Posted on 10/18/2003 12:01:28 AM PDT by SAMWolf
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OK, hope to see you later, Sam.
William Cronon is the Frederick Jackson Turner Professor of History, Geography and Environmental Studies at the University of Wisconsin, Madison.
New River Media Interview with: William Cronon Frederick Jackson Turner Professor of History, Geography and Environmental Studies University of Wisconsin
QUESTION: Talk about the Frederick Jackson Turner and the American Frontier.
WILLIAM CRONON: Frederick Jackson Turner's significance to the frontier in American history is that his is arguably the most influential essay that an American historian has ever written. In it, he tries to argue that the movement of European immigrants onto North American land is the defining experience of American history. The movement of Europeans and Easterners into the wilderness, and the transformative effects of the wilderness on American culture, American identity, and American politics is what makes America or the United States what it is.
Turner's argument was that as Europeans moved into the wilderness, they had an encounter with what he called "savagery" which didn't just mean Indian people, although it certainly did mean that as well. And as they moved into this savage place, they shed the trappings of civilization. They were forced to go back to primitive ways of life, and they, in effect, rediscovered their racial energies, rediscovered themselves, went back to first principles, and reinvented both their character and their democracy as a result. In Turner's view, people left crowded environments in European cities, in Northeastern American cities where work was hard to find - where the possibility of class conflict was great - and were able to move out onto free land and find a new life for themselves. They did this in a way that focused them on farm making, community-making, rather than on class conflict. And he referred to this as the safety valve function of the frontier, that by, in effect, providing an alternative outlet for what might otherwise be dangerous political tendencies, the frontier had protected America from violent class conflict of the kind that happened, say, in 1871 in Paris. It's not a very accurate reading of American labor history, but it was an argument that had a lot of political force at the time.
QUESTION: Did Turner believe that America was a good thing?
WILLIAM CRONON: I think you won't understand Turner if you don't recognize what a profoundly nationalistic person he was. He was immensely proud of the United States of America, regarded, with many of his generation, as one of the most compelling stories, not just in our history, but in all of human history. So, one of the things he's seeking to do in the frontier thesis is to argue that there's something exceptional about America, and that democracy and other institutions that he believed no European nation had achieved, were things that made America unique, and in his view had flowed off of the frontier experience.
Phil's note: My high school U.S. History teacher John Holmes explained the Turnerian Thesis in objective terms. It has intertwined with Manifest Destiny in my concept of America.
The Frontier Theory and the Frontier Myth
Turner attributed quite a bit to the frontier environment-experience. Its influence was found in nationalism, democracy, and the American character. He believed the frontier was an agency for Americanization, using the word, "crucible". Most of his supporting references were to the Scotch-Irish and Germans of the Old West frontier. In legislation, the frontier areas always worked to strengthen national power. Turner cited as evidence of national power, the Louisiana Purchase and the demands for federally financed internal improvements.
Turner was not the first to equate the frontier with democracy. The editor of The Nation, E.L. Godkin, had suggested the mutual dependence of the two in an essay he published in 1865, but Turner made the more forceful statement of the relationship. For example, in a commencement address in 1914, he stated that "American democracy was born of no theorist's dream; it was not carried in the Susan Constant to Virginia, nor in the Mayflower to Plymouth. It came out of the American forest, and it gained new strength each time it touched a new frontier."
His democracy theme was also emphasized in the 1893 essay. The individualism or self-reliance attributed to frontiersmen worked toward social and political democracy. This assertion was supported by references to voting patterns and to the frontier origins of great American democrats. It was western New York which forced an extension of the right to vote in 1821. Revered leaders such as Thomas Jefferson, Andrew Jackson, and Abraham Lincoln were all raised near the edge of settlement. Turner especially stressed the rise of equalitarian doctrines associated with the election of his namesake, Andrew Jackson, whom he seems to have regarded as the Moses of democracy. One other idea which was suggested rather than elaborated at length was that of the safety valve. The frontier was a "gate of escape" from the oppressions of a closed society, and its existence helped to nurture democracy.
