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Remembering Robert E. Lee: American Patriot and Southern Hero
Huntington News ^ | January 12, 2015 | Calvin E. Johnson, Jr.

Posted on 01/17/2015 2:31:16 PM PST by BigReb555

During Robert E. Lee's 100th birthday in 1907, Charles Francis Adams, Jr., a former Union Commander and grandson of US President John Quincy Adams, spoke in tribute to Robert E. Lee at Washington and Lee College's Lee Chapel in Lexington, Virginia. His speech was printed in both Northern and Southern newspapers and is said to had lifted Lee to a renewed respect among the American people.

(Excerpt) Read more at huntingtonnews.net ...


TOPICS: Culture/Society; US: Virginia
KEYWORDS: confederate; dixie; ntsa; nuttery; revisionism; robertelee; spiveys; tinfoiledagain; union
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To: kiryandil

That’s going to be a long read! Thanks for posting it along with the link. B^)


301 posted on 01/23/2015 8:03:33 PM PST by smoothsailing
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To: smoothsailing
No, I haven’t forgotten. Don’t you neglect to remember that those shots were fired in response to Northern acts of war. :-)

I never knew sailing a ship was an act of war.

The unfairness of taxation, which had been the huge issue of the Revolution, was worse for the antebellum South because three-fourths of the taxes were paid by the South, while three-fourths of the tax money was spent in the North.

No, the southerners got what they wanted with the Tariff of 1857. The rest of your post is meaningless since you can't even get your basic fact right. The basic fact is the Tariff of 1857 was a southern-supported tariff, opposed by northern manufacturing, and was still in effect when the south seceded. The only reason the south fell so far behind in manufacturing was because they couldn't give up their peculiar institution, slavery. Slavery spoiled them. Why would the sons of plantation owners want to sweat away in factories when it was so much easier to make slaves provide their lifestyle?

302 posted on 01/24/2015 11:19:23 AM PST by Partisan Gunslinger
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To: Bubba Ho-Tep
Sheesh. Hyperbolic much? I'll point out that if the US of today is such an intolerable tyranny, there are planes leaving every hour. Let us know what utopia of freedom you settle on. You also have the natural right of rebellion. Maybe it will work out for you. On the other hand, if it doesn't, we'll have to listen to you complaining about how unfair it was for another hundred and fifty years.

Ouch! :^)

303 posted on 01/24/2015 11:21:24 AM PST by Partisan Gunslinger
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To: smoothsailing
Looks like the Spiveys still have a need to wipe, so we'll continue their education - at least for the ones that can read:

We'll do a synopsis of the 1907 address of Charles Francis Adams, Jr.for other interested & more literate parties (sorry, no pictures, Spiveys!):

Charles Francis Adams, Jr., grandson of President John Quincy Adams, and great-grandson of second US President John Adams, was a Union colonel (Massachusetts) in the Civil War.

He relates in his address on Robert E. Lee in 1907 how he would have been overjoyed to hear of the death of Lee at the hands of Union troops during the war, and even more joyous if it had been at the hands of him and his troops.

Many decades after, Adams reflected that he had gained wisdom, moving out of his mother's basement (unlike the Spiveys), and re-assessing the viewpoints of pond scum like Massachusetts Senator Charles "Takes A Licking, But Keeps On Sliming" Sumner, who denigrated Lee at his passing.

He came to the conclusion that Robert E. Lee was one of the very great Americans, who did exactly as he should have when he joined the state of Virginia when she called.

Continuing with Adams' address (for the literate, not the bum-wipers - but the Spiveys can put the computer paper to what they consider to be "good use", I'm sure):

LEE'S CENTENNIAL

AN ADDRESS BY CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, 1907 (continued)

Charles Francis Adams, Jr. (May 27, 1835 – May 20, 1915) was a member of the prominent Adams family, and son of Charles Francis Adams, Sr. (son of President John Quincy Adams and grandson of President John Adams). He served as a colonel in the Union Army during the American Civil War.

http://leearchive.wlu.edu/reference/misc/centennial/adams.html

...The technical argument—the logic of the proposition—seems plain and, to my thought, unanswerable. The original sovereignty was indisputably in the State; in order to establish a nationality certain attributes of sovereignty were ceded by the States to a common central organization; all attributes not thus specifically conceded were reserved to the States, and no attributes of moment were to be construed as conceded by implication. There is no attribute of sovereignty so important as allegiance,—citizenship. So far all is elementary. Now we come to the crux of the proposition. Not only was allegiance—the right to define and establish citizenship—not among the attributes specifically conceded by the several States to the central nationality, but, on the contrary, it was explicitly reserved, the instrument declaring that “the citizens of each State” should be entitled to “all Privileges and Immunities of Citizens in the several States.” Ultimate allegiance was, therefore, due to the State which defined and created citizenship, and not to the central organization which accepted as citizens whomever the States pronounced to be such.[note]

[note] See W. H. Fleming, Slavery and the Race Problem at the South, pp. 19, 20. An authoritative definition of United States citizenship, as distinct from the citizenship of a State was first given in the fourteenth amendment to the Federal Constitution, ratified in 1868. See J. S. Wise, A Treatise on American Citizenship, pp. 6, 13, 31.

Thus far I have never been able to see where room was left for doubt. Citizenship was an attribute recognized by the Constitution as originating with, and of course be longing to, the several States. But, speaking historically and in a philosophical rather than in a legal spirit, it is little more than a commonplace to assert that one great safeguard of the Anglo-Saxon race—what might almost be termed its political palladium—has ever been that hard, if at times illogical, common sense which, recognizing established custom as a binding rule of action, found its embodiment in what we are wont with pride to term the Common Law. Now, just as there can, I think, be no question as to the source of citizenship and, consequently, as to sovereignty, when the Constitution was originally adopted, there can be equally little question that during the lives of the two succeeding generations a custom of nationality grew up which became the accepted Common Law of the land, and practically binding as such. This was true in the South as well as the North, though the custom was more hardened into accepted law in the latter than in the former; but the growth and acceptance as law of the custom of nationality even in the South was incontrovertibly shown in the very act of secession,—the seceding States at once crystallizing into a Confederacy. Nationality was assumed as a thing of course.

But the metaphysical abstraction of a divided sovereignty, none the less, bridged the chasm. As a modus vivendi it did its work. I have called it a metaphysical abstraction; but it was also a practical arrangement resulting in great advantages. It might be illogical, and fraught with possible disputes and consequent dangers; but it was an institution. And so it naturally came to pass that in many of the States a generation grew up, dating from the War of 1812, who, gravitating steadily and more and more strongly to nationality, took a wholly different view of allegiance. For them Story laid down the law; Webster was their mouthpiece; at one time it looked as if Jackson was to be their armed exponent. They were, moreover, wholly within their right. The sovereignty was confessedly divided; and it was for them to elect. The movements of both science and civilization were behind the nationalists. The railroad obliterated State lines, while it unified the nation. What did the foreign immigrants, now swarming across the ocean, care for States? They knew only the Nation. Brought up in Europe, the talk of State sovereignty was to them foolishness. Its alpha bet was incomprehensible. In a word, it too “was caviare to the general.”

