Posted on 06/12/2003 5:58:28 AM PDT by Aurelius
Over the years I've heard many rail at the South for seceding from the 'glorious Union.' They claim that Jeff Davis and all Southerners were really nothing but traitors - and some of these people were born and raised in the South and should know better, but don't, thanks to their government school 'education.'
Frank Conner, in his excellent book The South Under Siege 1830-2000 deals in some detail with the question of Davis' alleged 'treason.' In referring to the Northern leaders he noted: "They believed the most logical means of justifying the North's war would be to have the federal government convict Davis of treason against the United States. Such a conviction must presuppose that the Confederate States could not have seceded from the Union; so convicting Davis would validate the war and make it morally legitimate."
Although this was the way the federal government planned to proceed, that prolific South-hater, Thaddeus Stevens, couldn't keep his mouth shut and he let the cat out of the bag. Stevens said: "The Southerners should be treated as a conquered alien enemy...This can be done without violence to the established principles only on the theory that the Southern states were severed from the Union and were an independent government de facto and an alien enemy to be dealt with according to the laws of war...No reform can be effected in the Southern States if they have never left the Union..." And, although he did not plainly say it, what Stevens really desired was that the Christian culture of the Old South be 'reformed' into something more compatible with his beliefs. No matter how you look at it, the feds tried to have it both ways - they claimed the South was in rebellion and had never been out of the Union, but then it had to do certain things to 'get back' into the Union it had never been out of. Strange, is it not, that the 'history' books never seem to pick up on this?
At any rate, the Northern government prepared to try President Davis for treason while it had him in prison. Mr. Conner has observed that: "The War Department presented its evidence for a treason trial against Davis to a famed jurist, Francis Lieber, for his analysis. Lieber pronounced 'Davis will not be found guilty and we shall stand there completely beaten'." According to Mr. Conner, U.S. Attorney General James Speed appointed a renowned attorney, John J. Clifford, as his chief prosecutor. Clifford, after studying the government's evidence against Davis, withdrew from the case. He said he had 'grave doubts' about it. Not to be undone, Speed then appointed Richard Henry Dana, a prominent maritime lawyer, to the case. Mr. Dana also withdrew. He said basically, that as long as the North had won a military victory over the South, they should just be satisfied with that. In other words - "you won the war, boys, so don't push your luck beyond that."
Mr. Conner tells us that: "In 1866 President Johnson appointed a new U.S. attorney general, Henry Stanburg. But Stanburg wouldn't touch the case either. Thus had spoken the North's best and brightest jurists re the legitimacy of the War of Northern Aggression - even though the Jefferson Davis case offered blinding fame to the prosecutor who could prove that the South had seceded unconstitutionally." None of these bright lights from the North would touch this case with a ten-foot pole. It's not that they were dumb, in fact the reverse is true. These men knew a dead horse when they saw it and were not about to climb aboard and attempt to ride it across the treacherous stream of illegal secession. They knew better. In fact, a Northerner from New York, Charles O'Connor, became the legal counsel for Jeff Davis - without charge. That, plus the celebrity jurists from the North that refused to touch the case, told the federal government that they really had no case against Davis or secession and that Davis was merely being held as a political prisoner.
Author Richard Street, writing in The Civil War back in the 1950s said exactly the same thing. Referring to Jeff Davis, Street wrote: "He was imprisoned after the war, was never brought to trial. The North didn't dare give him a trial, knowing that a trial would establish that secession was not unconstitutional, that there had been no 'rebellion' and that the South had got a raw deal." At one point the government intimated that it would be willing to offer Davis a pardon, should he ask for one. Davis refused that and he demanded that the government either give him a pardon or give him a trial, or admit that they had dealt unjustly with him. Mr. Street said: "He died 'unpardoned' by a government that was leery of giving him a public hearing." If Davis was as guilty as they claimed, why no trial???
Had the federal government had any possible chance to convict Davis and therefore declare secession unconstitutional they would have done so in a New York minute. The fact that they diddled around and finally released him without benefit of the trial he wanted proves that the North had no real case against secession. Over 600,000 boys, both North and South, were killed or maimed so the North could fight a war of conquest over something that the South did that was neither illegal or wrong. Yet they claim the moral high ground because the 'freed' the slaves, a farce at best.
I don't think Houston cared that much for Lincoln. From the web:
President Lincoln is said to have written Houston a letter offering his assistance to keep Texas in the Union. After reading the contents of the letter, however, Houston threw the letter into the fireplace in disgust.
[Walt dissembling] There's no evidence of that.
In his book, published in 1892, General Butler proudly relates his part in the infamous work of using the army at the polls. The story is this: The election day was November 8, 1864. Lincoln had sent agents to new York City to spy ou and report how the election would go. the report boded ill for Lincoln's success: in fact, indicated that New York would give a large majority for General McClellan. Lincoln, Seward and Stanton were alarmed. The latter instantly telegraphed General Butler to reportto him the situation at New York.
"What do you want me to do?" asked Butler?
"Start at once for New York, take command of the Department of the East, relieving General Dix. I will send you all the troops you need."
"But" returned Butler, "it will not be good politics to relieve General Dix just on the eve of election."
"Dix is a brave man," said Stanton, "but he won't do anything; he is very timid about some matters."
This meant that General Dix was too honorable to use the United States Army to control and direct elections.
