An opposing view: Descendant of black Confederate soldier speaks at museum

THOMASVILLE -- Nelson Winbush knows his voice isn't likely to be heard above the crowd that writes American history books. That doesn't keep him from speaking his mind, however.

A 75-year-old black man whose grandfather proudly fought in the gray uniform of the South during the Civil War, Winbush addressed a group of about 40 at the Thomas County Museum of History Sunday afternoon. To say the least, his perspective of the war differs greatly from what is taught in America's classrooms today.

"People have manufactured a lot of mistruths about why the war took place," he said. "It wasn't about slavery. It was about state's rights and tariffs."

Many of Winbush's words were reserved for the Confederate battle flag, which still swirls amid controversy more than 150 years after it originally flew.

"This flag has been lied about more than any flag in the world," Winbush said. "People see it and they don't really know what the hell they are looking at."

About midway through his 90-minute presentation, Winbush's comments were issued with extra force.

"This flag is the one that draped my grandfathers' coffin," he said while clutching it strongly in his left hand. "I would shudder to think what would happen if somebody tried to do something to this particular flag."

Winbush, a retired in educator and Korean War veteran who resides in Kissimmee, Fla., said the Confederate battle flag has been hijacked by racist groups, prompting unwarranted criticism from its detractors.

"This flag had nothing to with the (Ku Klux) klan or skinheads," he said while wearing a necktie that featured the Confederate emblem. "They weren't even heard of then. It was just a guide to follow in battle.

Winbush said Confederate soldiers started using the flag with the St. Andrews cross because its original flag closely resembled the U.S. flag. The first Confederate flag's blue patch in an upper corner and its alternating red and white stripes caused confusion on the battlefield, he said.

"Neither side (of the debate) knows what the flag represents," Winbush said. "It's dumb and dumber. You can turn it around, but it's still two dumb bunches.

Winbush learned about the Civil War at the knee of Louis Napoleon Nelson, who joined his master and one of his master's sons in battle voluntarily when he was 14. Nelson saw combat at Lookout Mountain, Bryson's Crossroads, Shiloh and Vicksburg.

"At Shiloh, my grandfather served as a chaplain even though he couldn't read or write," said Winbush, who bolstered his points with photos, letters and newspapers that used to belong to his grandfather. "I've never heard of a black Yankee holding such an office, so that makes him a little different."

Winbush said his grandfather, who also served as a "scavenger," never had any qualms about fighting for the South. He had plenty of chances to make a break for freedom, but never did. He attended 39 Confederate reunions, the final one in 1934. A Sons of Confederate Veterans Chapter in Tennessee is named after him.

"People ask why a black person would fight for the Confederacy. (It was) for the same damned reason a white Southerner did," Winbush explained.

Winbush said Southern blacks and whites often lived together as extended families., adding slaves and slave owners were outraged when Union forces raided their homes. He said history books rarely make mention of this.

"When the master and his older sons went to war, who did he leave his families with?" asked Winbush, who grandfather remained with his former owners 12 years after the hostilities ended. "It was with the slaves. Were his (family members) mistreated? Hell, no!

Winbush said more than 90,000 blacks, some of them free, fought for the Confederacy. He has said in the past that he would have fought by his grandfather's side in the 7th Tennessee Cavalry led by Gen. Nathan Bedford Forest.

After his presentation, Winbush opened the floor for questions. Two black women, including Jule Anderson of the Thomas County Historical Society Board of Directors, told him the Confederate battle flag made them uncomfortable.

Winbush, who said he started speaking out about the Civil War in 1992 after growing weary of what he dubbed "political correctness," was also challenged about his opinions.

"I have difficulty in trying to apply today's standards with what happened 150 years ago," he said to Anderson's tearful comments. "...That's what a lot of people are attempting to do. I'm just presenting facts, not as I read from some book where somebody thought that they understood. This came straight from the horse's mouth, and I refute anybody to deny that."

Thomas County Historical Society Board member and SVC member Chip Bragg moved in to close the session after it took a political turn when a white audience member voiced disapproval of the use of Confederate symbols on the state flag. Georgia voters are set to go to the polls a week from today to pick a flag to replace the 1956 version, which featured the St. Andrew's cross prominently.

"Those of us who are serious about our Confederate heritage are very unhappy with the trivialization of Confederate symbols and their misuse," he said. "Part of what we are trying to do is correct this misunderstanding."

