[woodpusher]

woodpusher #123

After the war was decided, men of the South accepted the situation of af­fairs in good faith. The questions which had divided the sentiment of the people of the two sections, slavery and State rights, or the right of a State to secede from the Union, were regarded as having been settled forever by the highest tribunal, arms.

There was such general acquiescence in the authority of the government throughout the southern states, that the mere presence of a military force, without regard to numbers, was sufficient to maintain or­der. The good of the country, and required that the force kept in the interior, where there are many freedmen. Elsewhere in the Southern States, other than at coastal forts, no force was necessary.

In some of the States, the Freedman's Bureau affairs were not conducted with good judgment, and the belief, widely spread among the freedmen of the Southern States, that the lands of their former owners would, at least in part, be divided among them, has came from agents of this bureau.

Many, perhaps the majority, of the agents of the Freedmen’s Bureau advised the freedmen that they were expected to live by their own industry. They worked to secure employment for them. In some instances, the freed­man’s mind was not disabused of the idea that a freedman had the right to live without care or provision for the future. The effect of the belief in division of lands was idle­ness and accumulation in camps, towns, and cities.

Am I right, or am I a Lost Causer? You can say it. You know I'm right.

[jmacusa #124] The Freedman's Bureau was hated by Southern whites because Southern whites felt it attempted to make Whites feel inferior to Blacks. Ultimately the Freedman's Bureau was under funded and eventually failed. Reconstruction was resisted in the South, resentful at was felt as Union occupation. And no, you're not right about anything concerning the CW.

So, you think ULYSSES S. GRANT was not right about anything as quoted in my #123.

After the fighting ended, and before reconstruction began, the radicals lauched a propaganda campaign against the South. Frank Conner, in his highly esteemed book, The South Under Siege 1830-2000, noted at page 183, "President Johnson doubted the veracity of this new propaganda campaign, so he sent his own agency (including Ulysses S. Grant—not a noted sympathizer of the Confederate cause) southward to find out what was really happening there."

General Ulysses S. Grant filed his findings with President Andrew Johnson, and by good fortune I have a copy. You may find my statements at my #123 came directly from General Grant, and are largely direct quotations; so framed to enable you to make a fool of yourself yet again, this time by railing against the words of Ulysses S. Grant.

You really must add Ulysses S. GRANT to your ever growing list of Lost Causers who were not correct about anything concerning the civil war.

Headquarters
Armies of the United States,
Washington, D. C., Dec. 18, 1865.

Sir: In reply to your note of the 16th in­stant, requesting a report from me giving such information as I may be possessed of coming within the scope of the inquiries made by the Senate of the United States in their resolution of the 12th instant, I have the honor to submit the following:

With your approval, and also that of the honorable Secretary of War, I left Washington City on the 27th of last month for the purpose of making a tour of inspection through some of the Southern States, or States lately in rebellion, and to see what changes were necessary to be made in the disposition of the military forces of the country; how these forces could be re­duced and expenses curtailed, &c.; and to learn, as far as possible, the feelings and intentions of the citizens of those States towards the general government.

The State of Virginia being so accessible to Washington City, and information from this quarter, therefore, being readily obtained, I hastened through the State without conversing or meeting with any of its citizens. In Raleigh, N.C., I spent one day; in Charleston, S.C., two days; Savannah and Augusta. Ga., each one day. Both in travelling and while stopping I saw much and conversed freeley with the citi­zens of those States as well as with officers of the army who have been stationed among them. The following are the conclusions come to by me.

I am satisfied that the mass of thinking men of the South accept the present situation of af­fairs in good faith. The questions which have heretofore divided the sentiment of the people of the two sections—slavery and State rights, or the right of a State to secede from the Union—they regard as having been settled forever by the highest tribunal—arms—that man can re­sort to, I was pleased to learn from the lead­ing men whom I met that they not only ac­cepted the decision arrived at as final, but, now that the smoke of battle has cleared away and time has been given for reflection, that this decision has been a fortunate one for the whole country, they receiving like benefits from it with those who opposed them in the field and in council.

Four years of war, during which law was ex­ecuted only at the point of the bayonet through­out the States in rebellion, have left the people possibly in a condition not to yield that ready obedience to civil authority the American peo­ple have generally been in the habit of yielding. This would render the presence of small gar­risons throughout those States necessary until such time as labor returns to its proper channel, and civil authority is fully established. I did not meet any one, either those holding places under the government or citizens of the Southern States, who think it practicable to withdraw the military from the South at present. The white and the black mutually require the protection of the general government.

