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http://www.freerepublic.com/focus/f-news/1543943/posts
BX. CLUB GETS BOOT (funneled $875K to Air America by card-carrying Commie)

ping

tattoo

FBI Tracked Alleged Russian Mob Ties of Giuliani Campaign Supporter

By Knut Royce / The Center for Public Integrity

LONG READ REST HERE: http://216.239.51.104/search?q=cache:IbwSNBinJ5QJ:store.publicintegrity.org/report.aspx%3Faid%3D323+SEMYON+KISLIN+Big+political+donor+&hl=en

WASHINGTON, December 14, 1999 — The Center for Public Integrity is investigating how billions of dollars of allegedly corrupted money from the former Soviet Union have found a haven in the United States, despite strict anti-laundering laws. Last month, the Center reported how a small San Francisco bank became a conduit for questionable funds as it, like many other banks around the country, aggressively pursued the cash from the former Soviet Bloc.

Today the Center reports on how political campaigns, also aggressively chasing after cash, end up with equally questionable contributions as suspected Russian organized crime figures seek to move into the U.S. political mainstream In future articles, the Center will show how the failure to sift the good money from bad is being replayed all over America.

A prominent commodities trader who acknowledges a business history with a reputed Soviet Bloc crime figure and a notorious arms dealer has been one of New York Mayor Rudy Giuliani's top campaign supporters. Giuliani is expected to be the Republican candidate next year for a U.S. Senate seat from New York (as of Dec 14, 1999).

Commodities trader Semyon (Sam) Kislin and his family also lavished thousands of dollars in contributions to Democratic Sen. Charles Schumer, to the Clinton-Gore re-election campaign, to former Republican Sen. Alfonse D'Amato and to a number of state and city politicians. Kislin sits on the New York City Economic Development Board.

Kislin is not alone among emigres from the former Soviet Union who have successfully established themselves in the United States while law enforcement agencies, particularly the FBI, track their alleged associations with organized crime.

The Center for Public Integrity has obtained confidential law enforcement documents detailing the activities of dozens of the emigres, but authorities rarely make cases and still less share the intelligence outside their departments.

A 1996 Interpol report claims that Kislin's firm, Trans Commodities, Inc., was used by two reputed mobsters from Uzbekistan, Lev and Mikhail Chernoy, for fraud and embezzlement. And a confidential 1994 FBI intelligence report on the Brooklyn, N.Y., mob organization headed by Vyacheslav Ivankov, the imprisoned godfather of Russian organized crime in the United States, lists Kislin as a "member/associate" of Ivankov's gang. It claims that his company co-sponsored a Russian crime boss and contract killer for a U.S. visa and asserts that he was a "close associate" of the late notorious arms smuggler Babeck Seroush, who later settled in Russia.

In a telephone interview on Dec. 17, Kislin confirmed he had employed Mikhail Chernoy at Trans Commodities, but said he didn't know Ivankov. "I never met this guy; I never saw him in my life," he said. He said that someone had forged his signature to obtain the hit man's visa. And, he confirmed, "I used to do business with Babeck Seroush."

Giuliani's prospective Democratic opponent, first lady Hillary Rodham Clinton, returned a $1,000 contribution several weeks ago after the newsmagazine U.S. News & World Report disclosed it had been given by the wife of one of Bulgaria's alleged top racketeers, Ilia Pavlov, who lives in the United States.

Recipient
Amount
Source of Funds

Kathleen Brown $25,000 Golden ADA contribution to gubernatorial campaign

Alan Hevesi $11,000 Sam, David and Henry Kislin

Rudolph Giuliani $14,250 Semyon and Ludmila Kislin, direct contributions, 1994 and 1997. Kislin hosted a fund-raiser for Giuliani at a Brooklyn restaurant: amount raised unknown.

Rudolph Giuliani $1,000 Arik Kislin, 1995.

