Arab anti-Jewish genocide campaign: calls, plan pre 1948 defeat

January 27, 1947, and in 1948: Jamal Husseini, then spokesperson for the Arab Higher Committee explains Arab rejection to a State of Israel, that it will interrupt Arab 'race' "honogeneity."

July 1947: Fawzi al-Qawuqji, (Arab nationalist military figure in the interwar period, who aided the Nazis, and then served as the Arab Liberation Army’s field commander in 1948): "The only option is the annihilation of every Jew - in Palestine and in every Arab state.”

Mid-August 1947: Fawzi al-Qawuqji—soon to be named the head of the Arab League's volunteer army in Palestine, the Arab Liberation Army (ALA)—threatened that, should the vote go the wrong way, "we will have to initiate total war. We will murder, wreck and ruin everything standing in our way, be it English, American or Jewish". It would be a "holy war", the Arabs suggested, which might even evolve into "World War III".

Sept. 29, 1947: Jamal el-Husseini, spokesman for the Arab Higher Committee, served notice today that they would drench the soil of the Holy Land "with the last drop of our blood in the lawful defense of all and every inch of it.

1947: The Arab Higher Committee warned the British not to intervene in their violence against the Jews. It distributed a leaflet stating: "The Arabs have taken the Final Solution to the Jewish problem. The problem will be solved only in blood and fire. The Jews will soon be driven out." ("Final Solution" - of course Nazi euphemism for annihilating the Jews).

1948: Isma'il Safwat, who served as the Chief of Staff of the Arab Forces in Palestine (which included al-Qawuqji’s troops). He wrote down his goals in a telegram he sent to the Arab League: "The destruction of Jews in Palestine and the complete cleansing of them from this country."

April 1948: The mufti of Egypt, Sheikh Muhammad Mahawif, issued a fatwa positing jihad in Palestine as the duty of all Muslims.

9 March 1948: al-Qawuqji stated that his objectives in Palestine were "the defeat of partition and the annihilation of the Zionists." March 1948: al-Qawuqji: "I have come to Palestine to stay and tight until Palestine is a free and united Arab country or until I am killed and buried here," he announced. His aim, he declared, borrowing the slogan that was becoming the leitmotiv of the Arab leadership, was "to drive all the Jews into the sea." "Everything is ready," he proclaimed. "The battle starts when I give the word."

Aug 1, 1948: Muslim Brotherhood's Hassan al-Banna: "If the Jewish state becomes a fact, and this is realized by the Arab peoples, they will drive the Jews wh o live in their midst into the sea."

Excerpt from the references:

Yonay, E. (1993). No Margin for Error: The Making of the Israeli Air Force. United States: Pantheon Books, pp.9-11

Introduction.
A Line of Blood and Fire.
[...]
United States and the Soviet Union, the UN General Assembly voted to Partition Palestine between its embattled Arab and Jewish communities. Few decisions before or since have been imbued with such drama and historic imperative. Just half a decade earlier, 6 million Jews perished in Nazi concentration camps. Since World War II, shiploads of Jewish refugees fleeing Europe for a promise of a homeland in Palestine were turned back by British warships and imprisoned behind barbed wire on the island of Cyprus.
Now the civilized world was setting things right by that haunted, homeless minority. The vote was not about a Jewish state alone. Addressing Jewish and Arab national aspirations alike, the partition resolution provided for the establishment of two states -- once the British mandate for Palestine expired and His Majesty's troops pulled out in May of 1948 -- one Arab and one Jewish. Partition seemed equitable and biblically symmetrical. After thousands of years of war, exiles, and retribution, the children of Abraham would formally share that sliver of ancient land between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean.

The Arab side of the equation was a mere formality. Whether divided as the world now proposed, or left undivided as the Arab League demanded, an Arab state in Palestine was a given. A Jewish state was not. The partition vote was, above all else, a world referendum on whether the Jews would have a country to call their own. Thus to Palestine's Jews and their supporters, the partition was a victory beyond fondest dreams, and they now burst into the streets from New York to Tel Aviv to sing and dance in swirls of hora circles. To them, even one half * of Palestine seemed a fulfillment of ancient prophecies of national resurrection. To the Arabs in Palestine and the surrounding states , partition was a bitter defeat. For them, keeping just one half of Palestine Arab was no more acceptable than having it all become Jewish. Abdul Rahman Azzam Pasha, the Arab League's secretary - general who just four days earlier warned the gathering that "the partition line shall be nothing but a line of fire and blood," now furiously led his delegation out of the hall. The die had been cast. Instead of sharing their biblical heritage, Jews and Arabs would have to fight for it.

The war began no more than five hours after the vote, when a well-dressed Arab flagged down a bus making its way from the small beach town of Netanya to Jerusalem, When the bus slowed down, the Arab whipped out a submachine gun from under his coat and began to fire, joined by other Arabs lying in ambush by the side of the road. Five Jewish passengers were killed, two men and three women. Half an hour later, the same Arab gang attacked another bus killed two more Jews.

That same day, the Palestine Arab Higher Committee called for a three-day general protest strike. Massive Arab riots broke out across the country. In a circular handed to British soldiers and policemen, the committee urged them to stand aside. "The Arabs have taken in hand the final solution of the Jewish problem," the leaflet said. "Soon you shall be evacuated from here. Your sisters, wives, lovers, and family members are waiting for you. You have no stake in the Arab war. Why should you get killed?"

The British troops took heed and stood by as Arab mobs sacked and burned the Jewish commercial district of Jerusalem on December 2, killing one Jew and wounding twenty. The violence quickly spread from the cities to the countryside, reaching even behind prison walls, where Arab prisoners rioted and attacked Jewish inmates. The open reference to a "final solution" - Hitler's code word for the extermination of Europe's Jewry - was not accidental. Haj Amin al-Husseini, the charismatic Grand Mul of Jerusalem and head of the committee, had spent most of World War II in Berlin, broadcasting Nazi propaganda to the Middle East. Now in Cairo, he had launched a jihad for the liberation of Palestine. His Army of Salvation consisted of two armed forces..

Karsh, E. (2014). The Arab-Israeli Conflict: The Palestine War 1948. United Kingdom: Bloomsbury Publishing, pp.11-12.

Introduction.

On 29 November 1947, the United Nations General Assembly passed a resolution calling for the partition of Palestine into two independent states - one Jewish, the other Arab - linked in an economic union. The City of Jerusalem was to be placed under an international regime, with its residents given the right to citizenship in either the Jewish or the Arab states.

Thirty-three UN members supported the resolution, 13 voted against and 10 abstained, including Great Britain, which had ruled Palestine since the early 1920s under a League of Nations Mandate. For Jews all over the world this was the fulfilment of a millenarian yearning for national rebirth in the ancestral homeland.

For Arabs it was an unmitigated disaster, an act of betrayal by the international community that surrendered an integral part of the Arab world to foreign invaders. In Tel-Aviv, crowds were dancing in the streets. In the Arab capitals there were violent demonstrations. `We are solidly and permanently determined to fight to the last man against the existence in our country of any Jewish state, no matter how small it is,' Jamal al-Husseini, Vice-President of the Arab Higher Committee (AHC), the effective government of the Palestinian Arabs, told the General Assembly as it was about to cast its vote. 'If such a state is to be established, it can only be established over our dead bodies.' And an AHC circular was even more outspoken. 'The Arabs have taken into their own hands the final solution of the Jewish problem,' it read. 'The problem will be solved only in blood and fire. The Jews will soon be driven out.'

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