It is unfortunate that you must make up lies. Of course, your lying, idiotic nonsense is void of any quote of my saying anyone was shot in voting booths because I never said it. You said union soldiers were to shoot those voting for McClellan. Since McClellan did receive votes in New York, there must be mass graves somewhere. If But I will be more than happy to repeat what I did say, and then some. Hapgood's Life of Lincoln contains the following unblushing paragraph: Charles A. Dana testifies that the whole power of the War Department was used to secure Lincoln's re-election in 1864. There is no doubt but this is true. Purists may turn pale at such things, but the world wants no prettified portrait of Mr. Lincoln. Lincoln's Jesuitical ability to use the fox's skin when the lion's proves too short was one part of his enormous value. Think of it, men of America! "Jesuitical ability" to trick, to deceive, to rob the people of their right to the ballot is, by a modern Republican historian, not only condoned, but commended as of "enormous value." And any honest man, shocked at so infamous an outrage on the rights of freemen, the Republican Hapgood sarcastically terms "purist." "Purists may turn pale," etc. In his book, published in 1892, General Butler proudly relates his part in the infamous work of using the army at the polls. The story is this: The election day was November 8, 1864. Lincoln had sent agents to New York City to spy out and report how the election would go. The report boded ill for Lincoln's success; in fact, indicated that New York would give a large majority for General McClellan. Lincoln, Seward and Stanton were alarmed. The latter instantly telegraphed General Butler to report to him at once. Butler rushed to Washington, and Stanton explained the situation at New York. "What do you want me to do?" asked Butler. "Start at once for New York, take command of the Department of the East, relieving General Dix. I will send you all the troops you need." "But," returned Butler, "it will not be good politics to relieve General Dix just on the eve of the election." "Dix is a brave man," said Stanton, "but he won't do anything; he is very timid about some matters." This meant that General Dix was too honorable to use the United States Army to control and direct elections. "Send me," suggested the shrewd Butler, "to New York with President Lincoln's order for me to relieve Dix in my pocket, but I will not use the order until such time as I think safe. I will report to Dix and be his obedient servant, and coddle him up until I see proper to spring on him my order, and take supreme command myself." "Very well," assented Stanton, "I will send you Massachusetts troops." "Oh, no!" objected the shrewder Butler, "it won't do for Massachusetts men to shoot down New Yorkers." Stanton saw this also would be bad politics, so Grant was ordered to send Western troops -- 5,000 good troops and two batteries of Napolean guns -- for the purpose of shooting down New Yorkers should New Yorkers persist in the evil intention of voting for McClellan. When the citizens of New York saw Butler and his escort proudly prancing their horses on the streets and saw the arrival of 5,000 Western troops and the Napoleon guns, there was great agitation and uneasiness over the city. Newspapers charged that these warlike preparations were made to overawe citizens and prevent a fair election. Butler was virtuously indignant at such charges. General Sanford, commanding the New York State militia, called on Butler and told him the State militia was strong enough to quell any disturbance that might occur and he intended to call out his militia division on election day. Butler arrogantly informed General Sanford that he (Butler) had no use for New York militia; he did not knew which way New York militia would shoot when it came to shooting. General Sanford replied that he would apply to the Governor of the State for orders. "I shall not recognize the authority of your Governor," haughtily returned Butler. "From what I hear of Governor Seymour I may find it necessary to arrest all I know who are proposing to disturb the peace on election day." Butler well knew he was the only man in the city who intended to disturb the peace on election day. Butler's mean and cowardly soul gleefully gloated over the power he possessed to bully and insult the great State of New York, its Governor and militia officers -- power given him by Lincoln, whose orders he had in his pocket to relieve General Dix, and take command of the army under Dix, and hold himself ready on election day to shoot down New York men at the polls to secure the re-election of President Lincoln. On November 5th Butler issued Order No. 1, the purpose of which, he said: Is to correct misrepresentations, soothe the fears of the weak and timid and allay the nervousness of the ill-advised, silence all false rumors circulated bymen for wicked purposes, and to contradict once for all false statements made to injure the Government in the respect and confidence of the people. The Commanding General takes occasion to declare that troops have been detailed for duty in this district to preserve the peace of the United States, to protect public property, and insure a calm and quiet election. The citizens of New York well knew that the above was one tissue of falsehood; they knew that Butler and his 5,000 Western troops, his batteries and Napoleon guns, were there to overawe the people and force the re-election of Lincoln. "The Commanding General," continues Order No. 1, "has been pained to see publications by some not too well informed persons, that the presence of the troops of the United States might by possibility have an effect on the free exercise of the duty of voting at the ensuing election. Nothing is further from the truth." Who, knowing Butler's nature, does not picture to himself the Mephistophelean smile which ornamented his visage as he penned the above, and the following pretty falsehood: "The soldiers of the United States are here especially to see that there is no interference with the election." If the reader cares to see the full text of this lying order he can find it in Butler's book (page 1097). On November 7th, the day before the election, after Butler had placed his troops and made all arrangements necessary to control the ballot, he wrote to Secretary of War Stanton a letter in which he said, "I beg leave to report that the troops have all arrived, and dispositions made which will insure quiet. I enclose copy of my order No. 1, and trust it will meet your approbation. I have done all I could to prevent secessionists from voting, and think it will have some effect." Secessionists meant Democrats who chose to vote for McClellan. On page 760 of his book, Butler describes how he disposed of the troops to accomplish his purpose. On page 771, Butler gives a joyful account of a reception at Fifth Avenue Hotel tendered him in honor of his signal success in keeping Democrats from voting. Full to bursting with pride, Butler made a speech to his entertainers, explaining how, after the Union army had conquered the South, her people should be treated. "Let us," said this willing and eager tool of despotic power, "take counsel from the Roman method of carrying on war." The Roman method was to make slaves of all prisoners of war; to inflict upon them every cruelty pagan hearts could devise. Butler continued: Let us look to the fair fields of the sunny South for your reward. Go down there in arms; you shall have what you conquer, in fair division of the lands, each man in pay for his military service. We will open new land offices wherever our army marches, dividing the lands of the rebels among our soldiers, to be theirs and their heirs forever. SOURCE: Facts and Falsehoods Concerning the War on the South 1861-65, George Edmonds, pp. 204-208 "Facts and Falsehoods concerning the South"! lol No wonder this crazy conspiracy doesn't add up, it's written by a wacky neoconfederate. Anti-war activists and Pro-confederates threatened to burn New York to the ground on election day. Naturally these terrorists were pro-McClellan also. So troops were sent in. And being that no one was shot, they weren't there to shoot people just for voting, obviously. Have you no common sense?

