Powell Blasts Gore on Bin Ladengate Scandal

Thanks for the heads up! Susan Rice appears time and again in the DSL. Here's one you might find interesting:

“…..Madeleine Albright, the U.S. secretary of state, has refused to appear before a United Nations-mandated independent inquiry probing why the world body failed to prevent the genocide in Rwanda in 1994, the National Post has learned. Ms. Albright was the U.S. ambassador to the UN at the time of the genocide and can provide key information about high-level decisions that led the U.S. to call on the UN Security Council to dramatically reduce the number of UN peacekeepers in Rwanda shortly after the killing began in earnest in April.

….. However, she and members of her senior staff, including Susan Rice, U.S. assistant secretary of state for Africa both at the time of the genocide and now, have declined invitations from Ingvar Carlsson, a former Swedish prime minister who is chairing the inquiry, to meet with him and his two fellow panelists when they visit Washington this week…..” Edwards, Steven. “Albright Shuns Investigation of Rwandan Genocide.” Global Policy Forum. December 6, 1999. http://www.globalpolicy.org/security/issues/rwanda/albrite.htm

According to mystery writer Ian Rankin, that's also what "With all due respect, sir" means when a British policeman says it to a superior.

More details: Rice was the one who suggested Abiola take tea when he had asked for water. Rice served him the tea and, prior to that, was the only one taking tea. She was the one who suggested they call a doctor, so Abiola was not rushed immediately to a hospital, even though he was foaming at the mouth. She immediately insisted that no foul play was involved and asked to be the one to inform the family of the death.

Nigeria; Strange Confessions
Tempo
Africa News
September 29, 2001 Saturday

Major Mohammed Aliyu, former Chief Security Officer to Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar (retd), causes a stir at the Oputa Commission when he fingers Susan Rice, former American Undersecretary for African Affairs as the actual person that served the controversial tea to late M.K.O Abiola, reports AKINJIDE AKINTOLA It is no longer perplexing that late Chief MKO Abiola died after taking tea.

What is astounding is the series of claims pertaining to the circumstances surrounding the controversial tea.

However, fresh revelations have emerged concerning this and DSP Thadeus Zaddock, the man who kept an eagle eye on the late businessman, on 19 July testified at the ongoing public sitting of the Human Rights Violations Investigation commission Abuja. In this connection, he demanded that Major Abdul Rasheed Mohammed Aliyu, the then Chief Security Officer to the former head of State, General Abdulsalami Abubakar, be summoned to appear before the Justice Chukwudifu Oputa led commission. This was precisely done. However, it had not been easy bringing Aliyu to testify, as he was on a course in the USA. The military authorities had to be written twice before he could be released and even when he was released to come for the last adjourned date, he could not make it as the terrorist attacks on two American cities foreclosed all attempts to appear on time. But rather than clear the air on how the late politician was murdered, Aliyu's testimonies opened a can of worms with fingers pointing at the US, with his revelations that it was Susan Rice, the former US Undersecretary for African Affairs who served the tea to the late Abiola, the last thing he took before he gave up the ghost. Tuesday's sitting had all the trappings of legal fireworks as witnessed the previous day when Senior Advocates of Nigeria at the Commission insisted that all invited former Heads of state be compelled to appear before the commission.

At 10:50 am when Oputa led other members of the commission into the Africa peace mission hall, he commended the brilliant performance put up by the lawyers which he said was witnessed all over the world. Then the stage was set for another legal fireworks as Oputa ordered that another case be called even though it was number two on the list while many others, including that of Lt. Gen. Oladipo Diya (rtd) which was number one and that of the Zagon Kataf people which was to be continued from Monday was set aside in spite of being handled by a SAN. It is the practice to take the case involving a SAN before any other case is handled. Uneasy quiet fell on the hall as major Aliyu, stepped into the witness box in a brown french suit looking fit . He was to look confused and troubled later as the cross examination started.

He was asked by his boss, the former Head of state to make arrangement for the late politician to meet with a delegation from America who wanted to meet him. He did this by getting in touch with SP Zaddock to get Abiola prepared for the visitors at the Aguda house. He also phoned Aguda house to get the stewards there prepared to receive the visitors.He later went to the place where Abiola was detained and together with Zaddock who was behind the wheels went to Aguda house. He confirmed Zaddock's testimony that, following a request by the then CGS he ordered that Zaddock should go and open the office for the new CGS while he went with Abiola to meet with the Americans who included Thomas Pickering, William Twaddell, then American ambassador to Nigeria and Susan Rice.