Jules Polenetsky $7,700 Kislin contribution when Polenetsky ran

New York Liberal Party $30,000 Kislin donation during Giuliani mayoral campaign on that ticket.

Clinton-Gore $2,000 Semyon and Ludmila Kislin, primary committee 1995.

Hillary Clinton $1,000 Wife of an alleged Bulgarian top racketeer, Ilia Pavlov. The money was subsequently returned.

National Republican Congressional Committee $2,750 Jacob Bogatin, president of YBM Magnex, donations in 1996 and 19997.

Charles Schumer $8,000 Sam, Ludmila, son David and daughter Regina, $2,000 each, 1998.

Former Sen. Alfonse D'Amato $1,000 Sam Kislin

Bob Dole $250 Ludmila Kislin

Sources: Federal Election Commission, New York Campaign Finance Board, Guiliani campaign and news reports

33 posted on 12/20/2005 12:07:35 PM EST by Liz

http://www.freerepublic.com/focus/f-news/1379128/posts
Chasing the death dividend

When the U.S. Coast Guard raided a Russian fishing vessel on the Pacific Ocean in 2001, investigators hit a jackpot: more than 12 tons of chalky powder hidden beneath a mountain of frozen squid, the largest haul of cocaine ever intercepted at sea.

At the time, they had no idea they also had tapped in to what federal authorities call another massive deception.

Agents tracing the source of the cocaine and probing possible money laundering eventually seized files that led deep into one of the financial industry's darkest corners: investing in the life spans of old or dying people, transactions known as viaticals.

Based on those records, federal authorities are investigating Mutual Benefits Corp. of Florida and filed a civil complaint two months ago that the Ft. Lauderdale-based viatical seller made false promises of extraordinary profit as it reeled in $1billion from 29,000 investors.

But a Tribune investigation found that Mutual Benefits is just one example of alleged deception in the rapidly growing viatical industry, a loosely regulated, often-misunderstood world that is riddled with fraud.

Dozens of companies selling viaticals maintain stellar regulatory records and have been consistently profitable. But since 1998, more than 100 companies have run afoul of state laws and regulations, records show.

The Tribune reviewed thousands of court files, analyzed government enforcement records from across the country and studied 400 current and defunct companies, piecing together a troubling portrait of an evolving industry.

In a viatical transaction, a person with, for example, a $100,000 life insurance policy might sell it for $50,000--though that figure could be lower or higher--and the investor is entitled to the full amount, minus commissions. The cold calculus is inescapable: The quicker the original policyholder dies, the better the investment.

But those profits often have proved elusive, while the industry has proved resistant to reform.

The Tribune investigation found that:

- Despite the industry's problems, a dozen states have failed to adopt laws restricting viatical businesses. Two dozen other states, including Illinois, rely only on vague regulations that serve to provide haven to troubled companies. Mutual Benefits was banned from doing business in five states but continued to operate in Florida--and in Illinois.

- Since 1995, at least 56 industry executives have been convicted of felonies for activities ranging from elaborate pyramid schemes--companies selling non-existent policies--to recruiting terminally ill patients to apply for multiple policies without disclosing their conditions, state and federal court records show.

- At least half a dozen doctors have been accused of manipulating medical diagnoses in attempts to assure investors that policyholders were near death. In most cases, these doctors delivered life expectancies without consulting with patients or their doctors.

- Companies commonly ply investors with complex contracts that downplay financial risks and obscure key disclosures, more than a dozen state investigations found. Behind advertisements guaranteeing safe and secure investments is the reality that investors may be responsible for premiums if the policyholder lives beyond life expectancy. Over time, that means investors could lose part of their principal.

"This is not a certificate of deposit," said William Scott Paige, the Florida founder of Wm. Paige & Associates, one of the country's oldest viatical companies. "No one can ever accurately predict life expectancy. They can make estimates and projections. But that's all they are."

Viaticals, which got their name from a Latin word meaning "provisions for a long journey," have gained in popularity in the past decade. When executed honestly, the deals can benefit everyone involved.