SOURCE: Butler's Book, Benjamin F. Butler, 1892, pp. 754-762; 771

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[Butler speaking] "What do you want me to do?"

[Stanton] "I want you to go there and take command of the Department of the East, relieving General Dix, and I will have sent you from the front a sufficient force to put down any insurrection."

"I don't want to take command of the Department of the East and lose my command in the front," said I. "And then I think it would not be good polities to relieve General Dix, a New Yorker, from his command, just on the eve of election. Let me suggest that if I am to go I might be sent there with troops enough to take care of the city, and let me report to General Dix, leaving him in command."

"But," said Stanton,"Dix won't do anything. Although brave enough, he is a very timid man about such matters, as he wants to be governor of New York himself one of these days."

"Well," I said, "then send me with directions to report to him to command the troops that are to preserve the peace in the city of New York. [1] But I want to go only upon the understanding that if we come to a row I shall have a confidential order from the President by which I can relieve General Dix at once, and take supreme

[1] See Appendix 85

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command of the fight, if there is one. I will coddle the general and be his obedient servant until it becomes necessary to be something else, and of that you must leave me to judge."

"Very well, but keep the peace with Dix if you can!" He then asked what troops I wanted, and I said: --

"A couple of batteries of artillery, say twelve pieces, and about three thousand men will be enough, but a larger show of force may be better for overawing an outbreak."

"I suppose you will want your Massachusetts troops sent."

"Oh," said I, "not Massachusetts men to shoot down New Yorkers; that won't do. I have as faithful, loyal, good soldiers in my New York regiments as there are in the world, and I can fully rely on them. Perhaps I will take a Connecticut regiment or two and select the batteries."

"Do you think there are enough?"

"Plenty, with the addition of my headquarters guard of Pennsylvanians, who have already voted in the field."

