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2002 IRAQ WAR RESOLUTION (For Reference and Rebuttal)
YourCongress.com ^ | May 20, 2004

Posted on 05/19/2004 10:20:14 PM PDT by Howlin

IRAQ WAR RESOLUTION
 
107th CONGRESS
2d Session
H. J. RES. 114
October 10, 2002

JOINT RESOLUTION
To authorize the use of United States Armed Forces against Iraq.

Whereas in 1990 in response to Iraq's war of aggression against and illegal occupation of Kuwait, the United States forged a coalition of nations to liberate Kuwait and its people in order to defend the national security of the United States and enforce United Nations Security Council resolutions relating to Iraq;

Whereas after the liberation of Kuwait in 1991, Iraq entered into a United Nations sponsored cease-fire agreement pursuant to which Iraq unequivocally agreed, among other things, to eliminate its nuclear, biological, and chemical weapons programs and the means to deliver and develop them, and to end its support for international terrorism;

Whereas the efforts of international weapons inspectors, United States intelligence agencies, and Iraqi defectors led to the discovery that Iraq had large stockpiles of chemical weapons and a large scale biological weapons program, and that Iraq had an advanced nuclear weapons development program that was much closer to producing a nuclear weapon than intelligence reporting had previously indicated;

Whereas Iraq, in direct and flagrant violation of the cease-fire, attempted to thwart the efforts of weapons inspectors to identify and destroy Iraq's weapons of mass destruction stockpiles and development capabilities, which finally resulted in the withdrawal of inspectors from Iraq on October 31, 1998;

Whereas in Public Law 105-235 (August 14, 1998), Congress concluded that Iraq's continuing weapons of mass destruction programs threatened vital United States interests and international peace and security, declared Iraq to be in `material and unacceptable breach of its international obligations' and urged the President `to take appropriate action, in accordance with the Constitution and relevant laws of the United States, to bring Iraq into compliance with its international obligations';

Whereas Iraq both poses a continuing threat to the national security of the United States and international peace and security in the Persian Gulf region and remains in material and unacceptable breach of its international obligations by, among other things, continuing to possess and develop a significant chemical and biological weapons capability, actively seeking a nuclear weapons capability, and supporting and harboring terrorist organizations; Whereas Iraq persists in violating resolution of the United Nations Security Council by continuing to engage in brutal repression of its civilian population thereby threatening international peace and security in the region, by refusing to release, repatriate, or account for non-Iraqi citizens wrongfully detained by Iraq, including an American serviceman, and by failing to return property wrongfully seized by Iraq from Kuwait;

Whereas the current Iraqi regime has demonstrated its capability and willingness to use weapons of mass destruction against other nations and its own people; Whereas the current Iraqi regime has demonstrated its continuing hostility toward, and willingness to attack, the United States, including by attempting in 1993 to assassinate former President Bush and by firing on many thousands of occasions on United States and Coalition Armed Forces engaged in enforcing the resolutions of the United Nations Security Council;

Whereas members of al Qaida, an organization bearing responsibility for attacks on the United States, its citizens, and interests, including the attacks that occurred on September 11, 2001, are known to be in Iraq; Whereas Iraq continues to aid and harbor other international terrorist organizations, including organizations that threaten the lives and safety of United States citizens;

Whereas the attacks on the United States of September 11, 2001, underscored the gravity of the threat posed by the acquisition of weapons of mass destruction by international terrorist organizations;

Whereas Iraq's demonstrated capability and willingness to use weapons of mass destruction, the risk that the current Iraqi regime will either employ those weapons to launch a surprise attack against the United States or its Armed Forces or provide them to international terrorists who would do so, and the extreme magnitude of harm that would result to the United States and its citizens from such an attack, combine to justify action by the United States to defend itself;

Whereas United Nations Security Council Resolution 678 (1990) authorizes the use of all necessary means to enforce United Nations Security Council Resolution 660 (1990) and subsequent relevant resolutions and to compel Iraq to cease certain activities that threaten international peace and security, including the development of weapons of mass destruction and refusal or obstruction of United Nations weapons inspections in violation of United Nations Security Council Resolution 687 (1991), repression of its civilian population in violation of United Nations Security Council Resolution 688 (1991), and threatening its neighbors or United Nations operations in Iraq in violation of United Nations Security Council Resolution 949 (1994);