Then the inevitable issue arose; and it arose over African slavery; and slavery was sectional. The States south of a given line were arrayed against the States north of that line. Owing largely to slavery, and the practical exclusion of immigrants because thereof, the States of the South had never undergone nationalization at all to the extent those of the North had undergone it. The growing influence and power of the national government, the sentiment inspired by the wars in which we had been engaged, the rapidly improving means of communication and intercourse, had produced their effects in the South; but in degree far less than in the North. Thus the curious result was brought about that, when, at last, the long deferred issue confronted the country, and the modus vivendi of two generations was brought to a close, those who believed in national sovereignty constituted the conservative majority, striving for the preservation of what then was,—the existing nineteenth-century Nation,—while those who passionately adhered to State sovereignty, treading in the footsteps of the fathers, had become eighteenth-century reactionists. Legally, each had right on his side. The theory of a divided Sovereignty had worked itself out to its logical consequence. “Under which King, Bezonian?”—and every man had to “speak or die.”

In the North the situation was simple. State and Nation stood together. The question of allegiance did not present itself, for the two sovereignties merged. It was otherwise in the South; and there the question became, not legal or constitutional, but practical. The life of the Nation had endured so long, the ties and ligaments had become so numerous and interwoven that, all theories to the contrary notwithstanding, a peaceable secession from the Union—a virtual exercise of State sovereignty—had become impossible. If those composing the several dissatisfied communities would only keep their tempers under restraint, and exercise an almost unlimited patience, a theoretical divided sovereignty, maintained through the agency and intervention of the Supreme Court,—in other words the perpetuation of the modus vivendi, was altogether practicable; and probably this was what the framers had in mind under such a contingency as had now arisen. But that, after seventy years of Union and nationalization, a peaceable and friendly taking to pieces was possible, is now, as then it was, scarcely thinkable. Certainly, with a most vivid recollection of the state of sectional feeling which then existed, I do not believe there was a man in the United States—I am confident there was not a woman in the South—who fostered self-delusion to the extent of believing that the change was to come about without a recourse to force. In other words practical Secession was revolution theoretically legal. Why waste time and breath in discussion!—The situation becomes manifestly impossible of continuance where the issue between heated men, with weapons handy, is over a metaphysical distinction involving vast material and moral consequences. Lee, with intuitive common sense, struck the nail squarely on the head when amidst the Babel of discordant tongues he wrote to his son—“ It is idle to talk of secession;” the national government as it then was “can only be dissolved by revolution.” That struggle of dissolution might be longer and fiercer,—as it was,—or shorter, and more wordy than blood-letting,—as the seceding States confidently believed would prove to be the case,—but a struggle there would be.

Historically, such were the conditions to which natural processes of development had brought the common country at the mid-decennium of the century. People had to elect; the modus vivendi was at an end.—Was the State sovereign; or was the Nation sovereign? And, with a shock of genuine surprise that any doubt should exist on that head, eleven States arrayed themselves on the side of the Sovereignty of the State and claimed the unquestioning allegiance of their citizens; and I think it not unsafe to assert that nowhere did the original spirit of State Sovereignty and allegiance to the State then survive in greater intensity and more unquestioning form than in Virginia,—the “Old Dominion,”—the mother of States and of Presidents. And here I approach a sociological factor in the problem more subtle and also more potent than any legal consideration. It has no standing in Court: but the historian may not ignore it; while, with the biographer of Lee, it is crucial. Upon it judgment hinges. I have not time to consider how or why such a result came about, but of the fact there can, I hold, be no question,—State pride, a sense of individuality, has immemorially entered more largely and more intensely into Virginia and Virginians than into any other section or community of the country. Only in South Carolina and among Carolinians, on this continent, was a somewhat similar pride of locality and descent to be found. There was in it a flavor of the Hidalgo,—or of the pride which the Macgregors and Campbells took in their clan and country. In other words, the Virginian and the Carolinian had in the middle of the last century not undergone nationalization to any appreciable extent.

But this, it will be replied, though true of the ordinary man and citizen, should not have been true of the graduate of the military academy, the officer of the Army of the United States. Winfield Scott and George H. Thomas did not so construe their allegiance; when the issue was presented, they remained true to their flag and to their oaths. Robert E. Lee, false to his oath and flag, was a renegade! The answer is brief and to the point:—the conditions in the several cases were not the same,—neither Scott nor Thomas was Lee. It was our Boston Dr. Holmes who long ago declared that the child's education begins about two hundred and fifty years before it is born; and it is quite impossible to separate any man—least of all, perhaps, a full-blooded Virginian—from his prenatal traditions and living environment. From them he drew his being; in them he exists. Robert E. Lee was the embodiment of those conditions, the creature of that environment,—a Virginian of Virginians. His father was “Light Horse Harry” Lee, a devoted follower of Washington; but in January, 1792, “Light Horse Harry” wrote to Mr. Madison: “No consideration on earth could induce me to act a part, however gratifying to me, which could be construed into disregard of, or faithlessness to, this Commonwealth;” and later, when in 1798 the Virginia and Kentucky resolutions were under discussion, “Light Horse Harry” exclaimed in debate, “Virginia is my country; her will I obey, however lamentable the fate to which it may subject me.” Born in this environment, nurtured in these traditions, to ask Lee to raise his hand against Virginia was like asking Montrose or the MacCallum More to head a force designed for the subjection of the Highlands and the destruction of the clans. Where such a stern election is forced upon a man as then confronted Lee, the single thing the fair-minded investigator has to take into account is the loyalty, the single-mindedness of the election. Was it devoid of selfishness,—was it free from any baser and more sordid worldly motive,—ambition, pride, jealousy, revenge or self-interest? To this question there can, in the case of Lee, be but one answer. When, after long and trying mental wrestling, he threw in his fate with Virginia, he knowingly sacrificed everything which man prizes most,—his dearly beloved home, his means of support, his professional standing, his associates, a brilliant future assured to him. Born a slaveholder in a race of slaveholders, he was himself no defender, much less an advocate of slavery; on the contrary, he did not hesitate to pronounce it in his place “a moral and political evil.” Later, he manumitted his slaves. He did not believe in secession; as a right reserved under the Constitution he pronounced it “idle talk”: but, as a Virginian, he also added, “if the Government is disrupted, I shall return to my native State and share the miseries of my people, and save in defence will draw my sword on none.” Next to his high sense of allegiance to Virginia was Lee's pride in his profession. He was a soldier; as such rank, and the possibility of high command and great achievement, were very dear to him. He quietly and silently made the greatest sacrifice a soldier can be asked to make. With war plainly impending, the foremost place in the army of which he was an officer was now tendered him; his answer was to lay down the commission he already held. Virginia had been drawn into the struggle; and, though he recognized no necessity for the state of affairs, “in my own person,” he wrote, “I had lo meet the question whether I should take part against my native State; I have not been able lo make up my mind to raise my hand against my relatives, my children, my home.” It may have been treason to take this position; the man who look it, uttering these words and sacrificing as he sacrificed, may have been technically a renegade to his flag,—if you please, false to his allegiance; but he stands awaiting sentence at the bar of history in very respectable company. Associated with him are, for instance, William of Orange, known as The Silent, John Hampden, the original Pater Patriae, Oliver Cromwell, the Protector of the English Commonwealth, Sir Harry Vane, once a governor of Massachusetts, and George Washington, a Virginian of note. In the throng of other offenders I am also gratified to observe certain of those from whom I not unproudly claim descent. They were, one and all, in the sense referred to, false to their oaths—forsworn. As to Robert E. Lee, individually, I can only repeat what I have already said,—[“]if in all respects similarly circumstanced, I hope I should have been filial and unselfish enough to have done as Lee did.”[note] Such an utterance on my part may be “traitorous;” but I here render that homage...

