Posted on 07/26/2011 7:42:33 PM PDT by WOBBLY BOB
■Provides two increases in the debt limit -- $900 billion and $1.6 trillion totaling $2.5 trillion. It gives the President an immediate $900 billion increase given that Congress does not vote to disapprove it. It gives the President another $1.6 trillion increase next year if a bill written by a new Super Committee passes both houses and becomes law.
■Reduces spending by only $1.2 trillion over the next ten years. This amount won't even come close to balancing the budget, as the debt is expected to grow by as much as $10 trillion over the next decade. The plan also reduces spending by only $6 billion in 2012. Considering that our government currently spends $10 billion a day, $6 billion is far too little to cut over the first year of the plan.
■Calls for a vote on the Balanced Budget Amendment but does not require its passage. Without passage of a strong Balanced Budget Amendment, Congress will never break its addiction to spending.
(Excerpt) Read more at senateconservatives.com ...
I agree with everything JR says!
But that is not a plan EV. What’s your plan? It’s ok not to have one - but it does influence how your criticisms are perceived.
Care to give it a shot?
I disagree - I think the country agrees that we need to control government. And that's where we are now...
That's why 0zer0 is doing what he can to change to subject to be able to blame republicans for 12% unemployment and riots in the streets. I'd like to avoid unemployment getting even worse, i'd like to avoid riots, and i'd like to remain focused on getting the Senate and/or the White House.
With full control, we can repeal obamacare, reform entitlements, and shrink government. We cannot do that with just the House.
I'm reminded of a famous Judy Garland song...
Our platform has addressed your question right along:
Restoring limited government
We seek to restore the intended balance between the three separate branches of our government, and to strictly limit government to the Enumerated Powers granted and expressed by the will of the people of the United States in our Constitution.
All existing functions of the Executive branch that are outside of those Enumerated Powers must be eliminated.
All spending and regulation by the Legislative branch that lies outside the Enumerated Powers must cease.
Judges who attempt to legislate from the bench, or who abandon the clear principles of our Constitution, must be checked if liberty and justice are to prevail in our society once again.
We demand a return to adherence to the provisions of the Tenth Amendment: “The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people.”
That’s a platform EV - that’s the goal that is pursued.
My question remains... how to you achieve that goal? I have the same goals and platform. But simply stating it doesn’t make it magically appear. Demanding it doesn’t get it done. You have to implement some changes that will result in the realization of your goals.
Again, it’s OK if you don’t have a way to reach your goals. But it does influence how your criticism of other plans is perceived.
Do you have a plan?
I think these goals can be achieved by implementing CCB. You have had plenty to say about why you don’t like CCB. That’s fine of course - that’s what this site is about. But it’s also about offering a different option that you think would be better. If you don’t have anything better, then what does all your criticism really mean?
C’mon, give some idea of how you would achieve your goals.
That’s because one is fun... while it lasts.
I'm just saying the "plan" sucks. It's worse than worthless. The Boehner Plan confirms Obama's trillion dollar a year increase in the size of government.
Our country will collapse BEFORE it gets out 10 years. The Plan gives the Democrats and the media all the ammo they need to blame Republicans, say 'conservatives' support this increase, etc., etc.
Many here know EXACTLY what the stakes are. Some do not.
Some believe the DC Ways are the right way, even though that way has brought us to the crisis we now face. We cannot continue down that road or our country will fold, as u stated.
The two plans offered are just two wings of the same bird of prey, that does NOTHING to begin solving the root problem. SPENDING.
The “future” phantom cuts will never happen and we will continue to max out the debt limit. It’s a plan for a coming disaster.
Actually, I have answered you. But the answer is too simple for you to accept, apparently.
The House of Representatives holds the purse strings. Instead of exercising that power in defense of the liberty and prosperity of our posterity, the majority in that body has instead chosen to forward plans that raise the debt ceiling by trillions of dollars, while offering nothing but a bunch of completely empty promises about how they will definitely do something...somewhere over the rainbow.
I concur. DeMint is Da man.
Not too simple EV, just unclear. See, I don’t think you have a plan. You have only described the results you desire without indicating a mechanism for achieving it.
Is your plan to have no increase in the debt ceiling at all [i haven’t seen you type that]?
Go ahead, commit to something instead of just criticizing others’ plans.
If you can’t see that I oppose any increase in the debt ceiling, you’re closing your eyes on purpose.
"The principle of spending money to be paid by posterity, under the name of funding, is but swindling futurity on a large scale."-- Thomas Jefferson
"I hope a tax will be preferred [to a loan which threatens to saddle us with a perpetual debt], because it will awaken the attention of the people and make reformation and economy the principle of the next election. The frequent recurrence of this chastening operation can alone restrain the propensity of governments to enlarge expense beyond income."- Thomas Jefferson to Albert Gallatin, 1820
"I place economy among the first and most important virtues, and public debt as the greatest of dangers to be feared. To preserve our independence, we must not let our rulers load us with perpetual debt. If we run into such debts, we must be taxed in our meat and drink, in our necessities and in our comforts, in our labor and in our amusements. If we can prevent the government from wasting the labor of the people, under the pretense of caring for them, they will be happy."-- Thomas Jefferson
"If you love wealth more than liberty, the tranquility of servitude better than the animating contest of freedom, depart from us in peace. We ask not your counsel nor your arms. Crouch down and lick the hand that feeds you. May your chains rest lightly upon you and may posterity forget that you were our countrymen."-- Samuel Adams
Maybe you really don't know what would happen to the economy if gov't suddenly quit spending 45% of what it has been.
Think of it like a plane landing - glide in or come straight down.
EV we all wish we weren't spending - but chest pounding isn't helpful and makes you look ignorant. I know you're not, but your emotion is driving your thoughts.
Needed a little Sam Adams...and some Patrick Henry wouldn’t hurt this morning either...
March 23, 1775.
No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed the House. But different men often see the same subject in different lights; and, therefore, I hope it will not be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen if, entertaining as I do opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my sentiments freely and without reserve. This is no time for ceremony. The questing before the House is one of awful moment to this country. For my own part, I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfill the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offense, I should consider myself as guilty of treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty toward the Majesty of Heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings.
Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and, having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it.
I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the House. Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with those warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation; the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find which have not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves. Sir, we have done everything that could be done to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne! In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free— if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending—if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained—we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of hosts is all that is left us!
They tell us, sir, that we are weak; unable to cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying supinely on our backs and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak if we make a proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power. The millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations, and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged! Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable—and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come.
It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace, Peace— but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!
You either have George Washington's attitude, or you don't.
-- To the Assembled Constitutional Convention, March 25, 1787"It is too probable that no plan we propose will be adopted. Perhaps another dreadful conflict is to be sustained. If, to please the people, we offer what we ourselves disprove, how can we afterwards defend our work? Let us raise a standard to which the wise and the honest can repair. The event is in the hand of God."
Ah well...
-- George Washington, Letter to David Humphreys, March 8, 1787"It is one of the evils, perhaps not the smallest, of democratical governments that the People must feel before they will see or act."
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