3/11: Those Strings Pulled...

The Moroccan Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs Met Secretly [Socialist] Moratinos One Week After 3/11.

With the Government presided by José María Aznar still in office and the police investigation on the March massacre hardly starting, took place in Madrid a meeting between the number two of the Moroccan Secretary of State and the one that, one month later would become the Spanish Secretary of State. Neither our Embassy in Rabat nor the Government still in hands of the [right wing] PP had any notice of it. It was a secret encounter. Days later, the explosion at the Leganés apartment took place, subject that neither the summary nor the sentence have been able to clarify. Nevertheless, investigating the diplomatic movements those days new questions arise.

L D (Luis del Pino) The judicial summary of the 3/11 case is plagued with misinformation, but maybe the episode of Leganés holds the record on attempts of deception. For instance, when it explains how the apartment was located, the summary gathers several different police versions. One of them affirmed that the location followed a shooting in Zarzaquemada between police forces and a vehicle driven by Arabs, who ended up taking shelter in the apartment of Carmen Martín Gaite street. That story of the shooting contradicted other information in which the apartment in Leganés was located following the trace of the telephone cards used by the members of the plot of 3/11.

Judge Del Olmo tried to investigate where the information about the shooting in Zarzaquemada came from, and the answer he received was that that shooting was accounted through the [police emergency number] 091. But, when Del Olmo asked the release of the tapes where the communications of the Police emergency number’s conversations were recorded, what they said to him was that those tapes have already been erased.

The State attorneys office even included in its indictment this false version on how was located the apartment, although it had to drop the story after listening to the testimonies of the high rank police officers during the trial. For instance, one of the police inspectors, Gómez-Menor, confirmed that they had reached Leganés following the traces of the telephone cards [SIM cards], not through a shooting.

Nevertheless, the dropping of that story about the shooting in Zarzaquemada must have had consequences, and it has not had them. If story was false, why was it included in the summary of the case? Who invented that story and with which purpose? It is clear that somebody built a false explanation to justify how the apartment of Leganés was reached, so the usual consequence had been to investigate who created that misinformation and which was his purpose when doing it, but the court judging the 3/11 case has chosen to look towards other side, otherwise we could find something we will not like. Because, what it clear is that that type of misinformation could have been created neither by ETA nor by Al Qaeda, but by people linked to the structure of the State. And it is also clear that it had been no necessity of inventing intoxications if the episode of Leganés had happened as they told us.

We have already pointed out in previous articles that one of the best corroborations than in Leganés were no suicides is the enormous effort involved in producing false data that allowed "to demonstrate" to the public opinion the suicidal character of the alleged residents of the apartment.

We have mentioned in other articles, for instance, the false letter to say goodbye of Abdenabi Kounjaa, so very amateurish made that the "genius" that set it had the clever idea of including the signature in Latin characters of Kounjaa in a manuscript in arab. Why an Arab signs in Latin characters a manuscript directed to his family in Morocco?

We have also mentioned the threatening faxes allegedly sent by the "suicides" of Leganés in the afternoon of April 3rd to the newspaper ABC and Telemadrid. Those faxes, written by hand by the Tunisian, were sent, as the summary itself demonstrates and as the sentence of 3/11 includes, from Madrid, many kilometres away from that apartment in Leganés, which at that time was surrounded by the Police. Who sent those faxes in name of the "suicides" inside the apartment?

Also we denounced a long time ago that at least a part of the supposed goodbye calls allegedly made by the "suicides" had been carried out from outside the apartment. The sentence of 3/11 has corroborated again this aspect of our investigations, when it acknowledged that several of those calls were done from a telephone that was not found among the debris of the apartment in Leganés and that continued operating after the explosion. Who was doing false goodbye calls from outside the apartment, in the name of those alleged "suicides"?

Unfortunately, although the sentence does state like proven fact that a part of the "goodbye calls" had to come from outside the apartment, the legal consequences are not followed: if somebody carried out false calls of goodbye in name of the "suicides", it will be necessary to investigate who he was. As it is also necessary to draw the only possible logical conclusion: in that apartment there were no suicides; if there had been, nobody would have had the necessity to carry out those false calls in their name.

But the referred misinformation regarding the Leganés issue does not finish here. In fact, one of the most flagrant episodes of deception also talks, although from another point of view, about those false goodbye calls conducted in afternoon of April 3rd.