read the rest @ http://leearchive.wlu.edu/reference/misc/centennial/adams.html

304 posted on 01/24/2015 12:09:32 PM PST by kiryandil (making the jests that some FReepers aren't allowed to...)
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To: Partisan Gunslinger
On the matter of shots fired, I was referring to prior acts of aggression by the north, not necessarily events in Charleston Harbor. From the south's perspective, a state of war already existed, an unlawful one. The enemy was known to them and they saw it as being within their rights to retaliate at any time.

From my earlier post #293 regarding any "facts" I've gotten wrong...

....

...if I've misstated anything, so be it. I'll stand corrected on sourced links or anything other than my defense of the sovereignty of the individual states. Secession was their right, and they exercised it lawfully. Lincoln and his cabal could have cared less, and proved it.

The Union was the instigator and aggressive party from the beginning.

Perhaps H.L. Menchen said it best...

The War of 1861 settled the issue of secession through brute force that cost 600,000 American lives. Americans celebrate Abraham Lincoln’s Gettysburg Address, but H.L. Mencken correctly evaluated the speech: “It is poetry, not logic; beauty, not sense.” Lincoln said that the soldiers sacrificed their lives “to the cause of self-determination – that government of the people, by the people, for the people should not perish from the earth.” Mencken says: “It is difficult to imagine anything more untrue. The Union soldiers in the battle actually fought against self-determination; it was the Confederates who fought for the right of people to govern themselves.” Source

Some, perhaps most of the northern soldiers, believed in the cause they fought for and I don't fault them for it. I see the southern boys the same way. It's always the soldier who pays the highest price, and we should honor his sacrifice.

305 posted on 01/24/2015 5:19:43 PM PST by smoothsailing
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To: Partisan Gunslinger; kiryandil
More on tariffs.........

Economic Factors Leading to the War of Northern Aggression
by James W. Jackson

One of the quarrels between the North and the South concerned taxes (tariffs) paid on goods brought into this country from foreign countries. Southerners thought those tariffs unfair and were aimed specifically at them, as the South imported a wider variety of goods than Northern people. Moreover, Southern exporters sometimes had to pay higher amounts for shipping their goods overseas and to pay unequal tariffs imposed by foreign countries on some of their goods. Also, Southern banks paid higher interest rates on loans made with banks in the North. The inequities grew worse after several "panics," including one in 1857 that affected more Northern banks than Southern. Southern financiers found themselves burdened with high payments to save Northern banks that had suffered financial losses through poor investments. These small annoyances were insufficient to cause a major breach between the two parties, with the exception of the tariffs.

As there was no federal income or other direct tax, the federal government depended on indirect taxes as its primary sources of revenue. Most 'duties, imposts, and excises' were collected at ports throughout the United States; ports monitored by Federal garrisons. For the thirty years from 1831 to 1860 the tariffs amounted to about eighty-four percent of federal revenues, but during the 1850s tariffs amounted to ninety percent of federal revenue. As the ports in the South had the most traffic, they paid seventy-five percent of all tariffs in 1859. For example:

"New Orleans was the largest city in the South and was the center of the cotton & sugar export. Trade products of the Mississippi River Valley were shipped for sale to New Orleans and almost 2,000 sea-going vessels and 3,500 river steamers with tonnage of 1,200,000 tons entered the port of New Orleans during the year before the war."
(Confederate Finance and Supply, W. Power Clancy, Cincinnati Civil War Round Table.)

The tax imbalance which benefitted the North at the expense of the South grew even more lopsided under the Buchanan administration. The Morrill Tariff was passed by the U.S. Congress and signed into law by President Buchanan on March, 1861, just two days before Buchanan left office and Abraham Lincoln was inaugurated. The new law made some significant changes in how duties were assessed on goods entering the country, and it also raised rates. This new tariff had been written and sponsored by Justin Smith Morrill, a Congressman from Vermont. Southern states were opposed to the new tariff, because the law clearly favored industries based in the northeast and further penalize the southern states, heavy importers and exporters of European goods. Moreover, the Morrill Tariff was unpopular in England, which imported cotton from the South, and in turn exported goods to the South, and surprisingly in New York City, the largest port in the North. In 1860, ad valorem taxes — tariffs on imported goods collected at ports — provided $56 million of the $64.6 million of federal revenue, much of which came from New York City. The cities and states with large ports would certainly prefer to keep the tariff revenue for themselves, rather than have the money go to Washington. Secession would allow the states and New York City to do just that. New York City’s Mayor Fernando Wood announced that if the country was going to break apart anyway, he would like his city to secede not only from “this foreign power” of the State of New York, but also from the “odious and oppressive connection” with the Federal government.

In 1861, after intense debates and statewide votes, seven states passed secession ordinances, while secession efforts failed in the other eight slave states. Following declarations of secession, South Carolina demanded that the U.S. Army abandon its facilities in Charleston Harbor. South Carolina wanted control of the harbor and of the revenue it produced. U.S. forces occupied Fort Sumter, a fortress controlling the entrance of Charleston Harbor. An earlier attempt by U.S. President Buchanan to reinforce and resupply Ft. Sumter using an unarmed merchant ship, failed when she was turned away by shore batteries on January 9, 1861. South Carolina authorities then seized all Federal property in the Charleston area, except for occupied Fort Sumter.

On January 28, 1861 the Senators from the seceding states made their final speeches in Senate chamber before leaving Washington. Senator Alfred Iverson of Georgia spoke these memorable words:

"You may acquiesce in the revolution, and acknowledge the independence of the new confederacy, or you may make war on the seceding States, and attempt to force them back into a Union with you. If you acknowledge our independence, and treat us as one of the nations of the earth, you can have friendly intercourse with us; you can have an equitable division of the public property and of the existing public debt of the United States. If you make war upon us, we will seize and hold all the public property within our borders or within our reach."