"Send me," suggested the shrewd Butler, "to New York with President Lincoln's order for me to relieve Dix in my pocket, but I will not use the order until such time as I think safe. I will report to Dix and be his obedient servant, and coddle him up until I see proper to spring on him my order, and take supreme command myself."
"Very well," assented Stanton; "I will send you Massachusetts troops."
"Oh, no!" objected the shrewder Butler, "it won't do for Massachusetts men to shoot down New Yorkers."
Stanton saw this also would be bad politics, so Grant was ordered to send Western troops -- 5,000 good troops and two batteries of Napoleon guns -- for the purpose of shooting down New Yorkers should New Yorkers persist in the evil intention of voting for McClellan.
When citizens of New York saw Butler and his escort proudly prancing their horses on the streets and saw the arrival of 5,000 Western troops and the Napoleon guns, there was great agitation and uneasiness over the city. newspapers charged that these warlike preparation were made to overawe citizens and prevent a fair election. Butler was virtuously indignan a such charges. General Sanford, commanding the New York State militia, called on butler and told him the State militia was strong enough to quell any disturbance that might occur and he intended to call out his militia division on election day. Butler arrogantly informed General Snaford that he (Butler) had no use for New York militia; he did not know which wya New York militia would shoot when it came to shooting. General Sanford replied that he would apply to the governor of the State for orders.
"I shall not recognize the authority of your Governor," haughtily returned Butler. "From what I hear of Governor Seymour I may find it necessary to arrest all I know who are proposing to disturb the peace on election day."
On Nov. 7th, the day before the election, after Butler had placed his troops and made all arrangement necessary to control the ballot, he wrote to Secretary of War Stanton a letter in which he said:
"I beg leave to report that the troops have all arrived, and dispositions made which will insure quiet. I enclose copy of my order No. 1, and trust it will meet your approbation. I have done all I could to prevent secessionists from voting, and think it will have some effect."
Secessionists meant democrats who chose to vote for McClellan.
To suggest as you have, that William Blackstone anticipated his comments regarding impeachment of appointed judges would apply verbatum to an elective office such as the US Presidency is unsupported by any tangible evidence, or common sense.
To further suggest that the founders, who did contemplate such an elective post, would simply transport Blackstone's words, untranslated into their new legal system is absurdity defined.
You've retreated to this defense of Blackstone's words because you cannot defend your ridiculous preposition that because someone opposed the Clinton impeachment on the constitution grounds, they're somehow a left-wing socialist.
Far from being fraudulant, I have amply shown that such opposition is well grounded in English Common law, and requires a restrictive interpretation of the Constitution.
If these facts are inconvienent to your pet-theories about "Exposing the Commie Left in America" or whatever other mental mastubation you neo-secessionist annelids engage in around here, tough titty.
In 1892 Butler was trying to get back into the public limelight denied him since the end of the war. His statements appear to be uncorroborated.
"But there were limits to what Lincoln would do to secure a second term.
He did not even consider canceling or postponing the election. Even had that been constitutionally possible, "the election was a necessity." "We can not have free government without elections," he explained; "and if the rebellion could force us to forego, or postpone a national election, it might fairly claim to have already conquered and ruined us." He did not postpone the September draft call, even though Republican politicians from all across the North entreated him to do so. Because Indiana failed to permit its soldiers to vote in the field, he was entirely willing to furlough Sherman's regiments so that they could go home and vote in the October state elections -but he made a point of telling Sherman, "They need not remain for the Presidential election, but may return to you at once."
Though it was clear that the election was going to be a very close one, Lincoln did not try to increase the Republican electoral vote by rushing the admission of new states like Colorado and Nebraska, both of which would surely have voted for his reelection. On October 31, in accordance with an act of Congress, he did proclaim Nevada a state, but he showed little interest in the legislation admitting the new state. Despite the suspicion of both Democrats and Radicals, he made no effort to force the readmission of Louisiana, Tennessee, and other Southern states, partially reconstructed but still under military control, so that they could cast their electoral votes for him. He reminded a delegation from Tennessee that it was the Congress, not the Chief Executive, that had the power to decide whether a state's electoral votes were to be counted and announced firmly, “Except it be to give protection against violence, I decline to interfere in any way with the presidential election.”
"Lincoln", pp. 539-40 by David H. Donald
Walt
President Lincoln often did things of that nature.
"It developed that [Alexander]Stephens's [vice president of the so-called CSA] nephew, a Confederate officer, had for twenty months been a prisoner of war on Johnson's Island, in Sandusty Bay. Lincoln made a note of it, and a few days later that surprised young officer found himself called out of prison and sent down to Washington, where be was taken to the White House for a chat with President Lincoln; after which be was sent tbrough the lines to Richmond. The Confederates returned the favor, picking at random a Union officer of the same rank, and so the 13th New Hampshire presently welcomed the return of its Lieutenant Murray, who was delighted and surprised by the whole business."
-- "A Stillness at Appomattox", p. 331 by Bruce Catton
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Hon Secretary of War
Executive Mansion
Washington July 28, 1963
My Dear Sir,
A young son of the Senator Brown of Mississippi, not yet twenty, as I understand, was wounded, and made a prisoner at Gettysburg. His mother is sister of Mrs. P. R. Fendall, of this city. Mr. Fendall, on behalf of himself and family, asks that he and they may have charge of the boy, to cure him up, being responsible for his person and good behavior. Would it not be a grateful and graceful thing to let them have him?