In January 2005, the newspaper EL MUNDO published a chronicle of its correspondent in Morocco, Ali Lmrabet, on events that presumably took place in the Spanish Embassy in Rabat that same afternoon of April 3rd, 2004. According to the chronicle of Ali Lmrabet, the telephone calls conducted to Morocco by the alleged suicides were intercepted by personnel of the Spanish secret services. The CNI [Spanish secret service corps], through the Embassy in Morocco, requested aid to the Moroccan authorities, which sent several civil employees from his own secret services to the Spanish Embassy. There, in an office of the embassy, those Moroccan civil employees, along with their Spanish colleagues, recorded and translated in real time the conversations that the suicides were maintaining with their families.

The Moroccan magazine Le Journal Hebdomadaire relates those events in one of its articles with a bit more detail. According to this Moroccan printed media, the terrorists surrounded in the apartment in Leganés that Saturday April 3rd used their mobile phones to say goodbye to their families; four of them spoke Moroccan dialect. The Spanish police intercepted the conversations, but they needed that somebody translated what they were saying. Always according to that article, at three o’clock in that afternoon, the Spanish police requested the participation of the Moroccan security forces. They had a system that allowed the sending in real time of the telephone conversations to the headquarters of the Moroccan Interior Ministry, in the forest of Temara. As well, the Moroccans intercepted the telephones in Northern Morocco that received the calls coming from Leganés.

Police inspector Enrique de Federico, aggregate of the Interior Ministry in the Spanish Embassy in Rabat, received the conversations translated by the Moroccan agents and relayed them to Madrid. The Moroccans, as they listen the conversations, were convinced that their compatriots locked up in Leganés were determined to do anything. "It seems that they are not far from committing suicide", they said to Enrique de Federico. Then, Jamal Ahmidan, aka El Chino, said to his mother: "In nine minutes I will be with God". And it repeated that it was his destiny, whereas her mother in Tetouan cried, desperated. The sister of Jamal Ahmidan tried to dissuade him, but he told her: "I cannot give up now". Shortly after 9 PM, Leganés was shaken by a terrible explosion that caused the death of a member of the GEO [Police Special Forces], Francisco Javier Torronteras, and of seven terrorists, among them five Moroccans.

The story is very interesting. And it would be a lot more if it was not false. It is enough to reach this conclusion simply analyzing what it was told us and see that there are many completely absurd aspects.

Firstly, if the Spanish Police had intercepted the telephones, then unavoidably they had to know the Spanish numbers from which the calls were taking place. Why was it needed then to carry out the interception and recording of the conversations in the Embassy of Rabat? They could perfectly carry out that task in Spain, simply calling the corresponding telephone companies. Or just endow the CNI with that job.

Secondly, the Spanish Police and secret services have Arab translators. There was no necessity to resort to the Moroccan authorities in order to translate the conversations in real time. Or maybe they want to convince us that they translate documents or conversations in Arab compiled in Morocco by our secret services requesting the collaboration of the Moroccans themselves. If we were not speaking of something so tragic, it would give for a chapter of Mortadelo and Filemón [Clever & Smart]: it is as if the Russian intelligence services had to request aid to the FBI in order to translate secret documents collected in the United States.

Thirdly, how it is possible that the Spanish Police requested aid to the Moroccan security forces at 3 PM, according to what tells the article of Le Journal, to translate conversations that did not take place until four hours later?

But the most plausible demonstration that we are before another deception is the fact that the episode has not left even the slightest trace in the summary of 3/11.

If the conversations to the terrorists were recorded when they were saying goodbye to their families, where are those conversations? Why have they not been included in the summary? Why there is not even a miserable transcription? Why does the summary of 3/11 not incorporate that supposed conversation among Jamal Ahmidan, his mother and his sister, of which the article of the Moroccan magazine includes alleged quoted phrases? Why is there in the entire summary 3/11 not the slightest mention to those events at the Spanish Embassy in Rabat? Why it is not included the names of those who asked for collaboration to the Moroccan authorities? Why it is not incorporated the name of the Spanish or Moroccan civil employees who participated in the operation? Why it is not included which telephone numbers were intervened and to what Moroccan numbers they called? Why nobody has summoned police inspector Enrique de Federico during the instruction of the case, nor in the trial?

It is sure, since the Police themselves never have included the slightest mention to them in their reports, that those events at the Embassy of Rabat cannot be but invented.

But most disquieting thing of this episode it is that that deception is not a delayed invention, is not an elaboration conducted months after the attack. Because the certain thing is that the story of the interception of the presumed calls of the suicides at the Spanish Embassy in Rabat began to be spread the day of the explosion in Leganés itself.