Undoubtedly, Senator Iverson was referring to the lucrative ports; the value of exports through the Port of Savannah alone exceed $20 million in 1860.

The resupply of Fort Sumter became the first crisis of the administration of President Lincoln. He notified the Governor of South Carolina, that he was sending in supply ships, which resulted in an ultimatum from the newly formed Confederate government: evacuate Fort Sumter immediately. Lincoln set a trap in the Ft. Sumter standoff by sending the supply ship into harms way, provoking the South to fire the first shot. They did. That first shot fired by the South galvanized Northern support for the Union, but it also caused other southern states to join the Confederacy. On April 13, the fort was surrendered and evacuated. The die was cast. The tidal wave of support for the Union overwhelmed Southern sentiment in the North. New York City, alongside the rest of the North, proclaimed its loyalty to the Government in Washington.

Five days after the evacuation of Ft Sumter, Lincoln proclaimed a blockade of the seven seceding States (South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Louisiana, Mississippi, and Texas). The proclamation stated that to protect the "combination of persons, public peace and the lives and property of quiet and orderly citizens" Lincoln ordered a blockade of the ports of these states in insurrection. The choice by Lincoln, a lawyer, to use the word blockade was a puzzle to Europeans...a nation blockades it own ports? Blockade is an agency of war only between independent nations, a nation closes it insurrectionary ports and blockades the ports of an enemy nation. Lincoln had raised the ante, the Southern states were not in insurrection but were identified by Washington as belligerent.

Eight days later, the President issued another decree extending the blockade to include North Carolina and Virginia, making the blockade complete from Cape Henry to the Mexican border. Virginia and North Carolina were cast as belligerent, even though they had not seceded from the Union. They soon did.

To the question as to why Lincoln simply did not 'let the erring sisters go and depart in peace', the prospect of losing three quarters of the Federal revenue stream obviously played a major role in his decision. Certainly, other factors contributed to the war, but as history is written by the winners, it is totally unsurprising that Northern writers latched on to the high moral issue of ending slavery, rather than more complicated issues, which might favor the Southern cause. For example, in September of 1862, President Lincoln announced the Emancipation Proclamation, to take effect January 1, 1863, and free slaves in those states or regions still in rebellion against the Union. If any southern state returned to the Union between September and January, whites in that state would not lose ownership of their slaves. Clearly, the federal government was more interested in regaining power over the run-away states than in freeing slaves. The Northern banner of "Preserve the Union," might have more accurately read "Preserve the Taxes".

In conclusion, as the crisis between the North and the South reached the critical stage at Ft Sumter in April, Lincoln could have avoided war by abandoning the fort to the South Carolina government and allowing the seven succeeding states to keep their ports. True, the federal government would have had to find sources of revenue, other than tariffs, to avoid bankruptcy (something the war forced them to do anyway), but certainly a less costly option than the devastating war that followed.

Moreover, historians and others who cling to conventional views of the war's causes seem never able to untangle themselves from their contradictions.

The Fall of the Ports

The South's economy was dependent on trade with Europe, especially England. The Federal strategy to close the ports in the South was instrumental in defeating the Confederate cause. By 1865, the supply line through Wilmington was the last remaining supply route open to Robert E. Lee's Army of Northern Virginia. When Ft. Fisher fell January 15, 1865, its defeat helped seal the fate of the Confederacy. Below, the ports are listed as they were attacked and taken by Federal forces. The one exception was Galveston, Texas, which was in Southern hands at the conclusion of the war.

Ship Island, Mississippi: the only deep-water harbor between Mobile Bay and the Mississippi River was occupied by Federals in September 1861.

Port Royal Sound: October 29, 1861 - The military and commercial value of Port Royal Sound, located halfway between Charleston and Savannah, South Carolina, has been recognized and fought over for centuries by the English, Spanish, and French. It was the Confederacy’s finest natural port.

Fernandina, Jacksonville, Florida: 1862- Confederates evacuate Amelia and Cumberland islands abandoning defenses at Fernandina.

Fort Pulaski, Savannah: Georgia's access to the Atlantic Ocean was blocked by Federal's capturing Fort Pulaski downstream from Savannah on the Savannah River.

Roanoke Island: A successful amphibious operation of the Federals fought on February 7–8, 1862, in the North Carolina Sounds, a short distance south of the Virginia border.

Fort Macon: a masonry fort that commanded the channel to Beaufort, 35 miles southeast of New Bern, N.C.

Pensacola: The Union army obtained control of Pensacola’s harbor in May 1862--not as a consequence of the battle, but through the Confederates’ decision to abandon the harbor and remove more than 10,000 of their soldiers from the region beginning in February.

Galveston: The First Battle of Galveston was a naval engagement fought on October 4, 1862, during early Union attempts to blockade Galveston Harbor. January 1, 1863, Confederate forces attacked and expelled occupying Federal troops from the city. Although Federal forces did capture the port, as mentioned above, it was back in Southern hands at the end of the war.

New Orleans: On July 9, 1863, after hearing of the fall of Vicksburg, the Confederate garrison of Port Hudson surrendered, opening the Mississippi River to Union navigation from its source to New Orleans.

Mobile Bay: August, 1864. The three forts around the bay surrendered. Complete control of the lower Mobile Bay thus passed to Federal forces..Mobile was last important port on the Gulf of Mexico east of the Mississippi River remaining in Confederate possession, so its closure was the final step in completing the blockade in that region.

Charleston: On February 15, 1865, General Beauregard ordered the evacuation of remaining Confederate forces. On February 18, the mayor surrendered the city and Union troops finally moved into the city, taking control of many sites, such as the United States Arsenal, which the Confederate army had seized at the outbreak of the war.

Ft. Fisher kept North Carolina's port of Wilmington open to blockade-runners supplying necessary goods to Confederate armies inland until 1865.

End

Note: For further reading on the Southern ports during the war see:

Cochran, Hamilton. Blockade Runners of the Confederacy. ISBN 0-8173-5169-8.

306 posted on 01/24/2015 5:20:19 PM PST by smoothsailing
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To: kiryandil
Looks like the Spiveys still have a need to wipe, so we'll continue their education - at least for the ones that can read:

I'll not waste any more time with them, they're unworthy of it. Flinging verbal poop, as if they aspire to be monkeys in a zoo, destroys any reason to pay them any mind.

I don't include Partisan Gunslinger with those tragic souls.

PG thus far seems to be more interested in seeking truth, and not inclined to fling juvenile insults.

BTW, I ran across this. Any thoughts on it, kiry?

The 10 Causes of the War Between the States
by James W. King


Historians have long debated the causes of the war and the Southern perspective differs greatly from the Northern perspective. Based upon the study of original documents of theWar Between The States (Civil War) era and facts and information published by Confederate Veterans, Confederate Chaplains, Southern writers and Southern Historians before, during, and after the war, I present the facts, opinions, and conclusions stated in the following article.