Policyholders gain a tax-free influx of cash that can be used to feather their last days in comfort, from dream vacations to new medicines.

Investors can receive rates of return double or triple that of safer investments, such as certificates of deposit or mutual funds. And the companies and brokers typically profit by taking a commission out of the money investors pay.

Eager to shed its image of shady deals, the industry now refers to its wares as life settlements. And instead of focusing on terminally ill policyholders, companies have expanded their reach to include most any older person.

But that has not been enough to reform the industry.

"We are very vulnerable to fraud and bad players," said Doug Head, director of the Viatical and Life Settlement Association of America, an Orlando-based trade group. "States don't know how to grapple with us. We are in deep need of standards."

Lawyers for Mutual Benefits say the company ran into problems not because of fraudulent business tactics or low standards in the industry but because regulators were overaggressive, which led to the raid on the company's offices.

"It's not a Ponzi scheme," said Jon Sale, a Miami attorney representing one of the company's officers. "Evidence will show that there's $200 million in escrow to pay [insurance] premiums with, which the company was not required to do."

He also disputed the Securities and Exchange Commission's claim that phony life-expectancy estimates were given to investors before they purchased a policy.

"Of course there are a lot of fraudulent viatical companies," Sale said. "But this isn't one of them."

AIDS afforded opportunities

Viatical companies grew quickly in the 1980s as the AIDS crisis presented an opportunity to buy large numbers of policies from dying patients. Mutual Benefits was founded later, in 1994, but still focused on AIDS patients and rapidly expanded to be one of the nation's largest buyers of benefits.

By the late 1990s, as medical advances prolonged the lives of many AIDS patients, payouts from Mutual Benefits' investments slowed down drastically. But the company didn't reveal this to future investors, according to SEC charges.

The company was formed in the mid-1990s by Leslie and Joel Steinger; their brother Steven, who goes by the last name Steiner; and Peter Lombardi, a family friend, according to a deposition from Steiner last month. All but Steiner have been named in the SEC civil complaint, though his consulting company was included.

The SEC's civil complaint accuses Mutual Benefits of improperly using investors' money. In response to the commission's request, a federal judge froze the company's assets and put it in receivership. The Florida Office of Statewide Prosecution has filed criminal charges of racketeering and investment fraud, while the state's Department of Insurance has suspended the company's viatical license.

The SEC in its complaint questioned the legitimacy of nearly $26 million paid by Mutual Benefits to an array of consulting firms connected to the brothers and Lombardi.

Les Steinger's Rainy Consulting Group received $9 million over four years, while Lombardi's PJL Consulting Inc. got $8.3million, Joel Steinger's Kensington Management Inc. was paid $6.3 million, and Steiner's SKS Consulting took in $2.3million, according to court documents.

Accurately predicting life expectancy is the linchpin of the viatical and life settlement industry. But because the process can be shrouded in secrecy, this calculation often has been the first point of deception.

The life-expectancy factor

George and Rose Bonomo of Plainfield, southwest of Chicago, reviewed the medical analysis provided by Mutual Benefits before investing $100,000 in 1996 on the insurance policies of two HIV-positive men.

They received a letter signed by Dr. Clark Mitchell affirming that the first man was expected to die within a year and the second within three years. The Bonomos are suing Mutual Benefits. Their Chicago attorney, Rick Schoenfield, provided an account of what happened to them.

The medical letters, which are meant to assure investors that life expectancy has been gauged by an independent, comprehensive medical review, held great weight for the Bonomos, Schoenfield said.

In the Bonomos' case, each AIDS patient received a discounted payoff, about 70 percent of their policies' face value, and Mutual Benefits received a commission. If both men died as expected, the Bonomos expected to receive just under a 30 percent return on their investment.

In the late 1980s, an AIDS diagnosis often meant death was swift and certain. By the late '90s, however, medical advances stunted many cases, and viatical companies were put on shaky ground.

