Defense Policy Board meeting. Previously, Woolsey worked for law firm Shea & Gardner. He has held high-level positions in two Republican and two Democratic administrations.

William Owens, another former high-level military officer, sits on boards of five companies that received more than $60 million in defense contracts last year. Previously, he was president, chief operating officer and vice chair of Science Applications International Corporation (SAIC), among the ten largest defense contractors. One of the companies, Symantec Corp., increased its contracts from $95,000 in 2001 to more than $1 million in 2002. Owens, who served as vice chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, is widely recognized for bringing commercial high technology into the U.S. Department of Defense. He was the architect of the Revolution in Military Affairs (RMA), an advanced systems technology approach to military operations that represents a significant change in the system of requirements, budgets and technology for the U.S. military since World War II. Owens serves on the boards of directors for several technology companies, including Nortel Networks, ViaSat and Polycom.

Harold Brown, a former Secretary of Defense under President Jimmy Carter, and James Schlesinger, who has served as CIA director, defense secretary and energy secretary in the Carter and Nixon administrations, are two others that have ties to defense contractors. Brown, a partner of Warburg Pincus LLC, is a board member of Philip Morris Companies and a trustee of the Rand Corporation, which respectively had contracts worth $146 million and $83 million in 2002. Schlesinger, a senior adviser at Lehman Brothers, chairs the board of trustees of the Mitre Corp., a not-for-profit that provides research and development support for the government. Mitre had defense contracts worth $440 million in 2001 and $474 million in 2002.

Chris Williams is one of four registered lobbyists to serve on the board, and the only one to lobby for defense companies. Williams, who served as a special assistant for policy matters to Defense Secretary Rumsfeld after having been in a similar capacity for Sen. Trent Lott (R-Miss.), joined Johnston & Associates after leaving the Pentagon. Although the firm had represented Lockheed Martin prior to Williams’ arrival, the firm picked up two large defense contractors as clients once Williams was on board: Boeing, TRW and Northrop Grumman, for which the firm earned a total of more than $220,000. The firm lobbied exclusively on defense appropriations and related authorization bills for its new clients. Johnston & Associates is more often employed by energy companies; its founder, J. Bennett Johnston, is a former Democratic senator from Louisiana who chaired the Energy Committee.

None of the members with ties to defense contractors responded to requests for comment.

The board’s membership also contains other well known Washington hands, including some who are registered lobbyists. Richard V. Allen, a former Nixon and Reagan administration official, who is now a senior counselor to APCO Worldwide, registered as a lobbyist for Alliance Aircraft.

Former Congressional representative Tillie Fowler joined the law firm Holland & Knight in 2001. She served eight years in the U.S. House of Representatives where she was a member of several committees including the House Armed Services Committee and the Transportation Committee. In 2002 she lobbied for such clients as the Minnesota Department of Transportation and the American Plastics Council.

Thomas S. Foley is a partner at Akin, Gump, Strauss, Hauer & Feld law firm, which he joined in 2001. He was the U.S. ambassador to Japan from 1997 to 2001 and was the Speaker of the House of Representatives from 1989 to 1994, after being a representative since 1965. Foley is a registered lobbyist, but has no defense clients.

To write a letter to the editor for publication, e-mail letters@publicintegrity.org. Please include a daytime phone number.

[_Jim]

Nine Members of the Defense Policy Board Have Ties to Defense Contractors

THANK GOD!

They could have had ties to the mortuary or casket-making industry ...

[_Jim]

The New World Order is so simple

Yup -

- and it's proving to be a money-maker for the Alex Jones's of the world (you know, the fear-mongering buy-my-videos and SEE for yourself types).

[_Jim]

This can only mean one thing: GW = Clinton

Har har hardly ...

[MissAmericanPie]

One of the CEO's of Boeing, addressing their move of jobs to over seas workers, made the comment that "Americans are not entitled to their standard of living". I think just because they are an aircraft maker does not automatically entitle them to contracts paid for by Amerian taxpayers.

They are coming at us from every direction seems like.

[RebelDawg]

I don't believe this for one minute.

Well Jorge, you had better believe it. This is just more of the American Worker Replacement Program at work. 28% of all U.S. tech jobs have been moved overseas while at the same time over one million U.S. engineers and IT professionals were laid off this year. This has everything to do with cheap labor and those who support open borders and globalist policies. You had better be prepared to tell your children to forget about going to college and instead start them practicing the phrase "would you like fries with that"

Until people start caring about the sellout of American jobs (even when it is not their job) we will have these problems. Wal-mart and McDonalds will be the dream jobs of the future where our children will be working if we do not stand up for ourselves and do it soon.

Remember the GPS jamming devices that Russia sold to Iraq? Well the recent story is that these were manufactured by a company that moved offshore to take advantage of the cheap labor overseas! I think I saved the article but I will have to look for it.

Wake up America!!!

[RebelDawg]

Oh BTW:

I have as little respect for X42 as anyone else if not more; however, you may want to check who is voting in favor of increasing the number of H1-B visas, H2-B visas, L1 visas and also for making it easier for companies to move "offshore". It is both parties. The last time that they voted to increase the number of H1-B visas I am pretty certain that all 100 senators voted for the increase. I guess they didn't know about the over 1 million unemployed engineers in America!

They have shipped the factory jobs overseas, they are selling out the trucking jobs by opening up our roads to Mexican trucks, the IT and engineering jobs are going now as well, even call centers are being relocated "offshore". Check the papers they are even importing people from other countries to become doctors, nurses and teachers for crying out loud!

By the way when in the hell did China and India become "offshore"? Ellis Island is "offshore"! China and India are on the other side of the freaking planet!

Write congress now and tell them to put an end to this nonsense!

[RebelDawg]

Save American jobs

[gettheUSoutoftheUN]

bump