A former SDS member and friend of Bill Ayers, Marilyn Katz, was the woman who got Barack Obama to speak at the rally where he first spoke out against the war in Iraq.
From the May 15-21 issue of Time Out Chicago:
Marilyn Katz speaks out in Lincoln Park in August 1968
Take action! Freedom fighters
Six protesters from the 68 Democratic National Convention rally together again to debate their movements legacy and how times have changed.
By Julia Borcherts
Whether you view them as righteous or as radical demons, the 1968 Democratic National Convention protesters had an undeniable impact. The protests and the resulting police riots changed the way the media covered the news, heightened awareness of political, military and social issues and led to changes in the way our primaries impact the general elections. In an effort to understand what went down in our backyard 40 years ago, we found six Chicagoans who participated in the demonstrations, gathered them peaceably in a police- and National Guardfree zone (okay, the TOC offices) and watched some 68 protest footage to get everyone riled up to discuss that world-changing week
[Caption for the photo at right:] Marilyn Katz Then Head of security for MOBE (National Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam)
What did you accomplish?
Katz We have a congressional delegation that was forged out of 68Danny Davis, antiwar, civil rights; Luis Gutierrez, Young Lords; Jan Schakowsky, consumer and antiwar advocate. It was the ending, for better or for worse, of an illusion which all of us children of the 50s grew up withthat the U.S. was a total democracy and that our foreign policy was benign. It changed the way power was shared and policy was forged in this country.
Did your participation lead to any difficulties or consequences?
Katz: I dont know for other people; I mean, I think I probably have the longest arrest record of anyone here, since the older Daley really hated me. The longest arrest record17 arrests in that period of time. But in the end, I think it also made me who I was. And it gave me every skill as an organizer, as an intellectual, as a writerwho left school because I believed there was a revolution. Michael recruited me as a young kid in my sophomore year.
Knowing what you know now, what might you have done differently?
Katz Nothing!
I think I was who I was now. I think that by the summer of 68, women were pretty strong, while we were fighting in SDS around womens stuff, I think Bernardine [Dohrn] and I felt prettyleadership, in that nobody was going to push us around.
Do you think people were more passionate then?
Katz: Well, men were, as there was a draftand it very directly affected them. In general, I dont think the issue was passion, but a sense of possibility. We felt very empowered in the 60s, that what we did would/could make a difference. The world was a revolutionary place from Paris to Prague, with socialist and progressive countries thriving, and liberation movements throughout Africa. I think today there is a greater sense of desperation, a sensea realitythat nothing we do will affect Bush, et al. (proven to be true). More people demonstrated against Iraq and Bush just told them, us, and the world to go screwthat no amount of opposition would stop their folly. Thus, the pull of electoral politics this time around a feeling that only taking over the government can stop the madness.
We learn from The New Republic that it was this same Marilyn Katz who gave Barack Obama the platform where he first spoke out against the Iraq war:
Cinderella Story by Michael Crowley
Is Obamas Iraq record really a fairy tale?
Wednesday, February 27, 2008
On the last weekend of September 2002, Marilyn Katz, a p.r. maven and former aide to Chicago Mayor Harold Washington, was awoken by a phone call from her old friend Betty Lu Saltzman. We have to do something about Bushs drive to war, said Saltzman, a wealthy political gadfly in her seventies. Katz agreed. The two women contacted friends on the local liberal-activist circuita bunch of old sixties radicals, says Katzabout staging a demonstration. A slew of local politicians were invited to speak. Few accepted. One of them was Obama
From this Washington Post article we learn that this was Barack Obamas coming out as a speaker, according Ms. Katz:
Finding Political Strength in the Power of Words
Oratory Has Helped Drive Obamas Career and Critics Questions
By Alec MacGillis
Tuesday, February 26, 2008; Page A01Obamas first real chance to address matters of higher import came in 2002, when he spoke at a rally against invading Iraq. Marilyn Katz, a longtime Chicago public relations consultant who helped organize the event, recalls it as a kind of coming-out for Obama as a public speaker.
People whod never heard of him said, Who is this guy? Katz said.