There is such universal acquiescence in the authority of the general government through­out the portions of country visited by me, that the mere presence of a military force, without regard to numbers, is sufficient to maintain or­der. The good of the country, and economy, require that the force kept in the interior, where there are many freedmen, (elsewhere in the Southern States than at forts upon the seacoast no force is necessary,) should all be white troops. The reasons for this are obvious with­out mentioning many of them. The presence of black troops, lately slaves, demoralizes la­bor, both by their advice and by furnishing in their camps a resort for the freedmen for long distances around. White troops generally ex­cite no opposition, and therefore a small num­ber of them can maintain order in a given dis­trict. Colored troops must be kept in bodies sufficient to defend themselves. It is not the thinking men who wonld use violence towards any class of troops sent among them by the general government, but the ignorant in some places might; and the late slave seems to be imbued with the idea that the property of his late master should, by right, belong to him, or at least should have no protection from the colored soldier. There is danger of collisions being brought on by such cauees.

My observations lead me to the conclusion that the citizens of the Southern States are anxious to return to self-government, within the Union, as soon as possible; that whilst re­constructing they want and require protection from the government; that they are in earnest in wishing to do what they think is required by the government, not humiliating to them as citizens, and that if such a course were pointed out they would pursue it in good faith. It is to be regretted that there cannot be a greater commingling, at this time, between the citizens of the two sections, and particularly of those intrusted with the law-making power.

I did not give the operations of the Freed­men’s Bureau that attention I would have done if more time had been at my disposal. Conversations on the subject, however, with officers connected with the bureau, lead me to think that, in some of the States, its affairs have not been conducted with good judgment or economy, and that the belief, widely spread among the freedmen of the Southern States, that the lands of their former owners will, at least in part, be divided among them, has come from agents of this bureau. This belief is seriously interfer­ing with the willingness of the freedmen to make contracts for the coming year. In some form the Freedmen’s Bureau is an absolute ne­cessity until civil law is established and enforced, securing to the freedmen their rights and full protection. At present, however, it is in­dependent of the military establishment of the country, and seems to be operated by the differ­ent agents of the bureau according to their in­dividual notions. Everywhere General Howard, the able head of the bureau, made friends by the just and fair instructions and advice he gave; but the complaint in South Carolina was that when he left, things went on as before. Many, perhaps the majority, of the agents of the Freedmen’s Bureau advise the freedmen that by their own industry they must expect to live. To this end they endeavor to secure employment for them, and to see that both con­tracting parties comply with their engagements. In some instances, I am sorry to say, the freed­man’s mind does not seem to be disabused of the idea that a freedman has the right to live without care or provision for the future. The effect of the belief in division of lands is idle­ness and accumulation in camps, towns, and cities. In such cases I think it will be found that vice and disease will tend to the extermi­nation or great reduction of the colored race. It cannot be expected that the opinions held by men at the South for years can be changed in a day, and therefore the freedmen require, for a few years, not only laws to protect them, but the fostering care of those who will give them good counsel, and on whom they rely.

The Freedmen’s Bureau being separated from the military establishment of the country, re­quires all the expense of a separate organiza­tion. One does not necessarily know what the other is doing, or what orders they are acting under. It seems to me this could be corrected by rewardng every officer on duty with troops in the Southern States as an agent of the Freed­men’s Bureau, and then have all orders from the head of the bureau sent through department commanders. This would create a responsibility that would secure uniformity of action throughout all the South; would insure the orders and instructions from the head of the bureau being carried out, and would relieve from duty and pay a large number of employees of the government.

I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

U. S. GRANT,
Lieutenant General.

His Excellency Andrew Johnson,
President of the United States.

[jmacusa]

Grant defeated Lee, didn't he? You cut and paste very nicely.
And the South by and large didn't accept their defeat gracefully despite Lincoln telling grant as he left for Appomattox "Let them up easy''. Lee could at least understand the war was lost. Davis wanted to continue fighting it from Mexico. To make my statement clear, what your view of the CW is wrong. I'm not a history professor and neither are you. Bro Joe K on the other hand is and the man knows the subject. He makes you look like an idiot every time you try to engage him.