Finally, his essay was a classic statement about the American character. "To the frontier the American intellect owes its striking characteristics." Among these traits were individualism, practicality, materialism, and optimism. The "myth" of frontier individualism has been dissected by several writers, and other critics were to claim that these were the traits of all Americans and not just frontiersmen. Implicit in Turner's analysis was the assumption that America and Europe were at the opposite ends of a scale, and that the further west one went the more "American" he became.
Turner's paper did not cause many ripples when it was first presented. But the author developed his theme further, as in an 1896 article for the Atlantic Monthlv, and within a decade the "frontier thesis" was well known in the historical profession and among educated readers. Theodore Roosevelt wrote Turner that: "I think you have struck some first class ideas, and have put into definite shape a good deal of thought which has been floating around rather loosely." This was Turner's real genius and real achievement: he brought all these half-conscious and unformed ideas together in one bold and coherent statement.
In his first Annual Message to Congress, Jackson recommended eliminating the Electoral College.
The Bank War inspired numerous cartoons. The boxers are Nicholas Biddle and Andrew Jackson. The lady holding a bottle of port says, "Darken his daylights, Nick. Put the Screws to him my tulip!" Daniel Webster: "Blow me tight if Nick ain't been crammed too much. You see as how he's losing his wind!" Henry Clay: "Hurrah Nick my kiddy! Hit him a pelt in the smellers!" Martin Van Buren: "Go it Hickory, my old Duffer! give it to him in the bread basket, it will make him throw up his deposits!" Major Jack Downing (a mythical Jacksonian hero): "I swan if the Ginral hain't been taken lessons from Fuller!" The man standing next to the whiskey bottle: "Hurrah my old yallow flower of the forrest, walk into him like a streak of Greased lightning through a gooseberry bush!"
Caroline Squire Duels Andrew Jackson
In the cool morning, the two men faced off for their shots. Jackson new Dickenson to be a much faster, surer shot, and fully expected to be hit. He was counting on his stern will to help him absorb Dickenson's ounce of lead before he returned the shot.
According to the "Code Duello" honor would be satisfied by a wound, but things had gone so far between them that Jackson and Dickenson would be satisfied only by the death of the other.
"Are you ready, gentlemen", Overton said.
"Ready", said Dickenson.
"Yes sir", from Jackson.
"Fire!"
Early one May morning in 1806, a young man from Caroline County sighted down the barrel of a flintlock duelling pistol and fired the shot that could have changed the course of American history.
The young man's name was Charles Dickenson and his target was Andrew Jackson, future victor of the Battle Of New Orleans and seventh president of the United States.
In 1806, Andrew Jackson, frontier soldier, lawyer and judge, had retired from public life to farm his plantation and take up his chief hobby, horse-breeding. At that time some of the finest horses in this country were bred and reared by the landowners of the Eastern Shore, and Jackson found his way here on several occasions in search of stock to improve his herd. It is said that he was a guest at Daffin House, near Hillsboro, and he met Charles Dickenson on one of these trips, or perhaps in Tennessee where Dickenson's in-laws lived.
Charles Dickenson was a large landowner and a man of some wealth, and like Jackson, he was interested in good horseflesh. He was also a slave-trader, and was thought to deal in kidnapped free Negroes as well. He might even have had some commerce with the notorious Patty Cannon, although her heyday came years after Dickenson was dead.
However, it was that Jackson had met Dickenson, the meeting was an unlucky one. Both men had a good deal in common; they were versed in the law, Dickenson having read under John Marshall, and they were sporting men who dearly loved a horse-race. Both were also short-tempered, arrogant and sensitive of their good names.
Jackson had a fine stallion named Truxton, generally thought to be one of the best horses in Tennessee at the time. Many breeder's wanted Truxton's blood in their foals, and Jackson received a considerable portion of his income from stud fees. This bothered Jackson's neighbor, Capt. Joseph Erwin, Dickenson's father-in-law, who was losing the breeding business of his stallion, Ploughboy, to Jackson's famous beast.