Many companies' portfolios crashed because too many patients lived too far beyond expectations, state bankruptcy records show.

In some cases, doctors admitted, they earned fat fees as long as their life-expectancy estimates did not spoil the investment potential of a policy.

This year, as the Bonomos waited for the investment to pay off and couldn't get their phone calls returned, they grew suspicious. On April 30, they filed a civil claim against Mutual Benefits in U.S. District Court in Chicago.

Three days later, government agents seized control of the company, leveling a flurry of accusations, including that Mitchell and other doctors fabricated life expectancies.

With the company now in the grip of bankruptcy, they aren't sure they will collect anything, Schoenfield said.

Federal and state agents charge that Mutual Benefits masked the fact that 90 percent of policyholders, most of whom have AIDS, had lived substantially beyond life expectancy. Mutual Benefits' portfolio was not diversified to offset risks, court records show.

Doctors implicated

But the core problem, government investigators concluded in May, was that about 65 percent of policies purchased by Mutual Benefits were assigned life expectancies that were not based on "any meaningful review or confirmation by an independent physician." In their May complaint against Mutual Benefits, SEC investigators claim Mitchell was one of the culprits.

Mitchell's attorney did not return calls.

This was not the first time Mitchell's name had appeared on questionable medical diagnoses. In 2001, he was charged with 25 felony counts involving fraud based on allegations that he fabricated or manipulated life-expectancy records for Mutual Benefits. Information about the case is unavailable because the file has been sealed, according to court officials.

Government agents also detailed the actions of another physician, Edgar Escobar, who is accused of arbitrarily calculating estimates based on the wishes of Mutual Benefits founder Joel Steinger.

"Substantially all of the life expectancies purportedly assigned by Mitchell and Escobar were in fact determined by [Joel] Steinger," according to an SEC affidavit. The doctors often did not review medical records to confirm diagnosis or plot life expectancy. Instead, they issued "fraudulent life-expectancy figures that had already been designated by [Joel] Steinger."

A third doctor, Anthony LaMarca, was paid to verify life expectancies, according to court records. About 20 percent of his cases were adjusted to shorter time periods considered more acceptable to Joel Steinger, government investigators said in court filings.

In an interview, LaMarca disputed claims that 20 percent of his cases were adjusted, calling the figure closer to 3 percent.

"Those were revised because new medical information was brought to light," he said. LaMarca, who said he has cooperated with the SEC, said his medical reviews were not done on patients who had AIDS or were HIV-positive.

Mutual Benefits is only the most recent company stung by allegations of life-expectancy fraud. Nestled in the ocean resort town of Delray Beach, Fla., Dedicated Resources was one of the darlings of the industry until its sudden and unexpected collapse in 2001. The company blamed unforeseen medical advances for prolonging life spans. Disenchanted investors refused to pay extra premiums to keep the policies active.

Raking in millions

Court records provide a more detailed snapshot of a company that raked in multimillion-dollar salaries for founder Michael Zadoff and other family members, and show fat fees paid to an out-of-state doctor who estimated life expectancies after reading abbreviated medical files sent in overnight mail packets.

Dedicated Resources' medical review of patients consisted of a 30-minute examination of photocopied patient files by Dr. Lon Baratz in Rochester, N.Y., according to depositions filed in a Florida civil suit by disgruntled investors.

Baratz testified that he received $75 to $100 for each assessment. He rendered opinions without talking to the original physician or patient, according to his 2002 deposition in a pending civil case.

Patient files were bundled together by the dozens and shipped overnight to Baratz. Files never included copies of X-rays or other information that would have allowed an independent review. But photocopies of original doctors' medical charts were available, Baratz testified.

From 1993 to 1998, Baratz reviewed about 800 files and was paid about $70,000, according to his deposition in a recent civil case. Baratz was asked by attorneys representing investors to produce his records. Baratz said he shredded everything.

"It just made sense," he said.

Baratz did not respond to a request for an interview.