That day, in fact, police inspector Enrique de Federico informed Spanish ambassador, Fernando Arias-Salgado, at the same time that the Police was surrounding the apartment in Carmen Martín Gaite street, that they had intercepted those calls and he even added that two Moroccan civil employees had gone to the Embassy to collaborate in the translation. The newspaper EL MUNDO and the Moroccan magazine Le Journal were not, therefore, but echoing a story that had already been spread on April 3rd itself.

Did that interception of the calls and the Moroccan civil employees who went to the Embassy really exist? The Spanish ambassador did not get even to see those civil employees, of whose existence he has only the reference that gave him police inspector Enrique de Federico. Regarding the calls allegedly intercepted in the embassy, we already have shown that the issue does not have any sense.

It is possible to deduce, therefore, that all those events are false, just as false as the shooting in Zarzaquemada. As we can also deduce that both issues, the one of Zarzaquemada and the one of the Embassy in Rabat had the same objective: to deceive, regarding that episode in Leganés, the administration still in office of the [Right wing] Popular Party, which already knocked out after the attack, was getting closer to the date in which the Socialist will take over [two weeks later].

Who decided, within the commanding structure of the Police, to start up those deceptions directed to which was still the legitimate Government of the Nation? Because it is difficult to think that the decision to create that misinformation was taken by second or third row people.

What role did police inspector Enrique de Federico play in the creation of that referred deception on the conversations presumably intercepted in the embassy? Did he participated consciously in the creation of that story, or somebody also led him into a trap? Of course, he, who, was aggregate of the Interior Ministry in Rabat had good communication channels with his colleagues in Madrid, because one hour before the SER [pro-Socialist radio channel] began to spread the hoax of the suicide bombers in the night of 3/11, Enrique de Federico had already advanced to the Spanish ambassador in Morocco that it had appeared suicides on the [attacked] trains, data that soon was demonstrated that it was false. Surely, some of the "three sources of the antiterrorist forces" that the SER invoked to authenticate this "information" of the suicides might have informed him.

The one about the calls falsely intercepted the day of the explosion of the apartment in Leganés is not the only bizarre episode lived in that Spanish Embassy around 3/11.

One week after the 3/11 attack, and two weeks before the explosion in Leganés, the Spanish ambassador in Rabat received a call from one of the air bases near Madrid, in which he was informed that Taieb Fassi-Fihri, deputy of the Moroccan Secretary of State, had just left Madrid towards Morocco in an airplane of the Moroccan Air Force that had been sent to pick him up.

The Spanish ambassador was astounded. The deputy of the Moroccan Ministry of Foreign Affairs had gone to Madrid to meet privately Moratinos, without neither the knowledge of the Government of the PP, nor the Spanish Embassy in Rabat. What for did Moratinos maintain a secret meeting with the Moroccan authorities only one week after the attacks 3/11, not informing the Aznar administration, that still was in office? What did Moratinos have to attempt to deal or negotiate with as much urgency that could not wait for the transfer of powers to the new Government, which was to take place a few weeks later? Who else participated in that meeting?

And, mainly, what other conversations were maintained between the Socialist Party and the authorities of Morocco between the date of the attack and the day of the explosion of the apartment in Leganés? It was dealt in some moment with the Moroccan authorities, without knowledge of the Government of the PP, the subject of the investigations regarding the 3/11 attack?

Because we must remember that, around those days, the official version of 3/11 was still being developed, and that it would not have its definitive shape until far later, after that explosion in Leganés in which it was attempted, at all costs, to sell to the PP a false version.

Miguel Ángel Moratinos is the present Spanish foreign affairs minister. In 1996 he was appointed special envoy of the European Union to the Middle East, a post from which he appears to have left an indelible mark in Israel.

This last Enigma on 3/11, by Luis del Pino, sheds light –in Spain nothing is what it seems, not even an “Enigma”- on a key issue concerning the Madrid massacre: the Leganés episode.

If we focus on the trains, on the attack itself, the Madrid atrocity has nothing to do with Islamic terrorism. There is nothing in the materials, tactics and execution of the attack that could be considered even remotely linked to Islamism. We simply have to go to a newspaper library, or the equivalent in Internet, and check that at least four indiscriminate attacks to trains happened in Italy between 1969 and 1984 killing 118 people and wounding more than 600. Those attacks, directed against modest people, had political aims and were covered-up by structures within the State -just as 3/11 itself-. That is history.

So, why are we talking about Islamists regarding 3/11? Because that attack, which had no characteristics linking it to Arab extremism, was islamized by events such as the Leganés episode, which took place afterwards, or the withdraw of the Spanish troops from Iraq, that happened three weeks after the explosion of the apartment.

