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Posted on 03/28/2026 9:40:43 PM PDT by SeekAndFind
The gathering storm over the Strait of Hormuz carries with it unmistakable historical resonance. When the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) begins to threaten tariffs, or more bluntly, coercive tolls, on oil tankers navigating one of the world’s most vital maritime arteries, it evokes troubling parallels with the 1956 Suez Crisis. Then, as now, a strategic chokepoint became the focal point of geopolitical brinkmanship, miscalculation, and the dangerous illusion of control. Yet history rarely repeats itself neatly. Today’s Iran is not Nasser’s Egypt. It is a regime battered from within and without, its leadership decapitated, its command structures degraded, and its ideological authority increasingly hollow. And still, like a wounded animal, it lashes out.
The IRGC’s threats over Hormuz are less a demonstration of strength than a signal of desperation. For decades, the regime has relied on asymmetric leverage, mines, fast attack craft and proxy militias to offset its conventional military weaknesses.
Now, with much of its senior leadership reportedly eliminated and its domestic security wings, the Basij, in particular, under sustained pressure, Tehran is reverting to its most familiar playbook, disrupting global oil flows, raising the economic cost of confrontation, and hoping that international resolve fractures under the strain.
But this time, the context is radically different. The Islamic Republic is no longer facing a distant adversary reluctant to engage. It is confronting a convergence of forces encompassing external military pressure, internal dissent, and the growing organization of its most determined opposition. Reports that Mujahedin-e Khalq (MEK) Resistance Units are coalescing into what is being described as an “Army of Liberation” will send tremors through what remains of the regime’s command hierarchy. For years, Tehran has dismissed such groups as marginal or irrelevant. That narrative is now becoming increasingly difficult to sustain.
An organized, armed domestic resistance, particularly one capable of coordinating with external actors, changes the strategic equation entirely. It transforms the conflict from a conventional interstate confrontation into something far more existential for the regime, a multi-front struggle for survival.
At the same time, the deployment of 5,000 US Marines toward the region underscores the seriousness of Washington’s intent. While Pentagon officials have been careful to avoid the language of invasion, the presence of such a force is hardly symbolic. It represents a credible capability for rapid intervention, whether to secure key infrastructure, support allied operations, or exploit any sudden collapse in regime control. Pete Hegseth’s assertion that the war could be concluded in “weeks rather than months” may strike some as optimistic.
Wars, particularly those involving fragmented state structures and ideological militias, have a habit of defying timelines. And yet, there is a logic to the claim. The Iranian regime, for all its bluster, appears increasingly brittle. Its capacity to coordinate sustained military operations has been degraded. Its ability to project authority across its own territory is being openly challenged.
What remains, however, is dangerous.
Even in its weakened state, Iran retains a significant arsenal of ballistic missiles. These weapons, already used to strike targets across the Middle East, provide the regime with a means of escalation that does not depend on conventional force projection. They are instruments of disruption and terror, designed to widen the conflict, draw in regional actors, and complicate the calculations of those seeking a swift resolution. There is also news that Vladimir Putin, who for years has imported thousands of suicide drones from Iran for his war in Ukraine, is now returning the favor by shipping a large number of deadly drones manufactured in Russia to Tehran.
This is where the parallels with Suez begin to diverge. In 1956, the crisis ultimately exposed the limits of old imperial power and ushered in a new geopolitical order. In today’s Middle East, the outcome of this confrontation may similarly mark a decisive turning point, but the direction of travel remains uncertain. Can the regime survive? In the narrowest sense, it is possible.
Authoritarian systems have an extraordinary capacity for endurance, even in the face of severe external pressure and internal unrest. The remnants of the IRGC and Basij, though diminished, are unlikely to dissolve overnight. There will be pockets of resistance, particularly in areas where the regime’s ideological grip remains strong or where fear continues to outweigh dissent.
But survival is not the same as viability. A regime that can no longer guarantee internal security, that faces an organized and emboldened opposition, and that has alienated much of its regional environment, is a regime living on borrowed time. Its threats over Hormuz may disrupt markets and unsettle governments, but they will not restore its legitimacy or rebuild its shattered command structures. Indeed, such actions may accelerate its isolation.
The countries of the Gulf, already wary of Tehran’s ambitions, will see in these threats further confirmation of the regime’s recklessness. Even those international actors inclined toward caution will find it increasingly difficult to argue for restraint in the face of actions that jeopardize global energy security. The coming weeks will be decisive.
If the MEK-led resistance can translate its momentum into sustained territorial and organizational gains, and if external pressure continues to degrade what remains of the regime’s coercive apparatus, the prospect of a rapid political transformation cannot be dismissed. Conversely, if the regime manages to regroup, reassert control over key centers of power, and exploit divisions among its opponents, the conflict could settle into a more protracted and unstable phase.
What is clear is that the Islamic Republic is facing the most serious challenge in its history. The convergence of internal uprising and external pressure is something it has long feared and sought to prevent at all costs. Now that moment appears to have arrived. The world should take note, not only of the danger posed by a desperate regime, but of the opportunity to support a transition toward a more stable and accountable future for Iran and the wider region. History teaches us that moments of crisis can become moments of transformation. Whether this proves to be one of them will depend on the choices made in the days ahead.
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The day after Easter will be lights out for the Psycho-regime.
Are we able to help them with that?
Is MEK aligned with the various Kurd forces?
Are we able to help with that coordination?
The Soviet Union.
.
The right move is to support the overwhelming choice of the non-Islamist (really, vehemently anti-Islamist) majority of the Iranian people and that is Reza Pahlavi, and the group of reformers behind him.
Alahwahoo Whackbar.
The Resistance needs “Gums”.
The civic Liberators need to bear “Harms”
Pallet loads of ordinance are organized and ready to drop into the awaiting hands of Mossad/CIA vetted Mujahadeen,along with units of SpecFor.
There will be thousands of Shia sent to their paradise.
Make it happen Donald.
Facts:
USA must seize Hormuz Strait and control it as US territory.
Iran government mst be overthrown and new secular government imposed with Ayatollahs out and all governance regulated by third party occupiers. Model: Japan post WWII.
Otherwise no Mideast peace, ever.
Good analysis - last paragraph is key.
Are we able to help them with that?
https://tvd.im/small-arms/4575-makarov-pm-pistol-marakova.html
https://tvd.im/small-arms/4293-fb-p-64.html
Send in some old Commie stuff.
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