"Make out your list of troops," said he, "and I will have them sent." [1]

"Well," I said,"you cannot get them there under a few days at best, and, Mr. Secretary, see; I have just come from the field in a flannel blouse with my staff in the same condition. We have not a white shirt with us."

"Never mind that, General; there are plenty of tailors in New York."

"Very well, Mr. Secretary, I want a new uniform, and if you order me off in this condition of rig I shall put it in the bill. When do you want me to go?"

"By the next train."

"As the troops cannot get there for three days, you will permit me to have my headquarters guard sent to Fortress Monroe to meet my own very fast boat, and come up and bring some of my staff to me?"

"Oh, yes; order anything you like."

"All right, I am gone;" and I left Washington for New York that night.

Our appearance there in Washington was such that it did not draw any attention to us, so that it was not publicly known that I

[1] See Appendix 86

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was in Washington, and no notice of my being there got into the New York papers.

I arrived in Jersey City the next morning and was met there by a prominent loyal man of New York, one of Stanton's correspondents, who greeted me and desired me to make his house -- a very fine one on Fifth Avenue -- my headquarters while I remained in the city.

I said to him : --

"You know not what you ask. I will come down and dine with you, but to come into your house with my staff and orderlies, and the hundreds of people who may be brought there or visit me would drive you from your home. Besides, I must have very much more extensive accommodations."

I had telegraphed to Assistant Quartermaster-General Van Vliet to meet me there, and he told me that he had looked about for headquarters for me. He said that the Hoffman House, in the rear part of which General Soott had rooms, had not yet been opened, and that he had taken the whole of the building for my use.

Early in the morning of the 4th of November I occupied my headquarters. As the first incident I learned that one Judge Henry Clav Dean, in utter ignorance that I was at that time in New York, had made a speech the night before in which, according to a newspaper report, he stated that if I should attempt to march up Broadway I would be hanged to a lamp-post, or words to that effect. Although I had no troops in New York then except my orderlies and aids, I sent my compliments to Judge Dean with the information that I would like to see him fit my headquarters at the Hoffman House. He reported at once, and I received him. He seemed to be in a great fright. I greeted him and told him that such a speech had been brought to my attention, and as I was sure that a gentleman of his position never could have made it in the words reported, I desired to ascertain the facts from him.

He said he had been wholly misrepresented.

"Well," I said,"I supposed so, and I rely upon you to correct that matter by having the report withdrawn, or, if that cannot be done, by making some explanatory statement." He said he certainly would, and there the matter ended.

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I then reported to the commander of the Department of the East, General Dix, and he issued an order that I was in command of the troops sent to preserve the peace in the State of New York.

I suggested to him that he should put me in command of the military district comprising the States of New York and New Jersey, as he had command of the whole department, but he expressed a disinclination so to do, and I, after a conference, yielded and said I would report to the Secretary of War for orders, but that I hoped it would not be necessary. I asked him how many regulars could be spared from the garrison on Governor's Island. He said lie thought he could let me have five hundred men. I told him they might as well remain in the garrison as anywhere.

I had been expressly cautioned by the Secretary of War against the machinations of Gen. John A. Green.

Monday my headquarters boat came up with my guard, one hundred Pennsylvanians. They were landed at the battery, and put into barracks there.

That day Major-General Sanford, commanding the division of State militia in the city of New York, called upon me and said that he proposed on the day of election to call out his division of militia to preserve the peace. I told him that that could not be done without his reporting to me as his superior officer; that being assigned to the command of the troops in the city of New York by the President, I of necessity became his commander; and, further, that the Articles of War required that I should be his commander. Of course a militia officer could not agree to that. I then told him that I did not need his division, and that I did not think it would be advisable to have the militia called out; that if they were called out they would be under arms, and in case of difficulty it was not quite certain which way all of them would shoot; and besides, it might cause a claim of interference with the election to have troops called out and hold positions while the election was going on, and thus might vitiate the election.

He was very obstinate about it, and said he should call out the militia.

"Then," said I,"here is an order that you do not. You have no power to call out the militia except in a case of disturbance." Still he did not yield.

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"Well," I said,"if there are to be armed forces here that do not report to me, and are not under my orders, I shall have to treat them as enemies. In case of disturbance they may suffer, for I cannot stop to select whom to shoot at of the armed troops which I find in New York not under my orders; but I certainly shall most efficiently take care of those who put them in arms."

He told me he should apply to the governor of the State for orders.