Yours Truly,
A. Lincoln
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Consider the following reported by Current (1958, at 166-7):
"During the winter of 1963-4, Representative Daniel W. Vorrhees of Indiana visited the White House with two Indiana Senators, a fellow congressman and a Mr. and Mrs. Mullitt. The latter's father, a southern born preacher in his seventies, had been convicted of conspiring in Tennessee to procure ammunition and quinine for the enemy. He was to be shot within forty eight hours ... suddenly he [Lincoln] asked her father's name and she told him. "Why, he preached in Springfield years ago didn't he?" Yes, he had. "Well, this is wonderful!" Lincoln said. "I knew this man well; I have heard him preach; he was a tall, angular man like I am and I have been mistaken for him on the streets. Did you say he was to be shot day after tomorrow? No, no! There will be no shooting nor hanging in this case."
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Now, Mitchell was a very loyal and capable Union man. If President Lincon would go out of his way to help rebels, what would he do for true patriots? Mitchell's position was a sinecure, and nothing else.
Wallt
President Lincoln indicated that Massachusetts was a proper locality.
Consider this letter:
John A Andrew
Executive Mansion,
Washington, February 18. 1864.
Yours of the 12th was received yesterday. If I were to judge from the letter, without any external knowledge, I should suppose that all the colored people South of Washington were struggling to get to Massachusetts; that Massachusetts was anxious to receive and retain the whole of them as permament citizens; and that the United States Government here was interposing and preventing this. But I suppose these are neither really the facts, nor meant to be asserted as true by you. Coming down to what I suppose to be the real facts, you are engaged in trying to raise colored troops for the U. S. and wish to take recruits from Virginia, through Washington, to Massachusetts for that object; and the loyal Governor of Virginia, also trying to raise troops for us, objects to you taking his material away; while we, having to care for all, and being responsible alike to all, have to do as much for him, as we would have to do for you, if he was, by our authority, taking men from Massachusetts to fill up Virginia regiments. No more than this has been intended by me; nor, as I think, by the Secretary of War. There may have been some abuses of this, as a rule, which, if known, should be prevented in future. If, however, it be really true that Massachusetts wishes to afford a permanent home within her borders, for all, or even a large number of colored persons who will come to her, I shall be only too glad to know it. It would give relief in a very difficult point; and I would not for a moment hinder from going, any person who is free by the terms of the proclamation or any of the acts of Congress."
A. Lincoln
WALT'S VERY LOYAL AND CAPABLE UNION MAN, MITCHELL
The link goes to The Abraham Lincoln Papers at the Library of Congress, to a pamphlet made from the letter of James Mitchell to Abraham Lincoln of May 18, 1862.
As a pamphlet, the Lincoln administration had the pamphlet printed by the Government Printing Office (GPO). Lincoln then made this man the United States Commissoner of [Black] Emigration, and kept him in that postition for several years.
Below is a representative sampling of quotes from the letter of James Mitchell to Abraham Lincoln. This is what Walt defends as a very capable Union man. This is, no doubt, Walt's idea of a very good Republican.
WALT'S IDEA OF LOYAL AND CAPABLE REPUBLICANISM AND A TRUE PATRIOT
May 18, 1862
His Excellency ABRAHAM LINCOLN,
SIR: The conviction of this nation being wide-spread, and becoming more general each day, that the peace and prosperity of the country and the permanency of our republican civilization, require a separation of the colored or negro race from us
Yet, terrible as is this civil war between men of kindred race for the dominion of the servant, future history will show that it has been moderate and altogether tolerable when contrasted with a struggle between the black and white race
Permit us, then, to ask you aid and influence to induce the people of this Republic, through their National and State governments, to make a speedy, energetic, and uniform move through all their courts of legislation, all their means of influence and agencies of political power, to produce the separation of those races, the removal of the colored race to a proper locality,
Surely this exercise of influence is a legitimate prerogative of the Chief Magistrate, the guardian of national peace, who, being convinced of impending danger to the country, has the undoubted right to notify the nation of its approach, and recommend the remedy.
Being grateful for the positions you have assumed, and the recommendations you have made, we herein respectfully submit a few reflections intended to sustain (thought feeble may be the effort) the policy proposed,
Our danger in the future arises from the fact that we have 4,500,000 persons, who, whilst amongst us, cannot be of us - persons of a different race
The social and civil evils resulting from the presence of the negro race are numerous,
Amongst them we rank first and most destructive to the purity and simplicity of society - which strikes deeper at the root of good order, and mines most effectually the foundations of that citadel of national stability, the family - the license of the races, which is giving to this continent a nation of bastards.
It should not be concealed from the authorities of the land, and the parties interested should not be permitted to disguise the criminal fact, that the most immoral maxims are retained amongst this people, and made the justification of crime in this regard - all predicated on the hope of the colored race to rise by the illicit absorption of their blood into the mass of this nation.
That political economist must be blind indeed; that statesman must be a shallow thinker, who cannot see a fearful future before this country, if the production of this mixed race is not checked by removal.
possibly the next great civil war will be the conflict of this race for dominion and existence.
this population is in the way of the peace of the country, the cause of immorality and misrule
Thus far we have found that their presence here disturbs our social structure. We come now to examine how far our civil structure is damaged by this population.
