The Diary of George Templeton Strong, Edited by Allan Nevins and Milton Halsey Thomas
Posted on 11/24/2020 6:14:50 AM PST by Homer_J_Simpson
The Diary of George Templeton Strong, Edited by Allan Nevins and Milton Halsey Thomas
Harrisburg, 27 Nov. 1860.
Hon. Leonard Swett,
Dear Sir,
From some things that occurred when I was at Springfield, my mind has since been in doubt, as to whether Mr. Lincoln has been made fully acquainted with the conversations and understandings had between you & Judge Davis on the one side, & myself, on the other, at the Tremont House, the night before the nomination. That understanding of course, I was compelled to communicate to a few of Genl. Cameron's most initmate and confidential friends, in order to counteract other schemes, and overcome other inducements, proceeding from different quarters. Should the assurances I then gave, fail to be realized I should be utterly ruined, in the estimation of many of my most valuable friends. As some of them would probably prefer to believe that I had deceived them, instead of being disappointed in my own expectations. Feeling, as you may suppose, a nervous anxiety on this matter, I submit it, to the better judgment of yourself and Judge Davis, whether it would not be better, that Mr. L. if he is not now, should be put in possession of the whole matter before he finally acts in the premises. Having unlimited confidence in the honor and integrity of you both, as well as your prudence and discretion, I merely make the suggestion, leaving you to act in such way as you may deem best.
Since my return, I have been constantly occupied in Court, and will be for some weeks to come. But I can assure you, that outside of Phila. there is but one sentiment in this State, and even in the City, outside of a small, noisy, powerless clique the same feeling prevails
Let me hear from you soon —
Jos Casey
SOURCE: Abraham Lincoln Papers at the Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.
https://civilwarnotebook.blogspot.com/2016/09/joseph-casey-to-leonard-swett-november.html
It seems that the high leadership of both parties see what’s coming and want to stop it. But they can’t think of a way to stop it and in truth from what we’ve learned in class, professor, I don’t think there was a way to stop it.
I think you are right. This moment has been inevitable since the signing of the U.S. Constitution.
https://freerepublic.com/focus/f-chat/3906799/posts#23
Henry Jarvis Raymond is founder and owner of the New York Times.
Abraham Lincoln: Speeches and Writings 1859-1865, edited by Don E. Fehrenbacher
The Diary of George Templeton Strong, Edited by Allan Nevins and Milton Halsey Thomas
Today George had the photograph taken with which he will be most identified in centuries to come.
https://freerepublic.com/focus/f-chat/3906799/posts#29
Home Letters of General Sherman, edited by M.A. DeWolfe Howe, 1909
The Diary of George Templeton Strong, Edited by Allan Nevins and Milton Halsey Thomas
EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT,
COLUMBIA, S. C, November 29, 1860.
MR. W. H. TRESCOT.
Dear Sir: I take the liberty, from your general character and without the pleasure of a personal acquaintance, to ask if you have any objections, in the event of your connection with the Federal Government ceasing, to remain in Washington and act as confidential agent for this Department. It is important to have some one at Washington to give me the earliest information of what transpires affecting the interest of this State, and I know no one so acceptable as yourself. It is probable that the Convention will want some one on the spot through whom the information of its final action can be authoritatively communicated to the President at the earliest moment and an answer received. If you remain I will inform the Convention that you are in Washington, and suggest that you be selected to perform this delicate and important duty. If there is any inquiry as to the course South Carolina will pursue, you may safely say that she will not permit any increase of troops or munitions of war in the forts or arsenal, and, considering it an evidence of intention to coerce and an act of war, she will use force to prevent it, and a collision must inevitably ensue. I have had great trouble, as it is, to prevent an attack upon the forts, and will not be able (if willing) to prevent an attack upon them if another soldier is sent there. Of course, I do not expect you to act in the premises until your duty to the Federal Government ceases, but I cannot but anticipate such a result soon. An early answer is requested.
WM. H. GIST.