Former Commissioner of Police for FCT command, Mustapha Ismail, was also in attendance. According to Aliyu, they were all joking, Abiola told the delegation that when he was told about the meeting with the Americans, he hurriedly prepared, and that in the process, tooth paste got stuck in his throat. He told the commission that as they were joking, Abiola was coughing a little bit initially which informed his decision not to take the refreshment brought by the stewards-tea and coffee in separate flasks. He said as the cough was getting too much, Abiola requested for water but Rice advised him to take tea instead.Susan Rice was already taking tea while Pickering and Twadell took coffee.

Thus as the only woman in the delegation, and with the steward absent, it was Rice who served the tea to Abiola which few minutes later aggravated his cough. Later, Abiola removed his gown and went to the toilet and when he did not come out on time, he (Aliyu) went to bang on the door, asking if there was any problem. He said when Abiola came out, he was sweating and looking ill and asked for his cough syrup. According to Aliyu, when Abiola said he was feeling cold, they switched off all the air conditioners, when later he complained of being hot, they had to open all the windows. At this stage, Rice suggested that a doctor be sent for and he (Aliyu) called the Head of State's personal physician, Dr. Wali, on his phone and it took seven minutes 40 seconds before Dr. Wali came in. In the mean time, all of them were fanning Abiola who was laid on a chair, Abiola was being put in the car when Zaddock came in. At the hospital, he said the doctor did all they could to save Abiola's life but he died after one hour. According to him, the late Basorun died in their presence.

The Americans, according to him offered to break the news of the Chief's demise to Nigerians. Abiola's family who visited him a day earlier were contacted at Alhaji Babagana Kingibe's house and told to head for the villa. Abubakar was closing for the day and heading home when he met all the groups including the family of the late politician. Aliyu said that though the visiting Susan Rice offered to break the sad news to late Abiola's family,Gen.Abubakar diplomatically shoved her aside. Aliyu had a bad day during cross examination.

This made Oputa to describe him a daft fellow. Aliyu did not acquit himself very well when being cross-examined . Though he stated that he was in charge of Abiola, he could not say who prepared his food or which doctor took care of him, yet he insisted that it was not Zaddock's duty to taste Abiola's food. He also said that Zaddock did not taste anything taken by Abiola during the time he met with Kofi Annan or during Emeka Anyaoku's visit. He also accused Zaddock of gun running. Asked why he saddled that kind of a man with Abiola's security, he said he only knew this after the man had left.

In another dimension, counsel to Ibrahim Sabo, Sheitan,put it toAliyu that his American course was a compensation for his role in the Abiola murder. This he vehemently denied.He was also quizzed about the propriety of allowing a visitor, Susan Rice to serve tea to the late Abiola. He responded that it was because Rice was the only woman around. But it was not only on Abiola that Aliyu spoke. He also spoke of the controversial handover notes he received from Mustapha which he refused to sign on account of various inconsistences. He stated that he received N500 million from Mustapha instead of Abubakar as claimed by Mustapha.

The account into which this money was deposited has been frozen and could only be unfrozen by the president as it had been deposited by the CBN into the accounts of the national security adviser's recovery account. He confirmed receiving 45 houses from coup plotters, Security department guest houses, as well as 26 prototype houses at Guarinpa. He also spoke of 23 limousines he received which he reportedly handed over to the new president's CSO Kayode Oduneye. Other money he received and handed over included over one million dollars, another 50,000 pounds and N5million, all purportedly recovered from coup plotters. Before the case was adjourned till 3 October, Na'Allah, counsel to Mustapha, tendered a document which was accepted as exhibit 72. It was a daily SSS report which said the US government would continue with the democratic process in Nigeria with or without Abiola. Aliyu confirmed the report to be genuine from the SSS.
However, on Monday before Abiola's case was heard, the issue of non appearance of the former Heads of State at the panel topped the bill and was also adjourned to 3 October when they will know their fate.

The non-appearance of Aliyu earlier, has stalled the appearance of Abubakar which was believed would have laid the ground for his own appearance. Indeed many counsels insinuated that Aliyu must have been taught what to say not only by Abubakar but also by Aso Rock. This he flatly denied.

Nigeria; Commission Raises Questions On Abiola's Death
This Day
Africa News
October 5, 2001 Friday

The Chairman of the Human Rights Violations Investigation Commission (HRVIC), Justice Chukwudifu Oputa, yesterday raised some questions over the mysterious death of the presumed winner of the June 12, 1993 presidential election, Chief M.K.O Abiola, on July 7, 1998.

Kola, eldest son of late Abiola, had filed a petition before the commission alleging that his father was murdered in detention. Testifying before the commission in the petition, Maj. Abdulrashid Aliyu who was the former Chief Security Officer (CSO) to immediate past Head of State, Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar, had earlier said the tea served Abiola shortly before his death was not tasted.

Aliyu said that the tea was served by Ms. Susan Rice, the U.S. Under-Secretary of African Affairs when the late poltician was holding a meeting with an American delegation at the 'Presidential Villa'.