But there is one clause of this sacred compact which requires the Federal government to "guarantee to the several States a republican form of government." ... When rightly construed it must and will require the gradual removal of such anti-republican elements and peoples as cannot be engrafted on the national stock
to pour the blood of near five million Africans into the veins of the Republic
they deserve better things of their brethren of the East than an attempt to engraft the African race on their country as a permanent population.
the men of the Exeter Hall school, who, far removed from the scene of danger, see not the degradation of this admixture of race.
he does not choose to regard the negro as his equal, and if disposed to regard him as his equal in mind and worth, he does not choose to endanger the blood of his posterity by the proximity of such a population; that here is no command in the Word of God that will oblige him to place this race on the high road to such an amalgamation with his family
the American people, in the exercise of this right, have admitted the white races, because they could amalgamate such on legal and honorable terms, whilst they rejected the black because they could not or would not amalgamate on legal or honorable terms.
Nothing but the authority of the Divine law will change his purpose to hedge himself in and erect legal protections against this possible admixture of blood, which he sees endangers the peace of society
Where men are truly moral and religious, the white and black races do not mix,
What is it gives the hate and ranchor, the venom and the ire to this wicked rebellion amongst the poorer classes of the South? It is love for the negro? No, but it is the hatred of those who would engraft, as they say, negro blood on the population of their country. All such they call by what to them is the sum of all evil, abolitionists - showing that they confound the anti-slavery men of all schools, who are not out-spoken colonizationists, with that small class of northern theorists who defend amalgamation.
It is this ill-defined fear that New England aims at engrafting negro blood on the masses of the Mississippi valley
We must regard the extension of equal social and civil rights to this class of persons as distasteful to the mass of the nations; the majority will never submit to it;
resolved to enter on the gradual emancipation of the slave and the separation of the races ... defined this plan of emancipation, connected with the removal or colonization of the freed men beyond the limits of our Republic,
Mr. Clay, at the request of some of his friends, wrote a letter to Judge Robinson, showing the necessity of a separation of the races as a measure of national policy
General Taylor, when he assumed the government, was moved to do and say something in the same direction. It will be remembered he recommended a revision of the laws relating to the slave trade, so as to admit of colonization on the west coast of Africa, giving his influence to the well remembered "Ebony Line," a line of transports designed to carry colored persons to Africa.
the diplomats of the British empire know, that we could not make republican citizens out of our 3,000,000 negroes, (now 4,500,000,) and remain free from faction and from strife.
a possible corruption of blood in future generations,
from possible contact with this undesirable population,
so far as the negro is concerned, driving in different ways at the same result - that of making the negro a permanent occupant of the Republic, as a dis-franchised laborer, or serf, with the sure corruption of republicanism as a result.
the necessity or use of removing the man of color?
to protect them against this repulsive admixture of blood.
as for our people, the men of Europe, we constitute one family, ordered so of God, and by him kept compact and together through the ages gone
Let us then, earnestly and respectfully recommend as a remedy for our present troubles and future danger, the perfecting the proposed plans of the administration in regard to those two conflicting races, and the careful and gradual removal of the colored race to some desirable and convenient home.
It further suggests that our legislation should cover the wants and well-being of both races, and that statesmen should consider, first, the good of the white race, then, the good and well-being of the black
Some affect to fear that the man of color will not remove to a separate locality. It is not to be expected that a race, which has hardly attained a mental majority, will rise in a day to the stature of the men who found empires, build cities, and lay the ground work of civil institutions like ours;
They should receive the kind attention, direction, and aid of those who understand such things; nor will the world condemn a gentle pressure in the forward course to overcome the natural inertia of masses long used to the driver's will and rod.
If they should fail to do this, there would then be more propriety in weighing the requirement of some to remove without consultation, but not till then.
The more intelligent men of color can now see the necessity that rests upon us, and they will aid us in this work.
We know that there is a growing sentiment in the country which considered the removal of the freed man, without consulting him, "a moral and military necessity" -- as a measure necessary to the purity of public morals and the peace of the country; and this unhappy war of white man with white man, about the condition of the black, will multiply this sentiment.
But we cannot go further now than suggesting, that the mandatory relation held by the rebel master should escheat to the Federal government in a modified sense, so as to enable his proper government and gradual removal to a proper home where he can be independent.
We earnestly pray that a perpetual barrier may be reared between us and that land of the mixed races of this continent - Mexico.
As Abraham and Lot agreed to separate their conflicting retainer and dependents, the one going to the right and the other to the left, so let those two governments agree to divide this continent between the Anglo-American and mixed races
Our republican institutions are not adapted to mixed races and classified people. Our institutions require a homogeneous population to rest on as a basis; without this basis, the continuance of republicanism, for any great length of time, is impossible.
If we wish to retain our republicanism, or rather perfect what Washington and Jefferson began, we should adopt as nearly as we can the above rules of life and government.
In this position, and with these qualifications, in the order of Providence, we must become "the light of the world."
"I beg leave to report that the troops have all arrived, and dispositions made which will insure quiet. I enclose copy of my order No. 1, and trust it will meet your approbation. I have done all I could to prevent secessionists from voting, and think it will have some effect."
[Wlat] Consider this letter:
John A Andrew
Executive Mansion,
Washington, February 18. 1864.