Technically the 10 causes listed are reasons for Southern secession. The only cause of the war was that the South was invaded and responded to Northern aggression.

I respectfully disagree with those who claim that the War Between the States was fought over slavery or that the abolition of slavery in the Revolutionary Era or early Federal period would have prevented war. It is my opinion that war was inevitable between the North and South due to complex political and cultural differences. The famous Englishman Winston Churchill stated that the war between the North and South was one of the most unpreventable wars in history. The Cause that the Confederate States of America fought for (1861-1865) was Southern Independence from the United States of America. Many parallels exist between the War for American Independence ( 1775-1783 ) and the War for Southern Independence.

There were 10 political causes of the war (causes of Southern Secession) ---one of which was slavery-- which was a scapegoat for all the differences that existed between the North and South. The Northern industrialists had wanted a war since about 1830 to get the South's resources ( land-cotton- coal-timber- minerals ) for pennies on the dollar. All wars are economic and are always between centralists and decentralists. The North would have found an excuse to invade the South even if slavery had never existed.

A war almost occurred during 1828-1832 over the tariff when South Carolina passed nullification laws. The U.S. congress had increased the tariff rate on imported products to 40% ( known as the tariff of abominations in Southern States ). This crisis had nothing to do with slavery. If slavery had never existed --period--or had been eliminated at the time the Declaration of Independence was written in 1776 or anytime prior to 1860 it is my opinion that there would still have been a war sooner or later.

On a human level there were 4 causes of the war--New England Greed--New England Fanatics--New England Zealots--and New England Hypocrites. During "So Called Reconstruction" ( 1865-1877 ) the New England Industrialists got what they had really wanted for 40 years--THE SOUTH'S RESOURCES FOR PENNIES ON THE DOLLAR. It was a political coalition between the New England economic interests and the New England fanatics and zealots that caused Southern secession to be necessary for economic survival and safety of the population.

1. TARIFF--Prior to the war about 75% of the money to operate the Federal Government was derived from the Southern States via an unfair sectional tariff on imported goods and 50% of the total 75% was from just 4 Southern states--Virginia- North Carolina--South Carolina and Georgia. Only 10%--20% of this tax money was being returned to the South. The Southern states were being treated as an agricultural colony of the North and bled dry. John Randolph of Virginia's remarks in opposition to the tariff of 1820 demonstrates that fact. The North claimed that they fought the war to preserve the Union but the New England Industrialists who were in control of the North were actually supporting preservation of the Union to maintain and increase revenue from the tariff. The industrialists wanted the South to pay for the industrialization of America at no expense to themselves. Revenue bills introduced in the U.S. House of Representatives prior to the War Between the States were biased, unfair and inflammatory to the South. Abraham Lincoln had promised the Northern industrialists that he would increase the tariff rate if he was elected president of the United States. Lincoln increased the rate to a level that exceeded even the "Tariff of Abominations" 40% rate that had so infuriated the South during the 1828-1832 era ( between 50 and 51% on iron goods). The election of a president that was Anti-Southern on all issues and politically associated with the New England industrialists, fanatics, and zealots brought about the Southern secession movement.

2. CENTRALIZATION VERSUS STATES RIGHTS---The United States of America was founded as a Constitutional Federal Republic in 1789 composed of a Limited Federal Government and Sovereign States. The North wanted to and did alter the form of Government this nation was founded upon. The Confederate States of America fought to preserve Constitutional Limited Federal Government as established by America’s founding fathers who were primarily Southern Gentlemen from Virginia. Thus Confederate soldiers were fighting for rights that had been paid for in blood by their forefathers upon the battlefields of the American Revolution. Abraham Lincoln had a blatant disregard for The Constitution of the United States of America. His War of aggression Against the South changed America from a Constitutional Federal Republic to a Democracy ( with Socialist leanings ) and broke the original Constitution. The infamous Socialist Karl Marx sent Lincoln a letter of congratulations after his reelection in 1864. A considerable number of European Socialists came to America and fought for the Union (North).

3. CHRISTIANITY VERSUS SECULAR HUMANISM--The South believed in basic Christianity as presented in the Holy Bible.The North had many Secular Humanists ( atheists, transcendentalists and non-Christians ). Southerners were afraid of what kind of country America might become if the North had its way. Secular Humanism is the belief that there is no God and that man,science and government can solve all problems. This philosophy advocates human rather than religious values. Reference : Frank Conner’s book "The South Under Siege 1830-2000."

4. CULTURAL DIFFERENCES- -Southerners and Northerners were of different Genetic Lineages. Southerners were primarily of Western English (original Britons),Scottish, and Irish linage (Celtic) whereas Northerners tended to be of Anglo-Saxon and Danish (Viking) extraction. The two cultures had been at war and at odds for over 1000 years before they arrived in America. Our ancient ancestors in Western England under King Arthur humbled the Saxon princes at the battle of Baden Hill ( circa 497 AD --516 AD ). The cultural differences that contributed to the War Between the States (1861-1865 ) had existed for 1500 years or more.

5. CONTROL OF WESTERN TERRITORIES- -The North wanted to control Western States and Territories such as Kansas and Nebraska. New England formed Immigrant Aid Societies and sent settlers to these areas that were politically attached to the North. They passed laws against slavery that Southerners considered punitive. These political actions told Southerners they were not welcome in the new states and territories. It was all about control--slavery was a scapegoat.

6. NORTHERN INDUSTRIALISTS WANTED THE SOUTH'S RESOURCES. The Northern Industrialists wanted a war to use as an excuse to get the South's resources for pennies on the dollar. They began a campaign about 1830 that would influence the common people of the North and create enmity that would allow them to go to war against the South. These Northern Industrialists brought up a morality claim against the South alleging the evils of slavery. The Northern Hypocrites conveniently neglected to publicize the fact that 5 New England States ( Massachusetts, Connecticut, New Hampshire, Rhode Island, and New York ) were primarily responsible for the importation of most of the slaves from Africa to America. These states had both private and state owned fleets of ships.

7. SLANDER OF THE SOUTH BY NORTHERN NEWSPAPERS. This political cause ties in to the above listed efforts by New England Industrialists. Beginning about 1830 the Northern Newspapers began to slander the South. The Industrialists used this tool to indoctrinate the common people of the North. They used slavery as a scapegoat and brought the morality claim up to a feverish pitch. Southerners became tired of reading in the Northern Newspapers about what bad and evil people they were just because their neighbor down the road had a few slaves. This propaganda campaign created hostility between the ordinary citizens of the two regions and created the animosity necessary for war. The Northern Industrialists worked poor whites in the factories of the North under terrible conditions for 18 hours a day ( including children ). When the workers became old and infirm they were fired. It is a historical fact that during this era there were thousands of old people living homeless on the streets in the cities of the North. In the South a slave was cared for from birth to death. Also the diet and living conditions of Southern slaves was superior to that of most white Northern factory workers. Southerners deeply resented this New England hypocrisy and slander.

