Posted on 11/05/2013 4:22:08 PM PST by BfloGuy
Conventional wisdom holds that Americas transition from a manufacturing to a service-based economy is nearly complete. Mining and making stuff are out; surgery and software development are in. The U.S. has entered a post-industrial era. Not so fast, says Vaclav Smil. In his new book, Made in the U.S.A.: The Rise and Retreat of American Manufacturing, Smil argues persuasively that manufacturing matters as much in the current century as it did in the last—and that a revitalized manufacturing sector is vital for restoring growth, jobs, and American social dynamism.
Technology creates efficiency, Smil writes. But, as he shows, efficiency confuses pundits and policymakers into thinking that demand will shrink. It hasnt and it wont. Efficiency makes stuff cheaper, which, combined with rising wealth, has always boosted demand. Growth in global demand for manufactured goods is poised to reach new heights in the twenty-first century. And while Smil shys away from prediction, the evidence he presents leads me to conclude that American manufacturing is far from dead. (More on my manufacturing thesis in my current Forbes column here.)
Smil traces in dense detail the growth of manufacturing in America. Rejecting the common story line, he writes that World War II actually had a depressing effect on the countrys productivity growth and, with a few notable exceptions, was not a remarkable engine of innovation. Nearly all the innovation happened before the war—surprisingly, much of it during the Great Depression. And yet, as Smil points out, while the United States dominated global manufacturing throughout the twentieth century, it has now lost that dominance in just two short decades. For Smil, there is plenty of blame to go around. Americas manufacturing decline, he writes, has not been an inevitable outcome of either unstoppable economic forces or an equally unstoppable mechanization and robotization of modern manufacturing but a matter of deliberate choices. He blames outsourcing by profit-maximizing corporations. He blames consumers for chasing ever-cheaper goods (the iPhone, he notes, could have been assembled domestically with only a tiny impact on Apples gross profits). He points to the intransigence of American labor unions. In Germany, he notes, unions are much more open to constructive engagement with employers. The growth of government, too, has played an important role. Smil observes that since 1981, government has employed more Americans than the manufacturing sector—40 percent more today.
Others have chronicled the sclerosis of U.S. manufacturing, but Smil has little patience for the argument that serving potato chips is as good as making microchips. The potato-chip-serving school argues that the U.S. and the world are dematerializing—that is, shifting from products to services. In fact, the U.S. manufactures both potato chips and microchips, but the word manufacture has become misleading and anachronistic. For many, it conjures visions of smokestacks and hardhats, or perhaps the iconic Rosie the Riveter poster that symbolized the role of American manufacturing in winning World War II.
Manufacturing means much more than that today, though you wouldnt know it from consulting the North American Industry Classification System, which, as Smil points out, categorizes custom assembly of computers as retail. I would add electricity production to the miscategorization list. NAICS categorizes it as a service, but electricity is manufactured. Similarly, while a century ago you might reasonably have classified the oil and gas industry as extractive mining, todays tech-centric oil and gas businesses manufacture hydrocarbons from rock. But perhaps more importantly, Smil notes that much of what NAICS sweeps into services really belongs in the manufacturing sector. Fully 30 percent of the value of manufactured goods, Smil shows, is found in services integral to manufacturing. The NAICSs faulty categories contribute to the impression that a service-centric economy can prosper without manufacturing much of anything.
Manufacturing translates inventions and innovation into all the material riches [and] convenient services that are the hallmarks of modern societies, Smil writes. He reminds us that, given the worlds current state of material deprivation, durable goods will continue to see enormous future demand. The European Union quantifies material deprivation as a household lacking two or more basic manufactured goods; television, telephone, car, shower, toilet, and a sound dwelling. By this standard, deprivation remains about 15 percent in the U.S., runs from 20 to 40 percent in poorer EU states such as Spain, Portugal, and Greece, and reaches 80 percent to 95 percent in developing nations. In short, far more people lack stuff than have it. The demand implications for manufactured goods should be obvious.
Economists selling the myth of the modern service-driven economy typically cite FedEx, faxes, mobile phones, and the Internet. Counters Smil, all of these innovations in communications—next-day package deliveries, the instant transmission of printed matter, and rapid access to information—had to be preceded by fundamental innovations in manufacturing, the construction of jetliners and gas turbines, the development of xerography, and the design and mass production of ever more powerful microprocessors and higher-resolution screens. Services and manufacturing are inseparable, except in the minds of post-industrialists.