SOURCE: Samuel Wylie Crawford, The Genesis of the Civil War: The Story of Sumter, 1860-1861, p. 32
Source follows.
https://civilwarnotebook.blogspot.com/2015/01/governor-william-h-gist-to-william_8.html
EXECUTIVE OFFICE,
COLUMBIA, S. C, November 29, 1860.
MR. WM. HENRY TRESCOT.
Dear Sir: Although South Carolina is determined to secede from the Federal Union very soon after her Convention meets, yet the desire of her constituted authorities is, not to do anything that will bring on a collision before the ordinance of secession has been passed and notice has been given to the President of the fact; and not then, unless compelled to do so by the refusal of the President to recognize our right to secede, by attempting to interfere with our exports or imports, or by refusal to surrender the forts and arsenals in our limits. I have found great difficulty in restraining the people of Charleston from seizing the forts, and have only been able to restrain them by the assurance that no additional troops would be sent to the forts, or any munitions of war. Everything is now quiet, and will remain so until the ordinance is passed, if no more soldiers or munitions of war are sent on. That is to say, I will use my utmost efforts to effect that object, and believe I will succeed; but the Legislature and myself would be powerless to prevent a collision if a single soldier or another gun or ammunition is sent on to be placed in the forts. If President Buchanan takes a course different from the one indicated and sends on a reinforcement, the responsibility will rest on him of lighting the torch of discord, which will only be quenched in blood. I am under a pledge to sanction resistance, and to use all the military power of the State to prevent any increase of troops in these garrisons, and had to make the pledge to restrain the people, who are restive, and hope no necessity will arise to compel me to redeem the pledge. I write to you knowing that, while you will be faithful to the Government of the United States as long as you hold office under it, yet you are also a South Carolinian, and would desire, by all means, to avoid the needless shedding of blood. If you think there is no impropriety in showing this letter to the President you are at liberty to do so, for I do not wish him to be mistaken and act in such a way as to bring upon the country a bloody war, without the most imperious necessity.
WM. H. GIST
SOURCE: Samuel Wylie Crawford, The Genesis of the Civil War: The Story of Sumter, 1860-1861, p. 31-2
Source follows.
https://civilwarnotebook.blogspot.com/2015/01/governor-william-h-gist-to-william.html
RALEIGH, Nov. 29, '60.
You will have seen that all the important elections are over excepting that of Senator. The papers announce that Clingman has received the caucus nomination. I am confident that this is a mistake. On the contrary the understanding here is that the Caucus laid on the table the motion to nominate a Senator. I presume Union Democrats are unwilling to vote for him. I hear that some of them prefer Bedford Brown. I am not in the secrets of those that can control the election, but should not be surprised if Brown should be the man. The Disunion influence here is less potent than it was at the opening of the session. I hope no action will be taken as to our Federal relation before the Christmas holidays and that we shall then adjourn until the inauguration of Lincoln. If he should pledge himself to execute the Fugitive Slave Law, and do it, I care nothing about the question as to Squatter Sovereignty. If he adopt the Southern doctrine that a State may disregard an act of Congress at pleasure and such State should not be coerced—If S. C., for instance, seize the U. S. magazine and refuse to pay duties or seize the public arms in the National Capital Arsenal and he refuse to coerce the obedience—it follows that he ought not to enforce the execution of the Fugitive Slave Law in the nullifying free States——and in that case there is virtually no Union to dissolve; upon this idea we have no government, and it will be expedient to establish one.
SOURCE: J. G. de Roulhac Hamilton, Editor, The Correspondence of Jonathan Worth, Volume 1, p. 124
Source follows.
https://civilwarnotebook.blogspot.com/2020/09/jonathan-worth-to-joseph-john-jackson.html
I share George’s sense of impending doom and the unhappiness of knowing that the response of many to the impending catastrophe is, “Let’s keep doing what we’ve been doing, only more so!”