Viatical industry trade groups have long complained that their industry is unfairly tainted by the media. In 1999, Deborah Rhoades, then vice president of the National Viatical Association, told The Associated Press that fraud is not widespread.

Two years later, Rhoades was convicted in one of Ohio's largest viatical swindles. She had risen to become president of the now-defunct Washington, D.C.-based industry trade group.

Rhoades' case was linked to convictions of 17 other viatical executives, including fellow Ohioan J. Richard Jamieson. His company, Liberte Capital, defrauded more than 3,000 people of $100 million, court records show.

Once the owner of luxury cars and mansions, Jamieson was sentenced to 20 years in prison in December. He was ordered to repay about $92 million for the embezzlement and his role in coaching AIDS victims on how to lie to obtain policies.

Liberte Capital bought policies for pennies on the dollar. Investors were to be paid when the policyholders died. Because of this investigation, 85 insurance companies canceled most of the fraudulent policies. The insurance companies saved more than $25 million; investors lost everything.

The viatical industry's history is stamped by dozens of such fallen companies and executives. Michael Lee Davis founded his own viatical company after he was paroled from prison. He had been convicted in 1981 of murder for his role in a Houston murder-for-hire plot in which a husband, wife and son were killed for their insurance benefits.

Once Davis was freed, he again turned to life insurance to earn money. But he and his viatical company, First American Fidelity Corp., soon ran afoul of the law again.

In 2000, he was convicted of fraud for recruiting 20 people to lie about pre-existing medical conditions to obtain $5 million in policies. Davis used the falsely obtained policies to take money from investors, a Texas court found.

Policyholder scams

Scams in the industry also have involved the original policyholders.

Four years ago, more than 50 FBI and state agents poured into the Lexington, Ky., headquarters of Kelco Viatical and its subsidiary, Genesis Viatical, in an investigation dubbed Operation Clean Sheet.

To secure more policies, Kelco encouraged AIDS patients to get small life insurance policies that did not require medical tests. Kelco bought the policies and resold them to investors who were promised up to 30 percent returns, according to court records.

But the insurance companies learned of the fraud and canceled the policies, leaving investors with no hope of recovering their investments. The crime is known as clean sheeting because policyholders falsely claim their medical records are clean.

The FBI convicted 19 people of the scheme, including the company's top three executives. After being sentenced to 14 years in prison in 2003, Kelco founder Stephen Keller became a fugitive. He was tracked to Panama and arrested by U.S. marshals in February.

Government regulators have struggled to do something as simple as legally define viaticals and life settlements. What has emerged is a confusing latticework of regulations and legal opinions, allowing shady and nimble companies to easily hopscotch across state borders to avoid government investigators.

At the heart of the debate is whether a viatical or life settlement transaction should be regulated as an insurance product or as a security. The viatical industry describes itself as an alternative niche of the mainstream insurance industry, arguing it should fall under the authority of state insurance regulators, which generally are not as aggressive in pursuing fraud as federal agents.

The federal government believes the industry oversteps the traditional insurance market. The government argues that viaticals are clearly investments and should be governed as securities, which have strict federal regulations.

Renewed debate

The debate has been revived by the Mutual Benefits case. Lawyers for the company argued in court that federal securities law did not apply to the firm's deals.

On June 25, U.S. District Judge Federico Moreno sided with the SEC, finding that the investors in policy benefits offered by the company are putting money into a type of security. Mutual Benefits' attorneys immediately announced plans to file an appeal.

Moreno's ruling is at odds with a 1996 decision that resulted when the SEC filed a civil case against Texas-based Life Partners Inc. A federal appeals court sided with Life Partners' argument that it was fundamentally selling an insurance product.

The SEC's case against Mutual Benefits is widely seen as pivotal in the argument over how to regulate the industry. Should the SEC prevail, the federal precedent could be the spark to touch off new, specific state securities laws, said Tanya Solov, director of the Illinois Department of Securities.