8. NEW ENGLANDERS ATTEMPTED TO INSTIGATE MASSIVE SLAVE REBELLIONS IN THE SOUTH. Abolitionists were a small but vocal and militant group in New England who demanded instant abolition of slavery in the South. These fanatics and zealots were calling for massive slave uprisings that would result in the murder of Southern men, women and children. Southerners were aware that such an uprising had occurred in Santa Domingo in the 1790 era and that the French (white) population had been massacred. The abolitionists published a terrorist manifesto and tried to smuggle 100,000 copies into the South showing slaves how to murder their masters at night. Then when John Brown raided Harpers Ferry,Virginia in 1859 the political situation became inflammatory. Prior to this event there had been five times as many abolition societies in the South as in the North. Lincoln and most of the Republican Party ( 64 members of congress ) had adopted a political platform in support of terrorist acts against the South. Some (allegedly including Lincoln) had contributed monetarily as supporters of John Browns terrorist activities.. Again slavery was used as a scapegoat for all differences that existed between the North and South.

9.. SLAVERY. Indirectly slavery was a cause of the war. Most Southerners did not own slaves and would not have fought for the protection of slavery. However they believed that the North had no Constitutional right to free slaves held by citizens of Sovereign Southern States. Prior to the war there were five times as many abolition societies in the South as in the North. Virtually all educated Southerners were in favor of gradual emancipation of slaves. Gradual emancipation would have allowed the economy and labor system of the South to gradually adjust to a free paid labor system without economic collapse. Furthermore, since the New England States were responsible for the development of slavery in America, Southerners saw the morality claims by the North as blatant hypocrisy. The first state to legalize slavery had been Massachusetts in 1641 and this law was directed primarily at Indians. In colonial times the economic infrastructure of the port cities of the North was dependent upon the slave trade. The first slave ship in America, "THE DESIRE", was fitted out in Marblehead, Massachusetts. Further proof that Southerners were not fighting to preserve slavery is found in the diary of an officer in the Confederate Army of Northern Virginia. He stated that "he had never met a man in the Army of Northern Virginia that claimed he was fighting to preserve slavery". If the war had been over slavery, the composition of the politicians, officers, enlisted men, and even African Americans would have been different. Confederate General Robert E. Lee had freed his slaves (Custis estate) prior to 1863 whereas Union General Grant's wife Julia did not free her slaves until after the war when forced to do so by the 13th amendment to the constitution and court action. Grant even stated that if the abolitionists claimed he was fighting to free slaves that he would offer his services to the South. Mildred Lewis Rutherford ( 1852-1928 ) was for many years the historian for the United Daughters Of The Confederacy (UDC). In her book Truths Of History she stated that there were more slaveholders in the Union Army ( 315,000 ) than the Confederate Army ( 200,000 ). Statistics also show that about 300,000 blacks supported the Confederacy versus about 200,000 for the Union. Clearly the war would have been fought along different lines if it had been fought over slavery. The famous English author Charles Dickens stated " the Northern onslaught upon Southern slavery is a specious piece of humbug designed to mask their desire for the economic control of the Southern states."

10, NORTHERN AGGRESSION AGAINST SOUTHERN STATES, Proof that Abraham Lincoln wanted war may be found in the manner he handled the Fort Sumter incident. Original correspondence between Lincoln and Naval Captain G.V.Fox shows proof that Lincoln acted with deceit and willfully provoked South Carolina into firing on the fort ( A TARIFF COLLECTION FACILITY ). It was politically important that the South be provoked into firing the first shot so that Lincoln could claim the Confederacy started the war. Additional proof that Lincoln wanted war is the fact that Lincoln refused to meet with a Confederate peace delegation. They remained in Washington for 30 days and returned to Richmond only after it became apparent that Lincoln wanted war and refused to meet and discuss a peace agreement. After setting up the Fort Sumter incident for the purpose of starting a war, Lincoln called for 75,000 troops to put down what he called a rebellion. He intended to march Union troops across Virginia and North Carolina to attack South Carolina. Virginia and North Carolina were not going to allow such an unconstitutional and criminal act of aggression against a sovereign sister Southern State. Lincoln's act of aggression caused the secession of the upper Southern States.

On April 17th 1861, Governor Letcher of Virginia sent this message to Washington DC: " I have only to say that the militia of Virginia will not be furnished to the powers of Washington for any such use or purpose as they have in view. Your object is to subjugate the Southern states and the requisition made upon me for such a object-an object in my judgement not within the purview of the constitution or the act of 1795, will not be complied with. You have chosen to inaugurate civil war; having done so we will meet you in a spirit as determined as the administration has exhibited toward the South."

The WAR BETWEEN THE STATES 1861-1865 occurred due to many complex causes and factors as enumerated above. Those who make claims that "the war was over slavery" or that if slavery had been abolished in 1776 when the Declaration of Independence was signed or in 1789 when The Constitution of the United States of America was signed, that war would not have occurred between North and South are being very simplistic in their views and opinions.

The following conversation between English ship Captain Hillyar and Capt. Raphael Semmes-Confederate Ship CSS Alabama occurred during the war on August 5th, 1861. It is a summary from a well-educated Southerner who is stating his reasons for fighting.

Captain Hillyar expressed surprised at Captain Semme's contention that the people of the South were "defending ourselves against robbers with knives at our throats", and asked for further clarification as to how this was so, the exchange below occurred. I especially was impressed with Semmes' assessment of yankee motives - the creation of "Empire"!

Semmes: "Simply that the machinery of the Federal Government, under which we have lived, and which was designed for the common benefit, has been made the means of despoiling the South, to enrich the North", and I explained to him the workings of the iniquitous tariffs, under the operation of which the South had, in effect, been reduced to a dependent colonial condition, almost as abject as that of the Roman provinces, under their proconsuls; the only difference being, that smooth-faced hypocrisy had been added to robbery, inasmuch as we had been plundered under the forms of law"
Captain Hillyar: "All this is new to me", replied the captain. "I thought that your war had arisen out of the slavery question."
Semmes: "That is the common mistake of foreigners. The enemy has taken pains to impress foreign nations with this false view of the case. With the exception of a few honest zealots, the canting hypocritical Yankee cares as little for our slaves as he does for our draught animals. The war which he has been making upon slavery for the last 40 years is only an interlude, or by-play, to help on the main action of the drama, which is Empire; and it is a curious coincidence that it was commenced about the time the North began to rob the South by means of its tariffs. When a burglar designs to enter a dwelling for the purpose of robbery, he provides himself with the necessary implements. The slavery question was one of the implements employed to help on the robbery of the South. It strengthened the Northern party, and enabled them to get their tariffs through Congress; and when at length, the South, driven to the wall, turned, as even the crushed worm will turn, it was cunningly perceived by the Northern men that 'No slavery' would be a popular war-cry, and hence, they used it.
It is true that we are defending our slave property, but we are defending it no more than any other species of our property - it is all endangered, under a general system of robbery. We are in fact, fighting for independence."