Yours of the 12th was received yesterday. If I were to judge from the letter, without any external knowledge, I should suppose that all the colored people South of Washington were struggling to get to Massachusetts; that Massachusetts was anxious to receive and retain the whole of them as permament citizens; and that the United States Government here was interposing and preventing this. But I suppose these are neither really the facts, nor meant to be asserted as true by you.
LINCOLN: The place I am thinking about having for a colony is in Central America.
Wlat, Massachusetts is not in Central America.
Lincoln Address on Colonization to a Deputation of Negroes
Lincoln, Abraham, 1809-1865.: Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln. Volume 5.
Address on Colonization to a Deputation of Negroes [1]
August 14, 1862
This afternoon the President of the United States gave audience to a Committee of colored men at the White House. They were introduced
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by the Rev. J. Mitchell, Commissioner of Emigration. E. M. Thomas, the Chairman, remarked that they were there by invitation to hear what the Executive had to say to them. Having all been seated, the President, after a few preliminary observations, informed them that a sum of money had been appropriated by Congress, and placed at his disposition for the purpose of aiding the colonization in some country of the people, or a portion of them, of African descent, thereby making it his duty, as it had for a long time been his inclination, to favor that cause; and why, he asked, should the people of your race be colonized, and where? Why should they leave this country? This is, perhaps, the first question for proper consideration. You and we are different races. We have between us a broader difference than exists between almost any other two races. Whether it is right or wrong I need not discuss, but this physical difference is a great disadvantage to us both, as I think your race suffer very greatly, many of them by living among us, while ours suffer from your presence. In a word we suffer on each side. If this is admitted, it affords a reason at least why we should be separated. You here are freemen I suppose.
A VOICE: Yes, sir.
The President---Perhaps you have long been free, or all your lives. Your race are suffering, in my judgment, the greatest wrong
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inflicted on any people. But even when you cease to be slaves, you are yet far removed from being placed on an equality with the white race. You are cut off from many of the advantages which the other race enjoy. The aspiration of men is to enjoy equality with the best when free, but on this broad continent, not a single man of your race is made the equal of a single man of ours. Go where you are treated the best, and the ban is still upon you.
I do not propose to discuss this, but to present it as a fact with which we have to deal. I cannot alter it if I would. It is a fact, about which we all think and feel alike, I and you. We look to our condition, owing to the existence of the two races on this continent. I need not recount to you the effects upon white men, growing out of the institution of Slavery. I believe in its general evil effects on the white race. See our present condition---the country engaged in war!---our white men cutting one another's throats, none knowing how far it will extend; and then consider what we know to be the truth. But for your race among us there could not be war, although many men engaged on either side do not care for you one way or the other. Nevertheless, I repeat, without the institution of Slavery and the colored race as a basis, the war could not have an existence.
It is better for us both, therefore, to be separated. I know that there are free men among you, who even if they could better their condition are not as much inclined to go out of the country as those, who being slaves could obtain their freedom on this condition. I suppose one of the principal difficulties in the way of colonization is that the free colored man cannot see that his comfort would be advanced by it. You may believe you can live in Washington or elsewhere in the United States the remainder of your life [as easily], perhaps more so than you can in any foreign country, and hence you may come to the conclusion that you have nothing to do with the idea of going to a foreign country. This is (I speak in no unkind sense) an extremely selfish view of the case.
But you ought to do something to help those who are not so fortunate as yourselves. There is an unwillingness on the part of our people, harsh as it may be, for you free colored people to remain with us. Now, if you could give a start to white people, you would open a wide door for many to be made free. If we deal with those who are not free at the beginning, and whose intellects are clouded by Slavery, we have very poor materials to start with. If intelligent colored men, such as are before me, would move in this matter, much might be accomplished. It is exceedingly important that
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we have men at the beginning capable of thinking as white men, and not those who have been systematically oppressed.
There is much to encourage you. For the sake of your race you should sacrifice something of your present comfort for the purpose of being as grand in that respect as the white people. It is a cheering thought throughout life that something can be done to ameliorate the condition of those who have been subject to the hard usage of the world. It is difficult to make a man miserable while he feels he is worthy of himself, and claims kindred to the great God who made him. In the American Revolutionary war sacrifices were made by men engaged in it; but they were cheered by the future. Gen. Washington himself endured greater physical hardships than if he had remained a British subject. Yet he was a happy man, because he was engaged in benefiting his race---something for the children of his neighbors, having none of his own.
The colony of Liberia has been in existence a long time. In a certain sense it is a success. The old President of Liberia, Roberts, has just been with me---the first time I ever saw him. He says they have within the bounds of that colony between 300,000 and 400,000 people, or more than in some of our old States, such as Rhode Island or Delaware, or in some of our newer States, and less than in some of our larger ones. They are not all American colonists, or their descendants. Something less than 12,000 have been sent thither from this country. Many of the original settlers have died, yet, like people elsewhere, their offspring outnumber those deceased.
The question is if the colored people are persuaded to go anywhere, why not there? One reason for an unwillingness to do so is that some of you would rather remain within reach of the country of your nativity. I do not know how much attachment you may have toward our race. It does not strike me that you have the greatest reason to love them. But still you are attached to them at all events.