Entangled with drug dealers

Mutual Benefits, which is in receivership, has been the focal point of more than a half-dozen Florida investigations in the past decade. But it took a federal investigation into drugs to uncover the business documents that led to the company's downfall.

Carl Villazon, a Florida deputy and forensic accountant on a task force attached to the U.S. Department of Homeland Security, helped raid Mutual Benefits offices in November 2002.

"Specifically, the investigation concerns allegations of laundering of narcotics proceeds through investment-grade viatical and life insurance policies," he wrote in an affidavit unsealed this year in U.S. District Court in Florida.

Since the high seas drug bust in 2001 aboard the Svesda Maru, agents have unearthed an elaborate criminal network of Mexican and Russian crime lords working in collusion with Colombian drug cartels. A trail of cash led to Mutual Benefits, according to court records.

Six cartel members, including one who was a Mutual Benefits contractor, have been indicted for drug dealing and money laundering. Mutual Benefits is named but not charged. Company attorneys say they did not know the foreign-based investment money represented laundered drug proceeds.

In his affidavit, Villazon detailed how the federal task force turned over an array of files and computers to the SEC in March. Armed with the evidentiary windfall, the SEC and Florida regulators took action. Many of the records seized from company files in 2002 were filed in court this year, stripping away the facade of a company on the brink of a financial abyss.

None of the executives or their attorneys would comment on the accusations.

Colombian success story

Court records reveal that Mutual Benefits marketed viaticals in Mexico and South America beginning in 2001. In Ecuador, for example, the company detailed plans to unleash 50 brokers, with the goal of grabbing an estimated $24 million from investors.

Their most successful contractor was in Colombia. Jaime Rey Albornoz, a globe-trotting broker, had the uncanny ability to rake in millions of dollars, as shown by company records submitted as exhibits in the SEC's pending case.

Albornoz was indicted last month as a drug cartel member along with four co-defendants, who are charged with moving millions of illegal drug dollars around the world and into Mutual Benefits investments, according to the federal indictment filed in U.S. District Court in Florida. Prosecutors allege that the cartel planned to profit not only from the legitimate investment results but from the commissions earned by Albornoz.

Co-defendant Rodrigo Jose Murillo also has been indicted in San Diego in connection with the drug seizure aboard the Svesda Maru.

Federal officials have not filed any drug-related charges against officers of Mutual Benefits. But they say their investigation shows that this is the first time suspected drug traffickers have used insurance investment companies as sanctuaries for dirty money.

Almost three years ago, Albornoz was buoyant as he recapped recent successes, including helping sell 1,000 policies valued at $25 million, according to company memos submitted as exhibits to the court.

"Using the words of a Colombian airline, `We must be doing something right,"' Albornoz wrote to Joel Steinger.

Albornoz detailed business meetings in Chile and Toronto, where he reportedly obtained tentative commitments from managers of large mutual and pension funds interested in funneling $100 million into investments.

"The potential is so big," he concluded, "that I do not think we are large enough to handle future demands."

Is the Odessa Mafia related to the ODESSA Network?

Ping, Calpernia has put together a thread that will make you wake up and ask where you were while it happened all around you.

The posts in comments will pull much of it into a complete package.

Excellent thread to read.

Saw your post about MS 13 and refugees. Thought you might find the tidbits in here about the jails being emptied as refugees. Seems to be a trend.

Great work, Cal! Thanks for the eye opener.

Kerry

BTTT

Russian Mafia

My name is Anton. I moved to Anchorage from Magadan in 1993. I would like to tell you about organized crime in Russia and America, or what is known as the Russian Mafia.

The Russian Mafia is all over the United States, but Brighten Beach, Brooklyn, in New York City is the place where you can definitely find the Russian Mafia. There is a part of town which is called "Little Odessa" which has many Russian stores, casinos, restaurants and hotels. In America the Russian Mafia is involved in smuggling drugs, guns and nuclear materials. They also control prostitution. Another way of making money for Russian Mafia is to hustle rich Russian sport stars. Some Russian hockey players have been threatened by the Russian Mafia. In some cases Mafia would kidnap athletes' parents who live in Russia and hold them for ransom or as a way to blackmail the athletes.

