Sánchez’s Communist Turn Is Devouring the Entire Far Left (Spain)

The Spanish PM’s shift to the left could foreshadow the path that socialism—or the social-democratic Left—across the West will follow, or is already following.

Last Sunday, regional elections were held in Spain, though they were experienced everywhere through a national lens. The People’s Party (PP) won the elections in Castile and León but failed to reach an absolute majority, meaning it will need VOX, the party led by Santiago Abascal, in order to govern the region. Both parties gained seats, and VOX, with 19% of the vote, achieved the highest share in its history in any election.

The bad news of election night was that Pedro Sánchez’s PSOE, which had been in freefall in the polls and in regional elections for months, gained two seats, although its share of the vote remained almost exactly the same as before in that autonomous community, at 30%. Investigating the deeper causes of this PSOE result is essential to understanding the extremist strategy of Spanish socialism and will probably also shed light on the shift toward the far left within socialism throughout the West.

This was the third major test for both the government and the opposition in recent months. After the elections in Extremadura, held in December, and Aragón, in February, it was Castile and León’s turn. All parties framed these elections in national terms, and the main national leaders were tirelessly involved in the campaign. In the background were the corruption scandals surrounding Sánchez’s government and the struggle between the PP and VOX to mobilize the opposition vote with which they hope to end the years of socialism in next year’s general elections. Many Spaniards still do not understand how it is possible that 30% of voters continue to support Sánchez’s PSOE after everything that has happened—especially after everything that has come to light over the past two years through judicial and journalistic investigations.

Assuming that, under Sánchez, the state controls everything—from the media and school curricula to the mass regularization of undocumented immigrants—and that everything responds to an almost scientific plan of control perfectly feasible after seven years of socialism, I have been tempted to rely exclusively on Christopher Dawson’s explanation.

“Now the nearer modern society comes to the state of total organization, the more difficult it is to find any place for spiritual freedom and personal responsibility,” wrote the British historian. “Education itself becomes an essential part of the machine, for the mind has to be as completely measured and controlled by the techniques of the scientific expert as the task which it is being trained to perform.”

However, in 21st-century societies—and especially in Sánchez’s Spain—that would explain only part of the problem. We must dig deeper.

The government greeted the results in Castile and León with euphoria. Sánchez’s strategy for this election was clear: try to remove corruption from the newspaper headlines by doubling down on far-left proposals that dominate the news cycle, stirring up the specters that most divide public opinion. On the one hand, most of Sánchez’s campaign was based on his theatrical frontal opposition to Donald Trump and his supposed anti-war stance, which, as reported in europeanconservative.com, has been nothing more than a pose—a farce.

On the other hand, Sánchez stoked tensions in the streets until the very last moment as a way to mobilize the far-left vote, including launching a tool supposedly designed to eradicate hate speech but which has consistently targeted opinion leaders who criticize the government.

Moreover, he has also had time for the endless circus of provocations, manipulations, and lies coming from his paid media mouthpieces. Which, incidentally, have worked with perfect synchronization over the past ten days. No one has stepped out of line, even when defending the government’s most ridiculous arguments and actions.

All this media frenzy seems to have helped the government mobilize its socialist electorate in the election, but, above all, to absorb everything to the left of the PSOE. One revealing detail: the communist vice president Yolanda Díaz, of the Sumar party—who only a few months ago was being spoken of as the next prime minister—announced before the election that she would not run as a candidate in the 2027 elections and instead went on a pleasure trip, with an official agenda, to the Oscars ceremony rather than follow the election results from Spain.

The photograph reveals an interesting contrast. Díaz, now in retreat, is taking advantage of her final days as vice president to parade in her finest attire at the Oscars because she considers the brief trajectory of her political party effectively over. She no longer minds indulging in a display of luxury before the cameras because her hypocrisy will no longer cost her at the ballot box. In a matter of hours she went from delivering incendiary speeches against the rich to enjoying the luxury of the Oscars without the slightest embarrassment. Let us remember that Díaz was the one who claimed that millionaires had a secret plan to flee the planet in spaceships and save only themselves.

Meanwhile, Sánchez captured in Castile and León the votes of all the far-left parties, including Sumar, Podemos, and other minor experiments. All the communists—Sumar, Podemos, and Izquierda Unida—ran together in the same coalition, yet they failed to win a single seat. Sánchez swallowed them all.

Contrary to what some center-right analysts still believe, this landslide shift from socialism toward communism—from a kind of social democracy to far-left politics—does not appear to have cost him a single vote among socialist voters. This is, without a doubt, Sánchez’s greatest achievement: he has managed to drag the PSOE into communism without anyone in the party being able to raise their voice. All the socialist leaders who have done so during this long process have been sidelined, persecuted, and humiliated by the Sánchez regime—from former president Felipe González, especially critical of Sánchez’s position on Venezuela, to media figures historically linked to the PSOE.

Originally, in the 1970s, the PSOE competed with the Communist Party on identical ideological terrain. Felipe González gradually steered the PSOE away from communism toward social democracy until, in 1979, he formally broke with Marxism and removed it from the party’s official definition after arduous internal tensions. Until the government of José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero, which changed the rules of the game, the PSOE’s dialogue with communist forces was practically nonexistent. With Sánchez, that dialogue first became a coalition—and now an incorporation. It is hardly an exaggeration to say that the PSOE has effectively blown up the Extraordinary Congress of 1979 and has once again incorporated communism into its own definition.