"Your governor is a very high militia officer," said I, "but I shall not recognize his authority here as against the authority of the United States any more than that of any militia officer of lower grade. And from the reported doings of Governor Seymour in the centre of the State in organizing new companies of militia, which I believe to be a rebellious organization, I may find it necessary to act promptly in arresting all those whom I know are proposing to disturb the peace here on election day."

He retired in disgust, and I have never seen the clever old gentleman since. It is sufficient to say that I at once took measures to ascertain where all the arms in the city were, and in whose possession they were. [1] I immediately reported the matter to the Secretary of Wax, [2] and asked permission to issue a general order on the subject, and to have a territorial jurisdiction given me. The Secretary of War afterwards advised me that I had better not issue a general order, because my right to do that would be the subject of "abstract discussion." But I wanted territorial jurisdiction, not so much for that as for another reason which will appear.

Meanwhile my troops had not arrived. They were not embarked at Fortress Monroe-such were the unaccountable delays -- until Friday and Saturday. I then issued my General Older No 1, [3] in which I made it plain that there were several thousand secessionists in New York. They were there in such numbers as to impede the Union men getting lodgings and boarding-house accommodations, the landlords saying that they could let all the room they had to Southerners at their own prices. I took care that the Southerners should understand that means would be taken for their identification, and that whoever of them should vote would be dealt with in such a manner as to make them uncomfortable. That was sufficient, and substantially no Southerners voted at the polls on election day.

[1] See Appendix No. 87.
[2] See Appendix No. 88.
[3] See Appendix No. 89.

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Here another question troubled me. Although it had been thought l»est to have a pretty large force, say five thousand, yet I did not get thirty-five hundred. Much the larger portion of them were New Yorkers who had voted in the field. I consulted with Gen. Daniel Butterfield, who was in New York on leave for some purpose, and he loyally gave me very valuable advice and assistance, for which service I hero express my high and grateful appreciation.

The question was, how to have troops in readiness to put down a riot in the city on election day, and yet not have them actually there, lest the votes which they had previously cast in the field should not he counted, -- for the law was that troops might vote in the field, but if they were in the State on election day their votes should not be counted.

Examining into the difficulties of this problem, I found that there were nine ferry slips on one side of the city of New York and ten on the other. Into these the largest ferry-boats could lie brought to land their passengers. The ferry-boats could each comfortably accommodate more than a regiment of infantry in the saloons, and in the drive-ways as many as four pieces of artillery with their equipment. I determined thereupon to take possession of four of the larger ferry-boats, and place two on the North River and two on the east side of the city. It was arranged to have on each side of the city four swift tugs always with steam up and under the command of my officers. From my headquarters I could communicate with them by the telegraph lines, so that in case of a gathering of rioters in any part of the eity I could throw four regiments there, if need be, in less time than I could march them from any place of encampment in the city. That is, the troops being on the ferry-boats and the artillery being all harnessed, I could direct the boat to any slip where the force was needed, and the infantry could immediately land and march double quick across the island to the point where it was needed, the artillery preceding or following, as the case might he. These ferry-boats, while not in action, were to be anchored in Jersey waters.

I made an arrangement with the manager of the Western Union Telegraph Company to bring into a room at my headquarters adjoining my office telegraph lines from more than sixty points. There

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was one line from High Bridge, where a gunboat was stationed, lest somebody should attempt to break the aqueduct which brought water into the city. There was another line from a gunboat anchored opposite Mackerelville, which was supposed to contain the worst population in New York; and still another from a gunboat anchored so as to cover the Sub-Treasury Building and the Custom House on Wall Street and the United States Arsenal. There was a line from some point near each polling-place in the city.

At the several polling-places I had an officer in plain clothes, in command of my scouts and detective officers who were around the polls. On this officer, in case of any disturbance, the police -- who were under the command of Superintendent John A. Kennedy, a very loyal, able, and executive officer, -- might, call for assistance. Any disturbance was to be immediately communicated to me by telegraph.

On the day of election the officers and men for the polls were to be on duty an hour before the polls opened. Each telegraph station was numbered, and the officer was to report to my headquarters hourly the state of quiet at the polls.

The remainder of my troops were held on board of transports, ready to land when the point at which they were wanted was indi-

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cated by the tug. Steam was kept up and the cables were in readiness to be slipped when the transports were required to move.

