Conservatives Must Read Marx

The debates are over now. The Woke brigades won’t battle your ideas. They follow the motto of that brilliant manager of men, Joseph Stalin, who reasoned quite soundly: “No man, no problem.”

The marketplace of ideas offends them—you offend them. Now, they have the power of termination. While conservatives wrote bestsellers such as The Closing of the American Mind and trounced leftist spokesmen on the cable news shows, thousands of progressives and identity politicians were claiming space in university administrations, human resources in corporate America, school boards and city councils, editorial offices, and Silicon Valley, law schools and museums and libraries, not to mention the many activist organizations that have our most distinguished liberal institutions cowed.

From those posts, usually out of the public eye, they exert their power against you. It’s economic, not cultural. When Tucker Carlson defended Trump’s Wall, his antagonists didn’t collect evidence against his words. No, they threatened his advertisers with boycotts. When Jordan Peterson refused an Ontario law mandating pronoun usage, his critics didn’t mount arguments against him. They demanded the University of Toronto fire him. Money, jobs, resources, access—that’s the target now. Academia requires that all job candidates compose a “diversity statement,” essentially a loyalty oath that imposes leftist ideology onto the hiring process. An honest conservative doesn’t survive, and that’s the point.

This was the long march through the institutions, and it’s done. An open contest of ideas needn’t happen, not when leftists control the pipelines. Why risk it when they already have the power? They are so much better at personnel than you are. They don’t have to justify what they do if everyone in the room agrees with them. No conservatives, no problem. If they deprive you of jobs, they annul your ideas. If they reject your manuscripts and cancel your TV shows and keep you out of the teaching ranks, the rising generation and mass of citizens barely know you exist.

From then on, liberal ideology looks like reality. A class-based power play assumes the guise of natural truth. As Marx put it, one class’s values “increasingly take on the form of universality” (German Ideology). This is a sign of success—he calls it a “trick”—because it obscures the material conditions that exalted those values, including the suppression of the interests of other classes. As long as people accepted the oppression they suffered as “the way things are,” not a class set-up, they couldn’t resist it, at least not effectively. What they needed was class consciousness.

The Communist revolution is the most radical rupture with traditional
property-relations; no wonder that its development involves the most radical
rupture with traditional ideas.
But let us have done with the bourgeois objections to Communism.
We have seen above, that the first step in the revolution by the working class, is
to raise the proletariat to the position of ruling class, to win the battle of democracy.
The proletariat will use its political supremacy, to wrest, by degrees, all capital from the bourgeoisie, to centralise all instruments of production in the hands of the
State,6 i.e., of the proletariat organised as the ruling class; and to increase the total
productive forces as rapidly as possible.
Of course, in the beginning, this cannot be effected except by means of despotic
inroads on the rights of property, and on the conditions of bourgeois production; by
means of measures, therefore, which appear economically insufficient and
untenable, but which, in the course of the movement, outstrip themselves,
necessitate further inroads upon the old social order, and are unavoidable as a
means of entirely revolutionising the mode of production.
These measures will of course be different in different countries.7
Nevertheless in most advanced countries, the following will be pretty generally
applicable.

1. Abolition of property in land and application of all rents of land to public
purposes.
2. A heavy progressive or graduated income tax.
3. Abolition of all rights of inheritance.
4. Confiscation of the property of all emigrants and rebels.
5. Centralization of credit in the hands of the State, by means of a national
bank with State capital and an exclusive monopoly.
6. Centralisation of the means of communication and transport in the hands of
the State.
7. Extension of factories and instruments of production owned by the State: the
bringing into cultivation of waste lands, and the improvement of the soil generally
in accordance with a common plan.
8. Equal obligation of all to labour. Establishment of industrial armies,
especially for agriculture.
9. Combination of agriculture with manufacturing industries: gradual abolition
of all the distinction between town and country, by a more equable distribution of
the population over the country.
10. Free education for all children in public schools. Abolition of children’s
factory labour in its present form. Combination of education with industrial
production, &c., &c.
When, in the course of development, class distinctions have disappeared, and
all production has been concentrated in the hands of a vast association of the whole
nation, the public power will lose its political character. Political power, properly so
called, is merely the organised power of one class for oppressing another. If the
proletariat during its contest with the bourgeoisie is compelled, by the force of
circumstances, to organise itself as a class, if, by means of a revolution, it makes
itself the ruling class, and, as such, sweeps away by force the old conditions of
production, then it will, along with these conditions, have swept away the
conditions for the existence of class antagonisms, and of classes generally, and will
thereby have abolished its own supremacy as a class

In place of the old bourgeois society, with its classes and class antagonisms, we
shall have an association, in which the free development of each is the condition for
the free development of all.

“Conservatives Must Read Marx and study Mao’s Cultural Revolution in China.”

To what end? So that we may know how and why we lost the culture and class war? Tell me, what would we do with this new found knowledge? Because quite honestly, a 10 minute YouTube video could easily explain pretty much everything you need to know about Marx’s theories and Maoist cultural revolution. Then what? We can all sit around and say, “Oh, I see what you did there.”

The author of this article actually trips over the most direct counterattack to the Marxists in power now: they, and most importantly their financial supporters, must be economically attacked, namely through the use of coordinated and focused boycotts. Millions of people acting in concert against isolated targets for specific durations. Think of it like WallStreetBets, and how they focused on certain targets, which drew in more people. What companies supported the now-admitted conspiracy to “fortify” the 2020 election? Twitter, Facebook, Google (Alphabet), WaPo, NYT, etc. We pick one target and collectively undermine and attack them for 30 days. You must put a specific duration on the attack. Some people will not be willing to give up Amazon permanently, but they might for 3p days to send a message. A 30 day Challenge from the minority political class to exact financial justice on those who supported the Marxist overthrow of traditional American values.

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