None of this would likely have happened if Sánchez and his inner circle did not face a bleak legal outlook, with dozens of corruption cases surrounding them. At this moment, the main barrier slowing or mitigating legal action against Sánchez is his remaining in the Moncloa Palace at any cost. The president is convinced he must hold out there as long as possible, hoping the dark clouds looming over him will eventually dissipate. For that reason, his move toward the far left is not even ideological—it is a personal gamble for survival. Sánchez believes he can win again in 2027 if he manages to polarize Spaniards sufficiently and if the PSOE absorbs the entire spectrum of the Left.

This social-communist positioning allows him, when push comes to shove, to inflame the streets, generate extreme debates, exacerbate tensions, and even present himself as a global leader against Trump if necessary in order to secure the votes of the most radical voters. Unfortunately, he knows that socialist voters have gradually shifted toward the far left under his government, and whatever happens, they do not seem willing to change their vote. In the old metaphor, his voters are the frogs that have been slowly boiled in the pot.

The Western phenomenon of the radicalization of the Left in recent years has not been sufficiently studied. The Left had divisions and nuances while it remained hegemonic across much of Europe, whether in its social-democratic form or in pragmatic socialism. However, the postmodern, identity-driven, and woke Left has slowly and steadily distanced itself from the street and from public opinion, which has ultimately translated into a loss of votes and the emergence of new right-wing forces. A new Right became necessary because the center-right parties—eminently pragmatic and almost always focused on economic management—were not in a position to wage the cultural battle of ideas that has dominated progressive debate over the past decade.

For its part, the Left, far from admitting that the woke movement has completely distorted its raison d’être—if it ever had one—prefers to play the radicalization card to confront the new Right. It is easier for them to label their opponents ‘fascists’ than to engage in a genuinely ideological debate. It is easier to present themselves as the force that will save Europe or the United States from fascism than to admit that the woke movement has been a foolish process of radicalization—a collective madness—and that what is needed first is a return to common sense.

Although Sánchez has done this purely for personal convenience, not even as a coherent political strategy, it is possible that his shift from socialism toward communism foreshadows the path that socialism—or the social democratic Left—across the West will follow, or is already following. We have seen recent examples pointing in that direction: the same antisemitic impulse displayed by Sánchez was previously proclaimed by the Democratic Party in the United States, while the communist and freedom-eroding drift of the Spanish government resembles what the left in power in the United Kingdom is carrying out.

On the other side, it is no longer the watered-down centrist parties—now widely regarded as part of the problem in the crisis of the West—that stand out. Instead, the new sovereignist Right, from Donald Trump to Santiago Abascal, is attracting increasing attention and ever more voters. The question now is whether in Spain, as happened in the United States, the repositioning of the conservative vote will arrive in time to topple the more radical left—or whether Sánchez’s totalitarian delusion, combined with the support of the separatists and other enemies of Spain, will succeed in dragging Spaniards toward a Venezuela II in the heart of Europe beginning in 2027. Perhaps Christopher Dawson himself would suggest that we start praying to the Virgin of Covadonga, the foundational symbol of the Reconquista, because this is no longer just about winning an election—it’s about reclaiming Spain.

2 posted on 03/17/2026 11:25:52 AM PDT by MtnClimber (For photos of scenery, wildlife and climbing, click on my screen name for my FR home page.)

One need only look at the History of Spain and the latent influence of the KGC social effort prior to WWII to see what we have today.

Barcelona is still a heavy left area owing to the Communist effort, and is unlikely to change in any significant way.

Throughout the world, the left is getting lefter, and the right is getting righter. The left is eschewing old-fashioned progressivism for pure Maoism. The right is clinging to Burke’s and Locke’s ideal of a republic, but is coming to the conclusion that the only way to combat the left is with Pinochet/Franco/Milei-ism, which, to misquote an old Vietnam War phrase, is destroying the republic in order to save it.

5 posted on 03/17/2026 11:47:51 AM PDT by chajin ("There is no other name under heaven given among people by which we must be saved." Acts 4:12)

Well, yes it is consuming the Spanish left, thus burning themselves out again... without a Civil War. Franco is dead, but the descendants who remember the consolidation of the country and expansion, staying out of WWII (even getting the KGB out of the country, not without losing the entire gold reserved of Spain to the KGB who stole it with the help of the “republicans” of the Spanish Communists!! It happened.)

Those conservatives and there are many, may very well take back power. There is no way that Spain will enlarge in power by this Sanchez (who is very much like the character Sancho Panza squire to Don Quixote in the novel)

Barcelona is still a heavy left area owing to the Communist effort, and is unlikely to change in any significant way.

Which is why I believe Spain would be better off jettisoning Catalonia.

Milei-ism, as in Argentina?

How is Milei destroying the Argentine republic?

Me and the Mrs. both got tattoos in a small suburban tattoo studio in the middle of the Barcelona bowery. Great memories of my 1st unit and indoctrination to different world cultures. No, we are all NOT the same.

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