The place I am thinking about having for a colony is in Central America. It is nearer to us than Liberia---not much more than one-fourth as far as Liberia, and within seven days' run by steamers. Unlike Liberia it is on a great line of travel---it is a highway. The country is a very excellent one for any people, and with great natural resources and advantages, and especially because of the similarity of climate with your native land---thus being suited to your physical condition.
The particular place I have in view is to be a great highway from the Atlantic or Caribbean Sea to the Pacific Ocean, and this
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particular place has all the advantages for a colony. On both sides there are harbors among the finest in the world. Again, there is evidence of very rich coal mines. A certain amount of coal is valuable in any country, and there may be more than enough for the wants of the country. Why I attach so much importance to coal is, it will afford an opportunity to the inhabitants for immediate employment till they get ready to settle permanently in their homes.
If you take colonists where there is no good landing, there is a bad show; and so where there is nothing to cultivate, and of which to make a farm. But if something is started so that you can get your daily bread as soon as you reach there, it is a great advantage. Coal land is the best thing I know of with which to commence an enterprise.
To return, you have been talked to upon this subject, and told that a speculation is intended by gentlemen, who have an interest in the country, including the coal mines. We have been mistaken all our lives if we do not know whites as well as blacks look to their self-interest. Unless among those deficient of intellect everybody you trade with makes something. You meet with these things here as elsewhere.
If such persons have what will be an advantage to them, the question is whether it cannot be made of advantage to you. You are intelligent, and know that success does not as much depend on external help as on self-reliance. Much, therefore, depends upon yourselves. As to the coal mines, I think I see the means available for your self-reliance.
I shall, if I get a sufficient number of you engaged, have provisions made that you shall not be wronged. If you will engage in the enterprise I will spend some of the money intrusted to me. I am not sure you will succeed. The Government may lose the money, but we cannot succeed unless we try; but we think, with care, we can succeed.
The political affairs in Central America are not in quite as satisfactory condition as I wish. There are contending factions in that quarter; but it is true all the factions are agreed alike on the subject of colonization, and want it, and are more generous than we are here. To your colored race they have no objection. Besides, I would endeavor to have you made equals, and have the best assurance that you should be the equals of the best.
The practical thing I want to ascertain is whether I can get a number of able-bodied men, with their wives and children, who are willing to go, when I present evidence of encouragement and
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protection. Could I get a hundred tolerably intelligent men, with their wives and children, to ``cut their own fodder,'' so to speak? Can I have fifty? If I could find twenty-five able-bodied men, with a mixture of women and children, good things in the family relation, I think I could make a successful commencement.
I want you to let me know whether this can be done or not. This is the practical part of my wish to see you. These are subjects of very great importance, worthy of a month's study, [instead] of a speech delivered in an hour. I ask you then to consider seriously not pertaining to yourselves merely, nor for your race, and ours, for the present time, but as one of the things, if successfully managed, for the good of mankind---not confined to the present generation, but as
``From age to age descends the lay,
To millions yet to be,
Till far its echoes roll away,
Into eternity.''
The above is merely given as the substance of the President's remarks.
The Chairman of the delegation briefly replied that ``they would hold a consultation and in a short time give an answer.'' The President said: ``Take your full time---no hurry at all.''
The delegation then withdrew.
Annotation
[1] New York Tribune, August 15, 1862. An act ``releasing certain persons held to labor in the District of Columbia'' and providing $100,000 for colonization, became law on April 16, 1862, and an act approved on July 16, freed slaves in the hands of the army and granted $500,000 for colonization. Since October, 1861, the Chiriqui Project for colonization had been under cabinet consideration (see Lincoln to Smith October 23 and 24, 1861, supra). The appointment of Reverend James Mitchell of Indiana as agent of emigration is not listed in the Official Register, but contemporary records indicate that he operated in the Department of Interior as early as May 28, 1862, when he sent Lincoln his long letter on colonization printed by the Government Printing Office. His activity in July and August brought the matter of colonization to a head with the arrangement for an interview between Lincoln and the committee of Negroes headed by Edward M. Thomas on August 14. Thomas was president of the Anglo-African Institute for the Encouragement of Industry and Art. The committee's reception of Lincoln's views is indicated by a letter from Thomas written on August 16:
``We would respectfully suggest that it is necessary that we should confer with leading colored men in Phila New York and Boston upon the movement of emigration to the point recommended in your address.
``We were entirely hostile to the movement until all the advantages were so ably brought to our view by you and we believe that our friends and colaborers for our race in those cities will when the subject is explained by us to them join heartily in sustaining such a movement. . . .'' (DLC-RTL).
Subsequent developments, however, indicated that Negroes in the District of Columbia received the colonization proposal with hostility. A Negro meeting held at Union Bethel Church was reported in the Baltimore Sun on August 23 as protesting against the plan: ``Such dissatisfaction had been manifested in regard to the course of the committee who lately waited on the president . . . that they did not attend. It was hinted that they had exceeded their instructions.''
Plans were fully matured in August, however, to send Senator Samuel C. Pomeroy with ``500 able-bodied negroes as the first colony'' to be settled on a site on the Isthmus of Chiriqui to be selected by Pomeroy (New York Tribune, September 15, 1862). A letter of authority from Lincoln to Pomeroy was prepared for Lincoln's signature, probably by the State Department, under date of September 10, 1862, but remains unsigned in duplicate copies in the Lincoln Papers. The project was abandoned when first Honduras and later Nicaragua and Costa Rica protested the scheme and hinted that force might be used to prevent the settlement.