From this New York Times article we learn that Ms. Katz organized Vietnam War protests, threw nails in the street, and more recently, has hosted fundraisers for Barack Obama:
Pragmatic Politics, Forged on the South Side
By JO BECKER and CHRISTOPHER DREW
Published: May 11, 2008As a leader of Students for a Democratic Society then, Ms. Katz organized Vietnam War protests, throwing nails in the street to thwart the police
For better or worse, this is Chicago, said Ms. Katz, who has held fund-raisers for Mr. Obama at her home. Everyone is connected to everyone.
Indeed, Ms. Katz has become one of Mr. Obamas top bundlers, according to the Obama campaign website:
Raising from $50,000 to $100,000:
Wendy Abrams (Highland Park, IL)
Charles Adams (Geneva, Switzerland)
Marilyn Katz (Chicago, IL)
Meanwhile, when the relationship between Obama and Bill Ayers first surfaced back in April, Ms. Katz stepped forward to explain why this was not an issue.
From the Chicago Sun-Times:
Who is Bill Ayers?
2008 CAMPAIGN | Former radical or respected prof, hes a liability if Obamas nominated, Hillary warns.
April 18, 2008
BY CHRIS FUSCO AND ABDON M. PALLASCH Staff Reporters
Reached by the Sun-Times on her cell phone, Dohrn declined to comment. Ayers, who was traveling, did not return messages.
But friends like Chicago political strategist Marilyn Katz said Ayers should not be a campaign issue.
Katz met Ayers when he was 17 and they were members of Students for a Democratic Society, a group from which the Weather Underground splintered
What Bill Ayers and Bobby Rush did 40 years ago has nothing to do with the presidential campaign, Katz said
Funny she would say that.
It is ALWAYS a privilege to hear what wise old political commentators have to say (even if its from prison).
http://network.nationalpost.com/np/blogs/fullcomment/archive/2008/09/06/conrad-black-americans-face-the-most-important-election-choice-since-ronald-reagan.aspx
Conrad Black & the National Post wrote: |
The policy and ideological differences between the Unites States Democrats and Republicans this year are greater than in all the elections since the Second World War, except for Barry Goldwaters quixotic challenge to Lyndon B. Johnsons Great Society in 1964; George McGoverns kamikaze mission against Richard Nixon in 1972; and Ronald Reagans release of Jimmy Carter to spend more time with his family in 1980. The differences over taxes, the economy and medical care are profound -- and very complicated. Obama is proposing one of the greatest tax increases in world history, entirely on the wealthiest 40% of the U.S. population -- who already contribute more than 100% (yes, you read that correctly) of the U.S. governments personal income tax revenue. He is disguising it behind a welter of largely fictitious refundable tax credits. The increased tax on people of substantial income will be paid out to people who pay small amounts of tax or none at all. No part of this familiar process is a tax-cut, which is how it has been presented. The top tax-rate and the tax on capital gains and dividends would all rise by a full third, estate taxes would be raised to 45% and social-security payroll taxes would be raised for families earning over $250,000 a year. The Obama claims that all this would keep taxes at 18.2% of GDP, and would cover his vast spending plans, are nonsense. McCain would tax-incentivize productivity increases and legitimate industrial research and new technology, and would accelerate depreciation allowances, thereby encouraging capital investment; and would moderately reduce corporate and personal taxes. And he would distribute health-care tax credits to every adult, encouraging the public to seek care at the lowest prices. Obama, on the other hand, is proposing compulsory medical insurance, in a way that ensures that about half the population will get their coverage from the federal government. Neither candidate proposes caps on malpractice awards, insurance premiums or drug prices; thus assuring that under either candidates proposal, annual U.S. medical costs will rise substantially above their present staggering $2-trillion, and 16% of GDP, the highest of any country. The new president will face tough economic decisions, which would be better met by McCains than by Obamas program. Raising taxes when their economys on the verge of a possible recession, which the Democrats endlessly claim is already upon the country, is an economic recovery plan that went out of fashion with Herbert Hoover 75 years ago. The differences between the candidates over traditional litmus-test issues such as abortion and gun control, are more stark, though Obama fudged them rhetorically in his convention acceptance speech. He professed to respect the constitutional right to bear arms, but said he didnt want to sell AK-47 machine guns to criminals -- as if anyone were asking for that. (Readers will be aware that I am at the moment, technically a criminal in the United States, thanks to the perversities of the countrys justice system. I can attest that distributing AK-47s to all the residents here, on their release, would not raise the crime rate whatsoever. Those few who might want an AK-47 will lay hands on one whatever the federal government thinks about it.) Senator Obama said he respects the right to life, but that there were