In Russia the Mafia's influence is becoming huge. They manipulate the economy of Russia by controlling banks, industry and commerce. They also have infiltrated the world of politics through bribery and by placing their members in public office. Russian Mafia provides security for business. If business has a problem with labor or another business, the business owner contacts a Mafia representative who takes care of the problem and problem is quickly, quietly and efficiently resolved. Also the Mafia signs contracts on those people who don't want to be part of illegal scams. The Russian government is trying to fight against the Russian Mafia, but it's extremely difficult because of the mafia's strong influence in the government. Last year in Russia around 40,000 people were murdered and 70,000 disappeared-probably never to be heard again. The murder rate in Russia is three times higher than in New York City. The Russian Mafia is considered one of the cruelest organized crime families.

Vagit Alekperov - Oil Magnate
Vagit Alekperov, 52, was born in 1950 in Baku, Azerbaijan, one of the earliest centers of the international petroleum industry. His father worked in the oil fields all his life and inspired Alekperov to follow in his footsteps. He was 18 when he landed his first job in the industry. Alekperov attended Azerbaijan Institute of Oil and Chemistry, then trained as an engineer to work in the nearby Caspian Sea oil fields. In 1979, he was sent to western Siberia, where he would later become general director of local oil and gas producer Kogalymneftgaz, a position he held until 1990. By 1991, Alekperov had established himself as an industry expert, winning an appointment as first deputy minister of fuel and energy, then as acting minister. He used his newly attained power to lobby for the consolidation of Russia's three oil producers into one company -- then assumed presidency of the new company. His nicknames, "the General," "Alek the First" and "the Don," are indicative of his indisputable authority at LUKoil, whose name came from the first letters of the three companies that consolidated-- Langepas, Urai and Kogalym. Today LUKoil is among the world's most powerful oil companies, with reserves second only to Exxon. Like many other oligarchs, Alekperov has moved into banking and media.

Estimated Worth:
$1.3 billion

Current Position:
Chairman, LUKoil

Major Holdings:
LUKoil

Other Interests:
Imperial Bank; in the television industry, TV-31, REN-TV, and TCN; the newsdaily Izvestia; Russian Oil magazine

Political Connections:
While acting minister of fuel and energy, Alexperov conceived of, created and secured the presidency of LUKoil.

New Plays:
In 2003, LUKoil negotiated new exploration contracts in western Iran, Egypt's Gulf of Suez, Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan. In 2002, LUKoil signed a six-year contract with Ecopetrol (Empresa Colombiana de Petroleos), the Colombian state oil company, to explore and produce in the Llanos petroleum basin. LUKoil also owns its own refineries and filling stations, including 1,300 in the United States, which it acquired after its purchase of Getty Oil in 2000. LUKoil was the first Russian company to acquire a publicly traded U.S. corporation.

Notoriety:
In 1997, the Russian newsdaily Izvestia detailed allegations linking top LUKoil officials to organized crime. In a blow against press freedom, LUKoil, a major shareholder in the newspaper, promptly took over a majority on the newspaper's board and fired its top editors.

http://www.russianlaw.org/roc_csis.pdf
RUSSIAN ORGANIZED CRIME

Where is Ivanka from?

Giuliani is associated with criminals......

FBI Tracked Alleged Russian Mob Ties of Giuliani Campaign Supporter

By Knut Royce, The Center for Public Integrity

WASHINGTON, December 14, 1999 — The Center for Public Integrity is investigating how billions of dollars of allegedly corrupted money from the former Soviet Union have found a haven in the United States, despite strict anti-laundering laws. Last month, the Center reported how a small San Francisco bank became a conduit for questionable funds as it, like many other banks around the country, aggressively pursued the cash from the former Soviet Bloc.