At the request of General Dix, instead of bringing my headquarters guard up for my protection, I sent them to guard the United States Arsenal, under command of Captain Crispin, the commandant of the arsenal.

It is but just to say that the number of my troops lying around in transports and ferry-boats was enormously over-estimated as usual; they were understood to be fifteen thousand.

On Thursday evening, it having been generally circulated in the city that General Butler had shut himself up in his headquarters and dared not show himself lest he should be assassinated, I sent an officer of my staff to take a stage-box for us at the opera, having got a new uniform so that I could go in full feather. We appeared there, and were received with some applause, which I acknowledged. I sat out the entertainment. Between the acts Captain DeKay of my staff, who was a society man in New York, left the box to visit one wherein he saw his aunt, and found therein Mr. August Belmont. Mr. Belmont made a statement publicly in his hearing that he would bet a thousand dollars that the election would go for MeClellan, and another thousand that gold would go up to 300 by the morning of election. This being reported to me, I told Captain DeKay to say to Mr. Belmont that those bets would be taken; but Mr. Belmont declined.

Friday morning, having a little leisure while waiting for my troops, at the invitation of a gentleman in New York I concluded to take a ride with my staff in Central Park. I said to my staff: "We must go in our camp rig." They remonstrated, because our horses, upon which were still their rawhide saddles, had been very badly bruised on their hips and thighs, and their tails had been badly defaced, in the voyage on the beat, she having met bad weather at sea.

We were a most outre looking set. No such equipped cavalcade ever rode along those beautifully ornamented paths before. If it had not been for our well-blacked cavalry boots, and our wicked-looking sabres clanking against the spur and stirrup, and the neatly cased revolvers fast to the belt on the left side, I think we might have been stopped by the police. As it was, we were the observed of all observers, and it shone out in their eyes: "Is this the pomp

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and circumstance of glorious war?" We were met by the Park Commissioners, the chairman of whom cordially addressed me with the inquiry: "Are you riding in the park for exercise?"

"Oh, no, Mr. Commissioner; on business. I was looking to see where would be the best place in the park to encamp my troops when I am ready to bring them on shore."

"Oh, you would not encamp your troops here, General?"

"Why, Mr. Commissioner," said I, pointing over one of the beautiful lawns," I have never seen a better camping-ground. What is the objection to it? Plenty of water, isn't there?"

"Well, General," said he,"we must submit, I suppose; but I hope you won't need to."

"Oh, well, I assure you I shall not if I don't need to. I should bo happy to see you, gentlemen, at my headquarters at the Hoffman House. Good-morning."

The next afternoon another sphere of duty quite foreign to my professional studies and military experiences was put upon me. I received a message from Mr. John A. Stewart, United States Assistant Treasurer in New York, asking for an interview. [1] I immediately appointed an interview at my headquarters at the Hoffman House that evening. Mr. Stewart called upon me and said: --

"General, I have just returned from Washington, where I have been on very important public matters. I have had an interview with the President and Cabinet and asked them what I could do under the circumstances, if anything, and what they could do in the alarming prospect of affairs. I stated to them, in substance, that I was well informed that a conspiracy was going on among certain brokers and bankers, whose names I gave them, together with the amount of gold transactions of each accompanied by actual deliveries, which were quite enormous. I stated that these men had conspired together with some others, whom I did not know, to raise the price of gold to 300 on election day certainly, and perhaps on Monday. I also told the President and Cabinet that I was powerless to prevent the rise in the price of gold, for I had sold a good deal of gold in order to keep the price down, and in that manner had reduced the amount I held so low that I feared the conspirators had an amount of gold securities due on demand sufficient to swallow up

[1] See Appendix No. 90,

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November 10, General Grant telegraphed a very high compliment to Stanton, at the quiet way in which the elections in New York passed off, as follows: --

The elections have passed off quietly; no bloodshed or riot throughout the land ; is a victory worth more to the country than a battle won. Rebeldom and Europe will construe it so. [1]

On Monday, the 14th, under the direction of a committee of the most distinguished citizens of New York, a reception was given me at the Fifth Avenue Hotel. The scene was brilliant beyond any possible conception of mine, and the reception ended with a banquet at which I was called upon to make a speech, giving to the assembly my opinion as to what should be done in the future….

[1] See Appendix No. 95

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