Important as it is, Smils book does not explore the biggest near-term driver of American manufacturing growth. The U.S. is now the worlds Number One producer of oil and natural gas and a net exporter of refined hydrocarbons (manufactured gasoline and diesel). The Energy Information Administration forecasts some $2 trillion in private investment in this sector in the next decade. This dramatic growth has not resulted from new discoveries or the opening up of federal lands, but from the emergence of new technologies and techniques that enable the manufacturing of liquid and gaseous hydrocarbons from solid shale rock. The energy-intensive manufacturing ecosystems expansion will catalyze other manufacturing, both upstream and downstream; thats how industrial and economic ecosystems work. Already, the new energy boom is driving a massive resurgence of investment into everything from plastics to fertilizers. The American Chemical Council has catalogued nearly 100 chemical-industry investments valued at over $70 billion due to come on line by 2017, generating over 1 million jobs and adding over $300 billion to GDP.
The manufacturing revival is happening faster and more broadly in the energy sector than in any other. Will America seize the opportunity to capitalize on its energy abundance and prime the pump for a broad manufacturing renewal? Smil is noncommittal: I will not answer the question of whether American manufacturing will experience a true renaissance, as its dwindling proponents hope, or whether it will, in employment terms if not in total output value, become an ever more marginal economic sector. But he offers an answer of sorts in his final chapter, where he briefly explores the debate between pessimists—such as economic historian Niall Ferguson—and optimists (of which Im one). Ferguson believes that fundamental innovation has stalled out, but Smil rightly suspects that he and his fellow pessimists underestimate American adaptability. As a lifelong critical observer of American society, Smil declares, I am well aware how it has repeatedly demonstrated its impressive capacity for renewal.
Smils book, the latest in his impressive canon, comes at a critical juncture in American economic history. Every member of Congress should read it. If America is to rebound, we cant afford to be defeatist about manufacturing, which remains essential to our economic vibrancy. The right policies—i.e., not subsidies or stimulus—can help set the stage for an American economy that once again dominates global manufacturing. These would include resolving our excessive federal debt, reforming an uncompetitive tax system, and reining in a legal system hostile to business formation and profit-making. As famed management guru Peter Drucker once said: The best way to predict the future is to create it.
No tariffs that make Americans poorer needed!
We sitll make great guns.
Manufacturing and manufacturing employment are two different things. The former is doing pretty well. The latter continues to shrink. But most of the media cannot grasp the difference.
Indeed. That's what drives companies out of America. It's not about cheap labor anymore, since manufacturing technology and automation are so advanced.
This is impossible because we haven’t taxed our way to a manufacturing resurgence yet.
srbfl
Amazing
As I drive around I see office space for tent and for sale. Right next to it I see new bank branches, restaurants and NEW office space. As a small business owner and entrepreneur I am flummoxed how anyone would nenture any capital in such certainty of uncertainty. I’m a dreamer and survivor like the next libertarian /conservative so these folks really echo my theory that liberals have to be the ones doing this because they mustnot have run the numbers as they don’t add up. Democrat party is clearly the party of poor math skills.
People don't realize that we have been number one in manufacturing during all the media years of saying we were dead, and only dropped to number two in 2011.
Dude, you just pinged a guy who thought (thinks) that doubling the price of gas will make our economy boom.
Remember... “manufacturing” includes the mass assembly of Double Quarter Pounders at your local McDonalds. Order it “with cheese” to tack on anonther value added manufacturing step.
Complete bullcrap. From the Kerry campaign in 2004.
You're being facetious, I trust.
McDonald's would be included in the "retail" sector.
I know. Just trying to help! ;-)
No tariffs that make Americans poorer needed!
I personally believe we still do manufacture a lot of things here. I also believe we manufacture far too much overseas. It has devastated our economy. It has pumped massive monies into Communist China, which seeks to replace the U. S. as the worlds leading Hegemon. That's stupid for a number of reasons.
So yeah, we do manufacture. And yes, our economy could benefit in a massive way, if we had not moved off-shore to the degree we did.
We have over 40 million unemployed people sitting idle. Need I say more? We have another 40 million working for far less than they used to. Need I say more? We have tens of millions on welfare? Need I say more?
Just imagine all these people not sapping the system dry, and working and paying taxes instead.
This is why I think the debt we have could easily be reduced significantly, if only we would launch a major effort to change things up. The economy would absolutely explode with more people working, even if it isn't the largest salary ever. Those small salaries flood the economy so that increased salaried jobs can be viable once again.
As for tariffs, I think folks have the wrong idea. Do we want tariffs to pay for this massive government? Hell no!
Could small 2.5 to 5% or less tariffs be a sound idea to pay for the limited government we should have? Yes.
Our Founders weren't idiots. The level of trade we have today could probably support the government we should have, with 2-3% tariffs. That's not going to break anyone, and it would get the income tax off our backs.
IMO< that was the major mistake.
Accompanying this plan, should be the privatization of Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid.
Put this government back in it's box. Limit it's size because we don't support large tariffs, and get back to the nation our Founders designed for us.
Sadly, no.
Whoodathunk?
Let me ask you a simple question: is burger-creation considered to be “manufacturing” in the U.S. right now, yes, or no?
Don’t fall for that BS.
You said it, DoughtyOne.
Bring back American jobs now.
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