Whereas in the Authorization for Use of Military Force Against Iraq Resolution (Public Law 102-1), Congress has authorized the President `to use United States Armed Forces pursuant to United Nations Security Council Resolution 678 (1990) in order to achieve implementation of Security Council Resolution 660, 661, 662, 664, 665, 666, 667, 669, 670, 674, and 677';

Whereas in December 1991, Congress expressed its sense that it `supports the use of all necessary means to achieve the goals of United Nations Security Council Resolution 687 as being consistent with the Authorization of Use of Military Force Against Iraq Resolution (Public Law 102-1),' that Iraq's repression of its civilian population violates United Nations Security Council Resolution 688 and `constitutes a continuing threat to the peace, security, and stability of the Persian Gulf region,' and that Congress, `supports the use of all necessary means to achieve the goals of United Nations Security Council Resolution 688';

Whereas the Iraq Liberation Act of 1998 (Public Law 105-338) expressed the sense of Congress that it should be the policy of the United States to support efforts to remove from power the current Iraqi regime and promote the emergence of a democratic government to replace that regime;

Whereas on September 12, 2002, President Bush committed the United States to `work with the United Nations Security Council to meet our common challenge' posed by Iraq and to `work for the necessary resolutions,' while also making clear that `the Security Council resolutions will be enforced, and the just demands of peace and security will be met, or action will be unavoidable'; Whereas the United States is determined to prosecute the war on terrorism and Iraq's ongoing support for international terrorist groups combined with its development of weapons of mass destruction in direct violation of its obligations under the 1991 cease-fire and other United Nations Security Council resolutions make clear that it is in the national security interests of the United States and in furtherance of the war on terrorism that all relevant United Nations Security Council resolutions be enforced, including through the use of force if necessary;

Whereas Congress has taken steps to pursue vigorously the war on terrorism through the provision of authorities and funding requested by the President to take the necessary actions against international terrorists and terrorist organizations, including those nations, organizations, or persons who planned, authorized, committed, or aided the terrorist attacks that occurred on September 11, 2001, or harbored such persons or organizations;

Whereas the President and Congress are determined to continue to take all appropriate actions against international terrorists and terrorist organizations, including those nations, organizations, or persons who planned, authorized, committed, or aided the terrorist attacks that occurred on September 11, 2001, or harbored such persons or organizations;

Whereas the President has authority under the Constitution to take action in order to deter and prevent acts of international terrorism against the United States, as Congress recognized in the joint resolution on Authorization for Use of Military Force (Public Law 107-40); and

Whereas it is in the national security interests of the United States to restore international peace and security to the Persian Gulf region: Now, therefore, be it Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled,

SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.
This joint resolution may be cited as the `Authorization for Use of Military Force Against Iraq Resolution of 2002'.
SEC. 2. SUPPORT FOR UNITED STATES DIPLOMATIC EFFORTS. The Congress of the United States supports the efforts by the President to--
(1) strictly enforce through the United Nations Security Council all relevant Security Council resolutions regarding Iraq and encourages him in those efforts; and
(2) obtain prompt and decisive action by the Security Council to ensure that Iraq abandons its strategy of delay, evasion and noncompliance and promptly and strictly complies with all relevant Security Council resolutions regarding Iraq.
SEC. 3. AUTHORIZATION FOR USE OF UNITED STATES ARMED FORCES.
(a) AUTHORIZATION- The President is authorized to use the Armed Forces of the United States as he determines to be necessary and appropriate in order to--
(1) defend the national security of the United States against the continuing threat posed by Iraq; and
(2) enforce all relevant United Nations Security Council resolutions regarding Iraq.
(b) PRESIDENTIAL DETERMINATION- In connection with the exercise of the authority granted in subsection (a) to use force the President shall, prior to such exercise or as soon thereafter as may be feasible, but no later than 48 hours after exercising such authority, make available to the Speaker of the House of Representatives and the President pro tempore of the Senate his determination that--
(1) reliance by the United States on further diplomatic or other peaceful means alone either (A) will not adequately protect the national security of the United States against the continuing threat posed by Iraq or (B) is not likely to lead to enforcement of all relevant United Nations Security Council resolutions regarding Iraq; and
(2) acting pursuant to this joint resolution is consistent with the United States and other countries continuing to take the necessary actions against international terrorist and terrorist organizations, including those nations, organizations, or persons who planned, authorized, committed or aided the terrorist attacks that occurred on September 11, 2001.
(c) War Powers Resolution Requirements-
(1) SPECIFIC STATUTORY AUTHORIZATION- Consistent with section 8(a)(1) of the War Powers Resolution, the Congress declares that this section is intended to constitute specific statutory authorization within the meaning of section 5(b) of the War Powers Resolution.
(2) APPLICABILITY OF OTHER REQUIREMENTS- Nothing in this joint resolution supersedes any requirement of the War Powers Resolution.
SEC. 4. REPORTS TO CONGRESS. (a) REPORTS- The President shall, at least once every 60 days, submit to the Congress a report on matters relevant to this joint resolution, including actions taken pursuant to the exercise of authority granted in section 3 and the status of planning for efforts that are expected to be required after such actions are completed, including those actions described in section 7 of the Iraq Liberation Act of 1998 (Public Law 105-338).
(b) SINGLE CONSOLIDATED REPORT- To the extent that the submission of any report described in subsection (a) coincides with the submission of any other report on matters relevant to this joint resolution otherwise required to be submitted to Congress pursuant to the reporting requirements of the War Powers Resolution (Public Law 93-148), all such reports may be submitted as a single consolidated report to the Congress.
(c) RULE OF CONSTRUCTION- To the extent that the information required by section 3 of the Authorization for Use of Military Force Against Iraq Resolution (Public Law 102-1) is included in the report required by this section, such report shall be considered as meeting the requirements of section 3 of such resolution.



TOPICS: Constitution/Conservatism; Extended News; Foreign Affairs; Front Page News; Government; News/Current Events; Politics/Elections; War on Terror
KEYWORDS: congress; declarationofwar; hjres114; iraqwar; resolution
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To: OXENinFLA

Beautiful!


61 posted on 01/24/2005 4:56:12 AM PST by Peach (The grill on the hill. The Democrats are toast.)
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To: OXENinFLA

bump


62 posted on 01/24/2005 4:59:13 AM PST by nicmarlo
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To: OXENinFLA
AUTHORIZATION OF THE USE OF UNITED STATES ARMED FORCES AGAINST IRAQ -- (Senate - October 10, 2002)

   Mrs. BOXER. Mr. President, I thank Senator CARL LEVIN for his amendment. I thank the State of Michigan for sending Senator Levin to the Senate. His independence, his courage, his clear thinking, his love of country are evident in the work he has put behind this important amendment. I believe his answer to Iraq's challenge is, indeed, the right course for this country.

   To me, the issue of Iraq should be approached in the following way. Iraq must be held to its word that it will submit to thorough inspections and dismantlement of weapons of mass destruction. Let me repeat that: Iraq must be held to its word that it will submit to thorough inspections and dismantlement of weapons of mass destruction.

   The United Nations should pass an updated resolution ensuring unfettered inspections and disarmament, and that should take place or there will be dire consequences for Iraq. The weapons they have are a threat to the world. The world must respond. If we handle this matter correctly, the way Senator Levin is suggesting, I believe the world will respond. If we handle it wrong--and I think the underlying resolution is the wrong approach--if our allies believe we have not made the case, they believe somehow this is a grudge match, or if they believe they are being manipulated for domestic political reasons, that is going to hurt our Nation and that is going to isolate us.

   Indeed, this rush to pass unilateral authority--I have never seen anything quite like what has happened in the Senate. The rush to pass unilateral authority, the rush to say to the President, go it alone, don't worry about anybody else, is hurting this debate, and this debate looks political. It looks political.

   If there are those in the administration who believe this debate could hurt Democrats, they may be surprised. Democrats do not walk in lockstep. We are independent thinking. I believe the people want that.