Now Luis del Pino shows us one of the alleged strings pulled to build that Leganés episode in which the usual suspects were going to give his life for the cause.

The article sheds light on the real alleged role of the government of the Morocco’s sultan. The Moroccan origin of many of the usual suspects has been used malevolently to inoculate into the Spanish public opinion the suspicion that the security services of our southern neighbour could have collaborated in the perpetration of the attack. It is just a crude manipulation attempting to invoke ethnic or “racial” prejudices (or even patriotic ones) that has not had success maybe because most Spaniards perceive 3/11 as something too subtle and complicated to be carried out by the lackeys of a satrapy –this last does not seem to be a prejudice but a fact- and because we have always had ETA, which is a closer enemy to blame.

Now it seems that the alleged Moroccan participation was called later, after the National Elections were already won, in order to collaborate in the building the official version to cover-up the real perpetrators of the attack. By the way, this explains the concessions of the Zapatero’s government to the sultan of Morocco, especially in the Polisario issue, in which a decade long stance, not only of the Spanish government but of the Socialist party itself, was broken.

Furthermore, one cannot be surprised when watching a piece of disinformation broadcasted by the BBC regarding the 3/11 atrocity that showed Moroccan high rank security officers along their Spanish counterparts underpinning the official version. Thanks to Luis del Pino we have an insight on how these international partnerships spread by the mass media are cast.

Last but not least, this article contributes to clarify how much information had the Aznar’s administration, still in office, on such events, in which, we must not forget, a police officer was killed, because we, the volunteers investigating 3/11 – private citizens since no State office dares to carry out a fair inquiry on such events- were deeply concerned on the possibility of complicity between the conspirers and members of the old PP administration, in those episodes aimed at developing the official version (the cover-up) after the attack.

ho ho ho

Well, “somebody” carry out an attack copied from the ones that happened in Italy in the 1970’s and 1980’s, and the Socialists, their friends in the Police and in the media and others, such as the Moroccans, made it look like a Islamic one, taking advantage of the worldwide concern after 9/11.

Zapatero himself was probably chosen as presidential candidate by the same or close associates to the ones that ordered the massacre, aiming at having someone mediocre enough to accept such a way of wining a National Election.

It is a good question, tanuki. However, it might be even worse than expected, because GEO Torronteras, the police officer who was killed, wasn’t on duty that day.

When he heard the emergency, he joined the team because he had experience in Arab issues since he held a post on security tasks in the Spanish embassy in Algiers.

Didn’t he know what it was all about and he didn’t take cover? Who knows.

BTW, two autopsies confirmed his body did not have signs of wounds inflicted directly by the explosion, the cause of death was flying debris that cut blood vessels in his leg. He bleed out before rescue teams reached him.

Therefore, it is false that the “suicides” targeted the GEO team,as the official version and the media said: there was no sign of pulmonar blast in GEO Torronteras’ body. They were not hit by the explosion, but by debris projected by the explosion.

That is, if there were any “bomber” alive in the apartment, they would have committed suicide, which is forbidden by Islam, not died in the Jihad, because they would have denoted the device when the enemy was still too far, not awaiting to inflict the highest damage: you have to fight in the Jihad and die in the Jihad, not diying before fighting.

Furthermore -the 3/11 case is huge and very complicated- GEO teams never use such direct approach, they usually wait until the morning hours, when the criminals are tired, to carry out the assault: therefore, the order to proceed and the death of GEO Torronteras could be considered as negligence, and it would have been in any other country.

I also read among the comments in Luis del Pino’s blog that the full 2004’s promotion of GEO resigned after having passed the tough training course. I have no oficial confirmation of it.

However, I do have official confirmation that pro-Socialist police union SUP lost last year’s elections in the National Police. It seems that the majority of police officers are not happy.

Luis del Pino recalls in his program on Libertad Digital TV how SUP was created in the late 1970’s in order to “bring democracy to the old Police corps” after Franco’s death. The leadership and founding members of the union are indicted on the Boric Acid case.

There isn’t a piece of information in your last post that isn’t shocking. Thanks for all of it. Your revelation that it wasn’t the GEO assault that triggered the ‘suicides’ is especially relevant. It goes without saying that it’s sad what happened to Torronteras, who wasn’t even supposed to be there.

It’s a shame what is happening to the National Police, especially the apparent collapse of GEO. There are real monsters out there, not just conspiracies.

Disclaimer: Opinions posted on Free Republic are those of the individual posters and do not necessarily represent the opinion of Free Republic or its management. All materials posted herein are protected by copyright law and the exemption for fair use of copyrighted works.