The Union victory in 1865 destroyed the right of secession in America,which had been so cherished by America's founding fathers as the principle of their revolution. British historian and political philosopher Lord Acton, one of the most intellectual figures in Victorian England, understood the deeper meaning of Southern defeat. In a letter to former Confederate General Robert E. Lee dated November 4,1866, Lord Acton wrote " I saw in States Rights the only available check upon the absolutism of the sovereign will, and secession filled me with hope, not as the destruction but as the redemption of Democracy. I deemed you were fighting the battles of our liberty, our progress, and our civilization and I mourn for that which was lost at Richmond more deeply than I rejoice over that which was saved at Waterloo (defeat of Napoleon). As Illinois Governor Richard Yates stated in a message to his state assembly on January 2,1865, the war had " tended, more than any other event in the history of the country, to militate against the Jeffersonian Ideal ( Thomas Jefferson ) that the best government is that which governs least.

Years after the war former Confederate president Jefferson Davis stated " I Am saddened to Hear Southerners Apologize For Fighting To Preserve Our Inheritance" . Some years later former U.S. president Theodore Roosevelt stated " Those Who Will Not Fight For The Graves Of Their Ancestors Are Beyond Redemption".

James W. King
Commander Camp 141
Lt. Col. Thomas M. Nelson
Sons of Confederate Veterans
PO Box 70577
Albany, Georgia 31708
229-436-0397
jkingantiquearms@ bellsouth. net

307 posted on 01/24/2015 5:20:37 PM PST by smoothsailing
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To: smoothsailing
...as the South imported a wider variety of goods than Northern people.

Like what?

Southern exporters sometimes had to pay higher amounts for shipping their goods overseas and to pay unequal tariffs imposed by foreign countries on some of their goods

What country in Europe places a tariff on the importer instead of the person importing it?

As the ports in the South had the most traffic, they paid seventy-five percent of all tariffs in 1859.

Yet in the year prior to the rebellion over 90% of all tariffs were collected in three Northern ports: New York, Boston, and Philadelphia. How do you explain that?

The Morrill Tariff was passed by the U.S. Congress and signed into law by President Buchanan on March, 1861, just two days before Buchanan left office and Abraham Lincoln was inaugurated.

But several months after the Southern states had seceded. So how could it have been reason for secession?

South Carolina wanted control of the harbor and of the revenue it produced.

So South Carolina still planned on collecting the very tariff that you say caused the secession in the first place? So it couldn't have been that onerous, could it?

If you make war upon us, we will seize and hold all the public property within our borders or within our reach."

The South did that long before they started the war.

Lincoln set a trap in the Ft. Sumter standoff by sending the supply ship into harms way, provoking the South to fire the first shot

So you're saying Lincoln tricked them into starting the war? Not very bright of the Confederates, was it?

the prospect of losing three quarters of the Federal revenue stream obviously played a major role in his decision.

Obviously it didn't since the South was not three quarters of the revenue stream. Even Alexander Stephens in his speech to the Georgia legislature put the amount of tariff generated by the North at 75%. And at that he was badly understating the amount.

Lincoln could have avoided war by abandoning the fort to the South Carolina government and allowing the seven succeeding states to keep their ports.

The Confederacy could have avoided war by not bombarding the forts.

308 posted on 01/24/2015 5:43:40 PM PST by DoodleDawg
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To: smoothsailing

Thanks for the post. I’ll check it out, and get back to you tomorrow.


309 posted on 01/24/2015 6:34:44 PM PST by kiryandil (making the jests that some FReepers aren't allowed to...)
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To: DoodleDawg

Contact Mr. King. Perhaps he will answer your questions.

I don’t pretend to know all the answers.

I merely posted the article for feedback, and yours is appreciated.

Thanks.


310 posted on 01/24/2015 6:36:14 PM PST by smoothsailing
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To: kiryandil

Thanks. B^)


311 posted on 01/24/2015 6:39:43 PM PST by smoothsailing
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To: DoodleDawg; kiryandil; Partisan Gunslinger
Another interesting article on tariffs...

............

Protective Tariffs: The Primary Cause of the Civil War

by David John Marotta & Megan Russell | 06-23-2013

Although they opposed permanent tariffs, political expedience in spite of sound economics prompted the Founding Fathers to pass the first U.S. tariff act . For 72 years, Northern special interest groups used these protective tariffs to exploit the South for their own benefit. Finally in 1861, the oppression of those import duties started the Civil War.

In addition to generating revenue, a tariff hurts the ability of foreigners to sell in domestic markets. An affordable or high-quality foreign good is dangerous competition for an expensive or low-quality domestic one. But when a tariff bumps up the price of the foreign good, it gives the domestic one a price advantage. The rate of the tariff varies by industry.

If the tariff is high enough, even an inefficient domestic company can compete with a vastly superior foreign company. It is the industry's consumers who ultimately pay this tax and the industry's producers who benefit in profits.

The situation in the South could be likened to having a legitimate legal case but losing the support of the jury when testimony concerning the defendant's moral failings was admitted into the court proceedings.

As early as the Revolutionary War, the South primarily produced cotton, rice, sugar, indigo and tobacco. The North purchased these raw materials and turned them into manufactured goods. By 1828, foreign manufactured goods faced high import taxes. Foreign raw materials, however, were free of tariffs.

Thus the domestic manufacturing industries of the North benefited twice, once as the producers enjoying the protection of high manufacturing tariffs and once as consumers with a free raw materials market. The raw materials industries of the South were left to struggle against foreign competition.

Because manufactured goods were not produced in the South, they had to either be imported or shipped down from the North. Either way, a large expense, be it shipping fees or the federal tariff, was added to the price of manufactured goods only for Southerners. Because importation was often cheaper than shipping from the North, the South paid most of the federal tariffs.

Much of the tariff revenue collected from Southern consumers was used to build railroads and canals in the North. Between 1830 and 1850, 30,000 miles of track was laid. At its best, these tracks benefited the North. Much of it had no economic effect at all. Many of the schemes to lay track were simply a way to get government subsidies. Fraud and corruption were rampant.

With most of the tariff revenue collected in the South and then spent in the North, the South rightly felt exploited. At the time, 90% of the federal government's annual revenue came from these taxes on imports.

"Cartoon drawn during the nullification controversy showing the Northern domestic manufacturers getting fat at the expense of impoverishing the South under protective tariffs." - Encyclopedia of Britannica

Historians Paul Collier and Anke Hoeffer found that a few common factors increase the likelihood of secession in a region: lower wages, an economy based on raw materials and external exploitation. Although popular movies emphasize slavery as a cause of the Civil War, the war best fits a psycho-historical model of the South rebelling against Northern exploitation.

Many Americans do not understand this fact. A non-slave-owning Southern merchant angered over yet another proposed tariff act does not make a compelling scene in a movie. However, that would be closer to the original cause of the Civil War than any scene of slaves picking cotton.