   Remember, this administration started out thumbing its nose at the

[Page: S10254]  GPO's PDF
Constitution and the role of Congress in terms of war and peace. This administration did not want to bring the debate on this war to Congress. We have many quotes I have already put in the RECORD on that subject. They did not want the President to go to the United Nations. Indeed, they said he did not have to go there; he did not have to come here; he did not have to do anything.

   Also, as the Presiding Officer knows, they wanted a resolution that gave the authority far beyond Iraq. They wanted to give the President authority to go anywhere in the world.

   Now that idea is gone from the underlying Lieberman resolution. So checks and balances do work. I think what we ought to do is continue those checks and balances by passing the Levin amendment.

   The Levin amendment puts America front and center in a way that will win over the civilized world. This is what it does.

   No. 1, it urges the U.N. Security Council to quickly adopt a resolution for inspections of Iraq's weapons of mass destruction and the dismantlement of those weapons.

   No. 2, this new U.N. Security Council resolution urges that we will back up the resolution with the use of force, including the United States. And the President gets that authority in Senator Levin's resolution.

   No. 3, it reaffirms that, under international law and the United Nations Charter, the United States has the inherent right to self-defense. So anybody who says, my God, we are giving everything over to the U.N., has not read the resolution.

   Last, it states the Congress will not adjourn sine die so that in a moment's notice we can return if the President believes we need to go it alone.

   Some have said that the Levin amendment, again, gives veto power to the U.N. Security Council. That is not true. Again, under the Levin amendment, if the President cannot secure a new U.N. resolution that will ensure disarmament of Iraq, he can come back, he can lay out the case and answer the questions that have not been answered.

   I have looked back through history. I never have seen a situation where the President of the United States asked for the ability to go to war alone and yet has not told the American people what that would mean. How many troops would be involved? How many casualties might there be? Would the U.S. have to foot the entire cost of using force against Iraq? If not, which nations are ready to provide financial support? Troop support? What will the cost be to rebuild Iraq? How long would our troops have to stay there? What if our troops become a target for terrorists?

   We have seen in Kuwait, a very secure place for our people; we have had terrorist incidents already against our young people there.

   Will weapons of mass destruction be launched against our troops? Against Israel? If you read the CIA declassified report--declassified report--they are telling us that the chance that he will use them is greater if he feels his back is up against the wall. Everybody knows the underlying resolution implies regime change. It implies regime change. What I think is important about the Levin resolution is that it goes to the heart, the core of the matter, which is dismantlement of the weapons of mass destruction.

   If Saddam knows his back is against the wall, he will use these [WMDs ~ Oxen] .

63 posted on 01/24/2005 5:02:32 AM PST by OXENinFLA
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To: Peach
"I do not doubt that there are some members of al-Qaida in Iraq."

Didn't she say they weren't in Iraq during Dr. Rice's hearing?

64 posted on 01/24/2005 5:03:40 AM PST by OXENinFLA
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To: OXENinFLA

BUMP for later read when my brains are working


65 posted on 01/24/2005 5:03:50 AM PST by Mo1 (Liberty will come to those who love it)
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To: Mo1

Just put your coffee on a IV drip............


66 posted on 01/24/2005 5:05:02 AM PST by OXENinFLA
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To: OXENinFLA

I wish that would work

I was up all night typing my daughters school report only to find out they canceled school due to the weather


67 posted on 01/24/2005 5:07:24 AM PST by Mo1 (Liberty will come to those who love it)
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To: OXENinFLA

Yes. She said that it was a lie that AQ was in Iraq prior to the war.

Nevermind that Clinton's Justice Department obtained a federal indictment against OBL which specifically cited OBL's ties to Iraq.

Nevermind that in the 90's the MSM wrote dozens of articles about the world's alarm at the growing relationship between OBL and Saddam.

Nevermind that the Senate Intelligence Report had several provacative comments about the first WTC bombing and the ties to Iraq.

Links here:
http://www.freerepublic.com/focus/f-news/1224050/posts

Truth is to democrats what kryptomite is to Superman. They can't exist in the same room.