Backed by Dickenson, Erwin ran Tanner, another of his horses, against Truxton in a race covered by $5000, a vast sum in those days. Truxton beat Erwin's horse, so Erwin decided to try Ploughboy against Truxton. The race was set for the fall meeting of 1805 and both sides covered a $2000 bet. In case one horse didn't make the race, a forfeit of $800 was arranged.
When race day came, Erwin's horse was discovered to be lamed so badly he could not run. The race was called off and Jackson collected his forfeit. Erwin and Dickenson tried to pay Jackson off in unmatured personal notes, which on the frontier were like post-dated checks. Jackson asked for at least half in notes instantly collectable, and Dickenson paid them to him.
But the story got around that Jackson had claimed that Erwin and Dickenson had tried to trick him, which both denied. There was already hard feeling between Jackson and Dickenson; Dickenson had made some nasty remarks about Mrs. Jackson, a gentle lady with an interesting past, and Jackson was notoriously sensitive to references to his wife's past and quick to attack anyone who commented on it. Jackson was not satisfied with Dickenson's half-hearted apologies or the excuse that he was drunk when he insulted Mrs. Jackson. Dickenson wasn't especially eager to make peace; his losses to Jackson at the track were considerable.
One of Dickenson's young friends cast aspersions on Jackson's courage and honor in a letter, but Jackson's reply to him was addressed to Dickenson. Dickenson replied with a dare to challenge him to fight, then left for New Orleans on business. Ignored, Dickenson's young friend swore he'd been insulted and challenged Jackson to duel with him. Jackson laughed that off too, but took the first chance he had to beat him with his cane, an insult of the worst kind to anyone who thought of himself as a gentleman.
In those days, there were no libel laws, and frontier newspapers were kind of a public quarrelling ground, so Dickenson's and Jackson's supporters began calling names in print.
Jackson took two columns in Nashville's only newspaper to call Dickenson a "worthless, drunken, blackguard scoundrel", amoung other things.
In the meantime another race had been arranged between Jackson's and Erwin's mighty stallions. The stakes were $3000 between the rival owners. On race day, Jackson's horse was seen to have a swollen leg and the odds were against him. Jackson refused to forfeit, and his horse won an upset victory over Erwin's. The news of Dickenson's quarrel with Jackson had built tremendous interest in the race; Erwin saw himself publicly humiliated.
Suddenly, Dickenson returned to Nashville. A friend brought Jackson a copy of an item Dickenson planned for the next issue of the paper. It announced that Jackson, "the Major-General of the Mero District is a worthless scoundrel, a patroon and a coward". The only reply suitable in Tennessee at that time to remarks like these was a challenge.
It took a week before the final arrangements could be made,but, on the morning of May 29, Dickenson rose early, said goodbye to his wife, who was expecting a child, and rode off for the Kentucky border with his friends to meet Jackson.
Duelling was illegal in Tennessee, so both duelling parties had a day's ride and an overnight stay ahead before they met. Dickenson was in a cheerful frame of mind, and amused himself on the trip by shooting cards his man-servant put up ahead of the riders. Jackson's party rode along in gloom; they were afraid their principal was as good as dead for Dickenson was a crack shot and Jackson was a slow and a mediocre marksman. Diickenson had been seen to snap-shoot four bullets one after the other, into a small target from 24 feet, grouping his shots so tightly that the bullet holes touched. Jackson had once fired a brace of pistols point-blank at a rushing Indian, missed, and was forced to brain the man with a pistol butt. In Nashville, Dickenson had offered to wager that he would kill Jackson with his first shot.
The duelling ground was across the Red River at Harrison's Mills, Kentucky, and the two parties met there before the sun was over the trees on May 30. While Jackson and Dickenson glared at one another at a distance, their seconds carefully loaded the pistols. There was a matched pair belonging to Jackson, plain as duellers should be, with nine-inch barrels and a shockingly big .70-calibre bore. One-ounce soft lead balls, carefully patched, were rammed down the smooth barrels on top of light charges of FFFg black powder, the flintlocks primed and the loaded weapons inspected by the seconds before they were offered to Dickenson and Jackson.