Morrill Tariff Cartoon, featured in Harper's Weekly on April 13, 1861 saying:THE NEW TARIFF ON DRY GOODS. Unhappy condition of the Optic Nerve of a Custom House Appraiser who has been counting the Threads in a Square Yard of Fabric to ascertain the duty thereon under the New MORRILL Tariff. The Spots and Webs are well-known Opthalmic Symptoms. It is confidently expected that the unfortunate man will go blind.

Slavery was actually on the wane. Slaves visiting England were free according to the courts in 1569. France, Russia, Spain and Portugal had outlawed slavery. Slavery had been abolished everywhere in the British Empire 27 years earlier thanks to William Wilberforce. In the United States, the transport of slaves had been outlawed 53 years earlier by Thomas Jefferson in the Act Prohibiting the Importation of Slaves (1807) and the Abolition of the Slave Trade Act in England (1807). Slavery was a dying and repugnant institution.

The rewritten history of the Civil War began with Lincoln as a brilliant political tactic to rally public opinion. The issue of slavery provided sentimental leverage, whereas oppressing the South with hurtful tariffs did not. Outrage against the greater evil of slavery served to mask the economic harm the North was doing to the South.

The situation in the South could be likened to having a legitimate legal case but losing the support of the jury when testimony concerning the defendant's moral failings was admitted into the court proceedings.

Toward the end of the war, Lincoln made the conflict primarily about the continuation of slavery. By doing so, he successfully silenced the debate about economic issues and states' rights . The main grievance of the Southern states was tariffs. Although slavery was a factor at the outset of the Civil War, it was not the sole or even primary cause.

The Tariff of 1828, called the Tariff of Abominations in the South, was the worst exploitation. It passed Congress 105 to 94 but lost among Southern congressmen 50 to 3. The South argued that favoring some industries over others was unconstitutional.

The South Carolina Exposition and Protest written by Vice President John Calhoun warned that if the tariff of 1828 was not repealed, South Carolina would secede. It cited Jefferson and Madison for the precedent that a state had the right to reject or nullify federal law.

In an 1832 state legislature campaign speech, Lincoln defined his position, saying, "My politics are short and sweet, like the old woman's dance. I am in favor of a national bank . . . in favor of the internal improvements system and a high protective tariff." He was firmly against free trade and in favor of using the power of the federal government to benefit specific industries like Lincoln's favorite, Pennsylvania steel.

The country experienced a period of lower tariffs and vibrant economic growth from 1846 to 1857. Then a bank failure caused the Panic of 1857. Congress used this situation to begin discussing a new tariff act, later called the Morrill Tariff of 1861. However, those debates were met with such Southern hostility that the South seceded before the act was passed.

The South did not secede primarily because of slavery. In Lincoln's First Inaugural Address he promised he had no intention to change slavery in the South. He argued it would be unconstitutional for him to do so. But he promised he would invade any state that failed to collect tariffs in order to enforce them. It was received from Baltimore to Charleston as a declaration of war on the South.

Slavery was an abhorrent practice. It may have been the cause that rallied the North to win. But it was not the primary reason why the South seceded. The Civil War began because of an increasing push to place protective tariffs favoring Northern business interests and every Southern household paid the price.

Source link

312 posted on 01/24/2015 7:48:35 PM PST by smoothsailing
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To: smoothsailing
Slavery was an abhorrent practice. It may have been the cause that rallied the North to win. But it was not the primary reason why the South seceded.

So why do you suppose the southern states overwhelmingly cited the protection of slavery as their motivation?

313 posted on 01/24/2015 8:12:44 PM PST by Bubba Ho-Tep ("The rat always knows when he's in with weasels"-- Tom Waits)
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To: smoothsailing
Historians Paul Collier and Anke Hoeffer found that a few common factors increase the likelihood of secession in a region: lower wages, an economy based on raw materials and external exploitation. Although popular movies emphasize slavery as a cause of the Civil War, the war best fits a psycho-historical model of the South rebelling against Northern exploitation.

First off, Collier and Hoeffler are not historians, but rather ecomonists specializing on Africa. Second, here's what they actually say about secession movements:

Secessionist movements present themselves to the global public as analogues of colonial liberation movements: long-established identities are denied rights of self-determination by quasi-imperial authorities. Self-determination is presented as the solution to the challenge of peaceful coexistence between distinct peoples. The global public not only accepts this message but reinforces it: both Hollywood and diasporas relay it back to populations in developing countries. In this paper, we will argue that the discourse of secessionist movements cannot be taken at face value. We will suggest that a more realistic characterization of secessionist movements is that their sense of political identity is typically a recent contrivance designed to support perceived economic advantage, if the secession is successful, and facilitated by popular ignorance. link

314 posted on 01/24/2015 9:45:18 PM PST by Bubba Ho-Tep ("The rat always knows when he's in with weasels"-- Tom Waits)
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To: smoothsailing

If protective tariffs were the reason for secession then why did Henry Benning, commissioner sent from the Confederate government to the Virginia secession convention, promise that Virginia would have tariffs to protect her industries set as high as Virginia wanted them to be?


315 posted on 01/25/2015 4:35:28 AM PST by DoodleDawg
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To: smoothsailing

Do you honestly believe all that? Really?


316 posted on 01/25/2015 4:39:56 AM PST by DoodleDawg
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To: smoothsailing
The following conversation between English ship Captain Hillyar and Capt. Raphael Semmes-Confederate Ship CSS Alabama occurred during the war on August 5th, 1861. It is a summary from a well-educated Southerner who is stating his reasons for fighting.

For the record in August 1861 Raphael Semmes was commanding a commerce raider called the Sumter in the Atlantic and the Caribbean. He didn't commission the Alabama until the next year. If Mr. King can't be troubled to be accurate in that part of his post then how can we believe the rest of it? Especially since none of it is sourced? I could claim that the South started the war because they wanted to capture the North's unicorn heard in Michigan and it would have just as much credibility.

317 posted on 01/25/2015 4:46:24 AM PST by DoodleDawg
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To: DoodleDawg

If there are to be tariffs, is it better to pay them or collect them?


318 posted on 01/25/2015 8:12:25 AM PST by smoothsailing
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To: DoodleDawg

Like I told you, I’m posting these articles to get feedback, and yours is appreciated.

It’s a learning process for me. I believe secession in 1860 was legal and constitutional . The rest of this is interesting but peripheral.


319 posted on 01/25/2015 8:39:04 AM PST by smoothsailing
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To: DoodleDawg

Is Semmes best known as the Captain of the Alabama or the Sumter? Which would best identify him?

Isn’t King saying August 5, 1861 is the date of the conversation, and not what ship he commanded on that date? It appears so.

Granted, King could have worded that sentence a whole lot better! :)


320 posted on 01/25/2015 8:57:38 AM PST by smoothsailing
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