68 posted on 01/24/2005 5:09:51 AM PST by Peach (The grill on the hill. The Democrats are toast.)
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To: Peach
And this was not the case in '01. And I have great proof of it, including a State Department document that lists every country -- could you hold that up? -- in which al Qaeda operated prior to 9/11. And you can see the countries; no mention of Iraq. And this booklet was signed off on by the president of the United States, George W. Bush. It was put out by George Bush's State Department, and he signed it. There was no al Qaeda activity there -- no cells.

Looks like she was trying to make the point the Admin. didn't say Al-quida was in Iraq. Looks to me like she was trying to pin Condi down.

69 posted on 01/24/2005 5:13:28 AM PST by OXENinFLA
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To: Howlin

BTTT


70 posted on 01/24/2005 5:16:00 AM PST by hawkaw
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To: OXENinFLA

I was surprised to hear that because it was so obviously not true. Bush was given bad information if he did sign off on something like that. But given Boxer's propensity to lie, I'm not so sure the document stated what she claims it did.

As well, I was disappointed with Condi's answer. I know it was a long day and there were so many charges she had to pick and choose which ones to respond to, but this is so important in order to keep support for the war that I believe she should have responded more fully than she did.


71 posted on 01/24/2005 5:18:19 AM PST by Peach (The grill on the hill. The Democrats are toast.)
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To: OXENinFLA

Since it's a state department document, we can see why it's not a fully informed picture. LOL

As well, no one has claimed that an actual AQ "cell" operated in Iraq.

But the fact remains that Saddam supporters met with AQ at a pre 9/11 planning meeting.

Salmon Pak was being used by AQ and other terrorists.

Various AQ members WERE in Iraq pre war, but they didn't compose what Boxer referred to as a cell.


72 posted on 01/24/2005 5:22:52 AM PST by Peach (The grill on the hill. The Democrats are toast.)
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To: Peach
Yeah, I wonder if the State dept doc say if there were TERRORISTS in Iraq?

Boxer may have just been trying to be a bit to choosy.
73 posted on 01/24/2005 5:24:16 AM PST by OXENinFLA
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To: OXENinFLA; Peach; Howlin; mattdono
One last post before I log off for work:

Exploring Probable Links Between 9/11 and Saddam Hussein

The above thread I found has lots of links, posted by mattdono

74 posted on 01/24/2005 5:59:48 AM PST by nicmarlo
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To: nicmarlo
Thanks for the bump, though, to be fair, there are several FREEPERs who had helped collect that list. Anyway, it should be mandatory reading for our "friends" in the mainstream media, but since 1) they have limited reading ability and 2) only read those talking points provided them by the DNC, chances are they wouldn't even look at any of those links.

And, just to be clear, some of the links may have known been born out to be less accurate, but it doesn't take away the fact that those were the facts at the time and that's what the decisions were made on. It's also funny to point out that several of the sources (NY Times, The New Yorker, CBS, etc.) are HARDLY friends of the Bush administration. It just proves that these people in the media (yes, leftist scum suckers) are more focused on simply being contrarian, rather than even attempting to search for the truth.

Anyway, I have a meeting, gotta run.

75 posted on 01/24/2005 6:07:07 AM PST by mattdono ("Crush the democrats, drive them before you, and hear the lamentations of the scumbags" -Big Arnie)
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To: Mo1

Snow day!!!!

Woo hoo!!


76 posted on 01/24/2005 6:12:04 AM PST by OXENinFLA
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To: nicmarlo

I don't think I have some of those links, nicmarlo. Will check them out and add to my list when I get back later. Thank you so much!


77 posted on 01/24/2005 6:12:35 AM PST by Peach (The grill on the hill. The Democrats are toast.)
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To: mattdono
those were the facts at the time and that's what the decisions were made on

Exactly!

78 posted on 01/24/2005 7:32:07 AM PST by nicmarlo
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To: Peach

yw...glad to help.


79 posted on 01/24/2005 7:32:49 AM PST by nicmarlo
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To: Howlin

If he was misled, he's an idiot.


He's NOT an idiot! At least he never shows up for any meetings and he's way behind in his dues. :-)


80 posted on 01/24/2005 7:51:54 AM PST by Valin (Sometimes you're the bug, and sometimes you're the windshield)
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