.---> The two men stood facing one another in the thin morning light, pistols held half-cocked down at their sides. General Overton, Jackson's old friend and second, called the shot.
Instantly, Dickenson raised his pistol, cocking it as it came up. He found the large brass coat button over Jackson's heart in his sights and fired. Dickenson's view of his target was covered by the smoke of his shot for an instant, but bystanders saw a puff of dust fly from Jackson's coat and saw him clutch at his chest with his left hand. He was still on his feet when Dickenson could see through the smoke.
"My God, have I missed him?" Dickenson stepped back in shock.
The seconds shouted him back to the mark, and Jackson was taking aim. Whatever else he was, Dickenson was no coward. Still holding his empty pistol, he folded his arms and stared Jackson's pistol in the eye. Jackson pulled the trigger, but the pistol's hammer stopped at half-cock. Jackson cocked it again and fired. Dickenson fell with a ragged wound torn clear through his middle by the soft bullet.
After one look at the damage, Dickenson's friend knew he wouldn't last out the day.
Jackson walked stiffly back to his horse, claiming that Dickenson "pinked me", but Overton saw that his boot was filled with blood. "I don't want these people to know", he said, looking at Dickenson's group. Jackson's doctor found that Dickenson's shot had been dead on it's mark; the brass coat button was gone. Jackson's life had been saved by the loose fit of his coat over his lean body. The bullet lodged so close to his heart that Jackson's doctor was afraid to remove it. Presumably, he carried it to the White House and his grave.
As for Charles Dickenson, there was nothing the doctors of that day could do to save him, and little they could do to ease his pain. He died that evening around ten. He was 27.
That was an old-school Democrat, duelling to defend against charges of adultery.
Really old-school.
There are legendary stories of Old Hickory in Florida where he hunted and fought the natives. I especially like this quote:
'The Bible is the rock on which our Republic rests.'
That was the time after the Federalist Party fell apart and before the foundation of the Whig Party. Although divided into factions, there was only one major party, the Democratic-Republican Party founded by Jefferson. Before this, however, the fighting between the Federalists and Democrats was vicious, so I suppose there's some hope the country could come to its senses again in the future since the Democrats of today seem determined to be stupid about every issue.
"From the time of the Revolutionary War through the Civil War, the basis of all Army troop feeding, whether in camp, on the march, or during combat operations was the garrison ration. It consisted of an allotment of bread, meat, occasionally vegetables and a beverage.
"Initially the beverage was alcohol and the patriot soldiers under General George Washington welcomed their allowance of rum, whiskey, and other assorted "spirits which included one quart of cider or spruce beer per soldier per week. A colonel could receive as much as a half-gallon of spirits a week.
"In March 1819, an extra gill of whiskey or spirits was allowed per day to noncommissioned officers, musicians and privates engaged in the building of fortifications, in surveys, road construction, and other constant labor, of not less than ten days.
"Noting the "harmful effects" of including alcohol in the military diet, the Surgeon General, and later Secretary of War John C. Calhoun began to lobby against its inclusion in the ration. The struggle over this issue continued throughout the 1820s -- just as a full-scale Temperance Movement was gaining momentum on the national scene. But no actions were taken to remove alcohol from the daily rations.
"Then it happened. President Andrew Jackson, a War of 1812 veteran, impatient with Congress, took matters into his own hands, and signed an Executive Order on October 25, 1832, dictating that coffee and sugar were to be substituted for the allowance of rum, whiskey, or brandy."
"This Executive Order made the spirit ration an extra issue, subject to the discretion of the President. Army General Order No.100, 1832 directed that an issue of coffee and sugar, at the rate of 4 pounds of coffee and 8 pounds of sugar per 100 rations, would be substituted for alcohol. Since then coffee has remained a vital component of the U.S. Army soldiers field ration."
http://www.freerepublic.com/focus/f-news/1004049/posts
I saw that on the Army Coffee thread.
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