Thanks, I was pretty pleased with it myself. I think it shows the acceleration of production that I mentioned, and that traditional explanations that the cotton culture and slavery were weakening have a serious problem. It would be interesting to know why some historians opined so, but the data contradict them.
The speech you cite is from 8/14/62.
A year later, President Lincoln said:
"Negroes, like other people act upon motives. Why should they do anything for us if we will do nothing for them? If they stake their lives for us, they must be prompted by the strongest motive--even the promise of freedom. And the promise, being made, must be kept."
-- 8/24/83
There's no way to square giveing blacs freedom with forcing them out of the country. President Lincoln's ideas changed. You can cite anything you like from before 1863, but you're easily shown as a partisan of an interpretation that won't bear exposure to the whole record.
Walt
Secessionists were traitors by definition. Of course they weren't allowed to vote. Your interpretation is not supported by reputable historians. President Lincoln did not try to fix the election. In fact, he was at one point convinced he would lose.
Walt
Thank you for this evidentiary and illuminating quote in extenso. You do me a service by correcting the image that T. R. Fehrenbach, in whom I think I recognize a 60's liberal and Union sympathizer, presents of Sam Houston. In Fehrenbach's writing, Houston is a foursquare Union man, American and patriotic to the core in the sense that bigoted polemicists like Wlat would pretend to understand it. I suspect that Fehrenbach tries to "rescue" Houston from the obloquy of having been a slaveowner, a Southerner, and, as your useful quotation shows, a defender of the South against the sectionalism and morally-based crusading spirit of Lincoln's party and the North more generally.
Fehrenbach does make the useful point that Northerners didn't realize what they were asking of Southerners when they demanded emancipation and political equality for the slaves. But he doesn't let on that Houston shared many common Southern sentiments and was in no way an Abolitionist, but rather abhorred them.
Here is some more from Wlat's very loyal, capable Union man and true patriot
James Mitchell to Abraham Lincoln, July 1, 1862
-- it will require time to enable them to realize that they are near the summit now -- education must refine their sensibility, and a purer morality than has yet obtained amongst the free people of Color, must actuate them, before they will feel that an escape from their present relation to the American people is a duty and a privilege --
Abraham Lincoln Papers at the Library of Congress. Transcribed and Annotated by the Lincoln Studies Center, Knox College. Galesburg, Illinois.
From James Mitchell to Abraham Lincoln1, July 1, 1862
[Note 1 James Mitchell, an Indiana minister, was appointed the agent of emigration in 1862.]
Washington July 1st 1862
Permit me to place a copy of the letter of the 18th May,2 before you; I will send up a few copies to Mr Nickolie's room, for future use should they be needed.
[Note 2 Mitchell's pamphlet on colonization, dated May 18, 1862, is in this collection.]
Senator Harland,3 who has kindly agreed to aid the more active Colonizationists of the Senate, suggested last week in a conversation had with him on the subject, that it would be well for Secretary Smith, to send in a communication to Congress, saying that an appropriation for more general Colonization was required. I named the matter to Mr Smith, who suggested in return that I should bring the matter to Your notice.
The appropriation already made is confined the in its benefits to this District; the great number of persons of Color thrown on the Country for care and support by the advance of our armies, costing the Country a large sum to support and direct, without much permanent good to them or Community, suggests that measures and means of relief should be asked of the Legislative Department, such as will comprehend the greatest lasting good in return for the outlay.
[Note 3 Senator James Harlan of Iowa]
In our opinion the Government should be so supplied with means that it can aid others besides the Colored people of this District, who for the most part are less inclined to remove therefrom than the Contrabands; nor do we expect a great emigration from the ranks of the Colored residents of the District, as they are to a great extent satisfied with their new liberties and franchises, with hopes of further enlargement -- it will require time to enable them to realize that they are near the summit now -- education must refine their sensibility, and a purer morality than has yet obtained amongst the free people of Color, must actuate them, before they will feel that an escape from their present relation to the American people is a duty and a privilege -- but in these respects they are improving with wonderful rapidity; and when the principles of their separation from us, and their nationality, become fixed policy with us; and they have had time to comprehend the necessity thereof, the work of emigration will take care of it-self to a great extent
But the case of the slaves just freed from the control of their Masters by the war, differs from the above -- the feeling of insecurity, the dread of being returned to the control of the slave holder -- their confidence in the benevolence of the Government, their condition as wanderers and strangers, all prompt them to accept removal to a secure home where freedom will be undisturbed by any future revolution or change in the Administration of this Country adverce to them.
In starting the work of emigration, we should foster each and all the agencies of emigration, and invite others-- Liberia, the creature of your own benevolence -- Hayti the favorit of New England -- Centeral America where we need to sustain our Commercial interests an Anglo-african people, independent yet auxiliary -- Mexico the home of the mixed races -- the Danish proposition -- and even England might be invited to draw a supply of free labor from the South for her West Indian possessions -- possibly this proposition would be agreeable to the British Government, might change their views about Colonization, and enable them to see the unfortunate necessity that rests on this Republic to thus Colonize -- at any rate it would enable you to reason the matter with them, and through them with our own people who are opposed or careless to future danger -- and if pressed too hard in the threatened intervention, (for I still cling to what you may call a Mystical theory) such a correspondence could be made the means of indoctrinating the British people with republican views and theories-- May god avert the necessity of intervening in the business of other Nations, but especially England, it is far more desirable to make her our true and lasting friend-- May such be the will of Heaven.