Bloomington
Nov 30, 1860
Dear Lincoln
I received, yesterday the enclosed letter from Sanderson I suppose it was intended for your eyes, more than mine, and therefore I forward it to you. I am annoyed, a little, that these applications of Cameron's friends are made so prominently through Judge Davis & myself. Yet, on the whole, from what occured at Chicago I think they have a right to do it. My objection is that it seemingly puts us in the advocacy of Cameron and leaves the inference of our interest to do so This is not the truth about it The truth is, at Chicago we thought the Cameron influence was the controlling element & tried to procure that rather than the factions The negotiations we had with them, so far as I can judge was one of the reasons, which induced the Cameron leaders to throw the bulk of that force to you. That having been done and a correspondence having been kept up by us with them, during the summer, they naturally seek the same channel to get back to you. This is all the only reason I know of, why they write to us.
While I arrogate to myself no might to my opinion, yet if they want it, opinions are cheap & in this instance certainly wont do harm.
This flurry at the South it seems to me can be got along with, but I dont think it ought to be helped with. The Country wants firmness & justice Cameron has the negative merit of not being offensive to them the South.
If it is conceded Penn. should have a Cabinet officer the weight of party there, all other things equal, should, I think, indicate him. Cameron would seem to satisfy the majority Reed, or any other man, only a minority A reason for this may be, that in adition to Cameron's real strength the politicians can heal their local differences by having two vacancies in the Senate to fill.
My belief is that no man, other that C. can be selected there without considerable dissatisfaction There is also the argument too that the Cameron influence, as much as any thing nominated you, while the other influences there did & could do you no considerable good The arguments against him I dont fully know, for my intercourse has been with his fends The only exception to this is Joseph Lewis of West Chester & I think he is a fussy old fellow who doesn't amount to much
Is not the fact that Seward may be satisfied with a mission to England worthy of consideration Tis true he undertands the foreign relations of the Gov & would be of great service but the domestic relation are the ones most complicated—
I understand that Cassius Clay is anxious to get into the Cabinet Does not this complicate matters It seems to me, he would be more odious to the South than any man but Seward[.] Putnam has written me two very long letters. He wants a second class foreign mission & has asked me at a proper time to name it to you
Leonard Swett
SOURCE: Abraham Lincoln Papers at the Library of Congress, Washington, D. C.
Source follows.
https://civilwarnotebook.blogspot.com/2016/08/leonard-swett-to-abraham-lincoln.html
FORT WISE, BIG TIMBERS,
November 30, 1860.
My dear sister:
A mail will leave here in the morning, in which I will start this note, but there are some doubts whether it will succeed in getting through; the snow is very deep, and it is very cold, and for nearly two hundred miles there is not a stick of wood. We have to-day heard, by way of Denver, the result of the election. It seems to have been all on one side. The news was brought by a messenger, and I suppose cannot be accurately relied on. He says Douglas has not carried a State. I can scarcely conceive this to be true. Hurrah for Lincoln! I say. It is not likely that our next mail will bring us the result, as our latest dates are up to October 19. I shall send to Fort Larned in a few days for a mail, where I expect to hear more than is agreeable. I am still living in a tent, which is rather cold at night, and the weather is such that we can do but little work on our quarters. A few pleasant days would enable us to finish them.
It has been a long time since I have heard from you. I do not recollect the last date, but it was in August or early in September. I hope the next mail will bring two or three letters. I have never mentioned the subject of our seat in the church. I wish you to keep the one our father and mother always occupied. It is for yourself and Philo's family, whenever they choose to take it. Also the seat in the Hollow Church. This I would pay for as a matter of charity.
Write often, and believe me, as ever,
Your affectionate brother,
JOHN SEDGWICK
SOURCE: George William Curtis, Correspondence of John Sedgwick, Major-General, Volume 2, p. 28-9
My source follows.
https://civilwarnotebook.blogspot.com/2015/05/major-john-sedgwick-to-his-sister_13.html
Bent's Old Fort has been restored and is a National Historic Site. It was a major stop on the Santa Fe Trail. In the Summer there are interpreters and reenactors. Well worth a visit if you are in this neck of the - well, there really aren't any woods out there.
Disclaimer: Opinions posted on Free Republic are those of the individual posters and do not necessarily represent the opinion of Free Republic or its management. All materials posted herein are protected by copyright law and the exemption for fair use of copyrighted works.