too many unwanted babies a supply-side take on abortion, in other words. McCain and his running mate, on the other hand, hold views of gun control and abortion that are unambiguously negative, but not authoritarian. Even more important are the seismic sociological appeals to white voters by the Democratic candidate, and to female voters by the Republicans. Senator Obama has told the black community to shape up, stop the disintegration of the African-American family and stop playing the victim card. The unspoken bargain is that if elevated to the White House by white America, he will end the moral oppression of white Americans by guilt-mongering black charlatans such as Jesse Jackson, Al Sharpton and Charlie Rangel. (Hence, Jacksons recent bitter complaint that Obama had abandoned his gonzo spiritual advisor, Jeremiah Wright, a stentorian peddler of black victimhood and white guilt.) Such people have led the black political community in the United States since the assassination of Martin Luther King 40 years ago. The vice-presidential candidacy of Sarah Palin is, in part, an effort to wrest the leadership of the feminist movement from the elite and militant left, and to put it in the hands of a silent majority of relatively traditional but ambitious women. It is a bold move to try to separate abortion from other issues generally associated with womens rights. The Democrats and the feminist media establishment failed in their effort to represent Governor Palin as a Dan Quayle dunce in drag, a trigger-happy Stepford Wife and negligent mother (because she would choose to run for vice president despite her young family and 17-year old unmarried, pregnant daughter). The frenzy of the initial assault, and the sanctimonious conceit that American women would be offended by the candidacy of such an allegedly ditzy yokel, showed that McCain had remembered the basic military strategic lessons to apply maximum force at the decisive point and achieve complete surprise: If the liberal Democrats are taking the high ground on extramarital sex and working motherhood, you know they are frightened. But even the Republicans were not prepared for the virtuosity of Ms. Palins debut on Wednesday night. Managing to be winsome and even ingenuous, while witty; hard-hitting without being a harridan; an authentic feminist about what women can aspire to, while being a traditionalist; a clean government achiever and a populist enemy of the oil companies excesses and the proverbial special interests; a spunky and endearing, yet effective, attack dog; she touched all the buttons. The early Democratic and media ripostes of offended American womanhood, lumpenbourgeois mediocrity and the primitive frontierswoman with a rifle in one hand and a Bible in the other, were completely inadequate. She is a naturally popular person, and a contrast with Joe Biden, a monotonous leftist journeyman, full of pretension and loquacity, a plagiarist (from Neil Kinnock of all people) with hair plugs. When Ms. Palin quoted the noisy nonentity the Democrats have inflicted on the Senate as majority leader, Harry Reid, as detesting John McCain, and said that was the greatest compliment the Republican nominee could receive, to deafening applause, a resonant tocsin sounded. George W. Bush has a low but far from unprecedented approval rating of about 30%. But the equivalent figure for the Congress is in single figures, a smaller percentage than the proportion of Americans who think Elvis Presley is alive. The Democrats have assumed for the last two years that all they had to do was mention the outgoing president and set out giant dumpsters to collect all the Democratic votes. Persevering readers will recall that I never thought so. The Democratic candidates propose a foreign policy of endless negotiation, punctuated only by Obamas apparent shot-from-the-hip promise that in search of Osama bin Laden, he would invade Pakistan, a nuclear power and ostensible ally, that has a population eight times that of Iraq. McCain, the veteran, ex-POW, son and grandson of admirals, is uninhibited about the use of the U.S.s immense military power in the legitimate national interest. He believes that the Vietnam War could and should have been won, and has not wavered in his support of the Iraq War, although he was rightly critical of the way the occupation was conducted prior to the surge. Obama and Biden believe recourse to military force is almost never justified. McCain and Palin believe in maintaining credible deterrence by measured retaliation when justified. These philosophical differences could lead to sharply different responses to international events. Senator Obama is and will be the political leader of African-Americans, whether he is the next president or not. This election should durably put the leadership of that community in his responsible hands; it could put the feminist political leadership in play between the militants and traditionalists; will determine whether the United States moves toward or further away from greater public sector influence on the economy and social services; and decide whether the U.S. armed forces become an Ozymandian white elephant or continue to be the most powerful geopolitical factor in the world. This is the most important election in the world since the rise of Ronald Reagan in 1980. |