I have done what I could to aid and direct legislation in this matter of Colonization but I have come to a point where I need support, and hope it will be agreeable to you to grant us that aid-- The Confiscation bill will pass this week or next, with a section therein authorizing you to Colonize, so soon as that bill becomes a law -- will be a proper time to recommend an appropriation of a sum sufficient to give respectability to the movement -- say not less than $100,000 and one million would not be extravagant in such a case.
The appropriation when made need not be used in an extravagant manner -- of this I will be careful so long as I am permited to suggest or direct the work -- we need not now stimulate expensive emigration -- but when mercy to the Negro and economy to the Government demand our action as in the case of dependent Counterbands our action -- then we should act, but so as to be equitable in the distribution of the Government patronage, amongst the above agencies of emigration, prefering those which cost the least -- except that we might wisely discriminate in favor of our own Colonies -- or rather Colonies of our own foundation -- no one could object to this -- however it will be an object with me to regard all with equal favor
On the return of peace when the draft on the Treasury for war purposes subsides, then may we stimulate more expensive and extended emigration then may our ships of war, be used as transports and surplus arms used to give respectability to Anglo-african civilization -- nor would it be wrong in my judgement to arm and drill a few thousand slaves -- who would promise to emigrate at the end of the war -- nor would the Country murmur much if such an experiment should be tried in Sout Carolina, provided the above understanding was distinct in the public mind -- indeed the self reliance of the Negro, his ability to defend himself is a necessary conviction to general and succesfull emigration, or independent Colonization.
Respectfully submited
Jas Mitchell
Agent of Emigration
P. S. I had a conversation this afternoon with Genl J B Rodgers, of Ten, in regard to the doctrines of the letter of May 18th, and of this point, arming a few thousand negroes -- to be subsequently removed, he agrees with the whole, and agrees with the declaration we uniformly affirm to all our border friends that to hold the Country together in the future there must be a party in the South with emancipation proclivities and measures--
An article before us states that more than one half the Ohio soldiers refused to vote in October 1863, and the following may and no doubt does, show a good reason for their reticence.
Capt. Benj. F. Sells, of the 122d Ohio V., Company D, was arrested on the 1st of October, on the
"Charge -- conduct prejudicial to good order and military discipline."
And from the specifications we take the following:
"Specification 4th. In this, that he, the said Captain B. F. Sells, 'D' Company, 122d O. V. I., in the service of the U.S.; did utter and use the following language, to wit: I am going to vote for Vallandigham, and so are all my company, except a few, or words to that effect. This at or near Martinsburg, Va., on or about the 13th day of August, 1863."
(Signed)
ORLANDO C. FARQUAR,
Capt. Co. G, 122d Regt. O. V. I.
The Logic of History, Stephen D. Carpenter, 2 Ed., 1864, p. 286.
You are wasting your time arguing with this person, who is an ideologically-driven graffito artist, a liar and an apparatchik. He is a Leftist troll and doesn't participate in these discussions honestly. He was thoroughly knocked down on the constitutionality of secession, to and beyond the point of elenchus, by 4ConservativeJustices and me last year: and yet he turned again, like a dog on his own vomit, and took recourse in other threads to spewing the same line, quoting the same quotes from his tickler file, and putting out the same McPherson-Foner Marxian line on the "facts" and significance of the Civil War.
In the construction of the "red-diaper babies" Foner and McPherson, the Civil War was a war of liberation: that's the key. The war was a vanguard-led, top-down liberation of the black man against the resistance of "reactionary elements". The whole point of McPherson and Foner is to hagiologize Lincoln as representing vanguard leadership, and to put forward the claim that vanguard leadership must always be followed unquestioningly, once identified, because such leadership is naturally superior morally and teleologically to whatever element of reaction is being engaged by whatever progressive campaign of the moment. You'll recognize these same themes frequently in Burt Lancaster films scripted by the blacklisted Communist Dalton Trumbo, who also recycled the story of the Spartacus revolt (the Servile War), told the Communist way, when he wrote the script for Spartacus.
Wlat is like the Lyndon LaRouche hardfaces who used to sell bumper-stickers and hand out their poison in airports. He's not here to talk to you, or to engage in honest discussions about the issues. He is here to disrupt, to walk his dog, and most of all to impress the gullible, whether lurkers or other posters.
I say this because I can see your rising frustration with him -- and to assure you that he will not acknowledge your points. He will give you no credit for a point you've made for which you can obtain documentary support -- you just caught Ben Butler conspiring with Edwin Stanton to depress the Democratic vote in New York with troops -- he will acknowledge neither the veracity nor the salience of your support, and he will not acknowledge, or desist from, intellectually dishonest debating tactics that he commonly indulges in -- fallacies of distraction, fallacies of logic and composition, appeals to popularity or force, and ad-hominem arguments both subtle and gross.
Satisfy yourself with citing and quoting him to show everyone that he's lying again, and let it go. Don't waste energy on him; he's not worth it. I've had him on twit filter for months now.
Good find -- nice post. Thanks.
A few more quotes like that one, here and there, and you'll have proved that the whole point of the Freemen's Bureau was not to emancipate and enfranchise the Negro, but to shackle the South politically.
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