Today the Center reports on how political campaigns, also aggressively chasing after cash, end up with equally questionable contributions as suspected Russian organized crime figures seek to move into the U.S. political mainstream In future articles, the Center will show how the failure to sift the good money from bad is being replayed all over America.

A prominent commodities trader who acknowledges a business history with a reputed Soviet Bloc crime figure and a notorious arms dealer has been one of (then) New York Mayor Rudy Giuliani's top campaign supporters. Giuliani is expected to be the Republican candidate next year for a U.S. Senate seat from New York.

Commodities trader Semyon (Sam) Kislin and his family also lavished thousands of dollars in contributions to Democratic Sen. Charles Schumer, to the Clinton-Gore re-election campaign, to former Republican Sen. Alfonse D'Amato and to a number of state and city politicians. Kislin sits on the New York City Economic Development Board.

Denies Laundering Funds. Kislin denied that his firm had ever laundered funds. "Never, never," he said. New York FBI spokesman Joseph Valiquette, told that the Center was preparing an article about Kislin based in part on FBI documents, declined to comment. What the FBI and other law enforcement organizations knew or suspected was never shared with the public.

To his neighbors and friends, the 64-year-old Kislin, who immigrated from Odessa, Ukraine, in 1974, is an enormously successful businessman who generously shares his wealth with charitable causes. And to Giuliani, Kislin is one of his staunchest supporters. Kislin and his wife, Ludmila, gave Giuliani a total of $14,250 in direct contributions between 1994 and 1997. In addition, when Giuliani's campaign chest approached the maximum he could spend for re-election in 1997, $9.7 million, Kislin was one of several top backers of the mayor who supported the Liberal Party, which had endorsed the mayor and helped finance his campaign, according to The Village Voice. One of Kislin's companies gave $30,000 to the Liberals.

Kislin also kicked in $7,700 to Jules Polenetsky, who was running with Giuliani for the city's office of public advocate and could share political advertisement costs with the mayor. Giuliani's campaign manager had asked the mayor's major contributors to help finance Polenetsky's campaign.

Giuliani Fund-Raiser. In 1996, Kislin hosted a fund-raiser for Giuliani, a former hard-charging federal prosecutor, at the Lido Restaurant in Brooklyn. And last May 25, Kislin also was a co-chair for a Giuliani fund-raiser at the Sheraton New York Hotel and Towers. The bash raised $2.1 million for his probable run for the Senate next year.

"I did a lot of fund raising for Giuliani," Kislin acknowledged. "He's a good man, doing a good job for the city of New York." Bruce Teitelbaum, the spokesman for Giuliani's Senate campaign exploratory committee, refused through an aide to comment on Semyon Kislin's support of Giuliani. Teitelbaum refused to return calls himself. The mayor's press secretary, Sunny Mindel, said "I don't know anything about the mayor's contributors," and referred the question to Teitelbaum. The campaign did return a $2,000 check last August that it had received at the Sheraton Hotel fund-raiser from Philip Castellano, son of the late racketeer Paul Castellano, even though the younger Castellano has never been accused of a crime. Arik Kislin, Semyon's nephew, contributed $1,000 to the mayor in 1995.

--SNIP--

Here is a partial list of prominent politicians who have received campaign donations from Kislin and other people mentioned in police reports. Records were checked from 1994 to the most recent available.

LONG READ/GO HERE FOR LIST:

http://72.14.203.104/search?q=cache:hEltFDTB_aYJ:www.publicintegrity.org/report.aspx%3Faid%3D323

http://www.worldnetdaily.com/news/article.asp?ARTICLE_ID=17655
Gore condoned Russian mafia?

http://www.worldnetdaily.com/news/article.asp?ARTICLE_ID=17657
MOB RULE, Part 2
Gore’s, Talbott’s Red Russian roots

http://www.freerepublic.com/focus/f-chat/1529927/posts
CIS - Canada: The Organized Crime Marketplace in Canada