In his own testimony, former Chief of Army Staff, retired Lt.-Gen. Ishaya Bamaiyi, also said that the tea served to Abiola at the meeting was not tasted, contrary to normal practice. At this point, Oputa asked Bamaiyi why the tea was served in a flask, adding "was there no cutlery, saucers and tea-pot at the Aguda House?, who demanded for the tea and was it tea time?"

Responding, Bamaiyi said that the questions should be directed to those who served the tea and added that during the meeting the tea was served with a tea-pot.

Former CSO to Gen. Sani Abacha, Maj. Hamza Al-Musatapha, was called to the witness-box by Oputa to give more evidence in the petition.

Al-Mustapha told the commission that the family of the deceased politician was given most of his belongings except the clothes he was wearing at the time of his death.

He stressed that Abiola was foaming in the mouth and that his clothes were stained before he died and queried: "Where were the clothes, who took them away?"

He faulted the decision of Aliyu to call a medical doctor to attend to Abiola in a place which was not a hospital, saying that he was supposed to be rushed to a hospital.

Al-Mustapha said that it was only when those questions were addressed by Abdulsalami that the commission could unravel the circumstances that led to the death of Abiola.

"When Abdulsalami came to power, we agreed that he was going to make a broadcast and release Chief Abiola, how come he did not make that broadcast until after the death of chief Abiola? In the intelligence system, it is common knowledge that once a personnel is in need of medical attention, he is rushed to a hospital no doctor was called, so why did they not rush him to the hospital, and instead, decided to call in a doctor? Why was he allowed to lie face down in pains and none of those present tried to help him?.

"Is the refusal of Abdulsalami Abubakar to see Abiola in detention due to anything? He did not have problem with Abiola, he was not the one who arrested and detained him so why was he always sending delegations to him instead of visit? Why was (ASP Theodore) Zaddock framed and kept in detention and later moved to Lagos? Why is he threatened? He was accused of allowing Nigeria police to go to Sierra Leone on operation? It is not true, they only said that of him and why did they not say so until after Abiola died? They are keeping all of us away because of what we know. What they did to Zaddock is to shut him up.

"The next is the question of who benefitted from the death of Chief Abiola. It was agreed that (former Naval Chief, Admiral Jubril) Ayinla was to be the CGS being senior to Akhigbe and from Ogun State, the same state with Chief Abiola and (Oladipo) Diya but that position was given to Akhigbe who we drove out from the meeting he came in to. We told him to go out that he was not needed in the meeting", he said.

He also insisted that he personally handed over money to Abdulsalami, adding that the testimony of Major Mohammed Aliyu was false, a reason he alleged, he refused to be on oath but chose to affirm, "so that he can say what he was told to say".

"I handed over straight to Abdulsalami Abubakar and we spent 3 hrs. 52 minutes that day handing over a lot of things to him. That's why I wanted him to come and say on oath by the Holy Koran that I did not hand over to him. His CSO was outside all the while I was handing over to him. If I had known that I would be given a chance to testify today, I would have come with more documents on that. I handed over $100 million, some pounds and other currencies as well as the money for the ecological funds that were used for coup in cash. Some were in accounts, cheques and other accounts", he insisted.

Asked if he was still insisting on handing over N500 million to Abdulsalami, he said he handed over much more than that. He also said that unless those who plot the change of government, its executors, the beneficiaries and contractor, Nigeria will never really come to grasp as to what happens in power changes in the country. He also recommended a book, Confessions of a CIA agent to the panel to read so as to grasp ways security agents can kill.

Under cross-examination by counsel to the petitioner, Mr. Femi Falana, earlier, Bamaiyi said that he was aware of the plans by Abacha to transmute himself to a civilian president and stressed that he was opposed to the idea and that his opposition caused his problems with some security chiefs.

He admitted that the Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI), was behind the spate of bombings and mysterious death of some citizens during the the regime of Abacha, and refused to accept responsibility for the atrocities.

"The DMI, during my time was, as far as I am concerned, under the Presidency rather than the Nigeria Army", he maintained.
Asked if he was not standing trial for the murder of Kudirat Abiola and attempted assassination of The Guardian Publisher, Chief Alex Ibru, he said he was not mentioned in the death of Kudirat and that he was not true that it was connected with the shooting of Ibru.
Bamaiyi denied that he ever had any plans to kill Abiola, adding that he did not suggest to Abdulsalami to hand over to Abiola because it would have caused problems. He said that the mandate which Abiola was fighting for had expired after four years, a situation that required fresh election.

He also said that most of the Decrees promulgated at the time were drafted by the Ministry of Justice and that most of them were never discussed in the Provisional Ruling Council meeting. He denied having a hand in the Diya coup, adding that he only acted as a loyal officer by reporting the coup to the Head of State after General Patrick Aziza informed him of the plans to oust Abacha.

According to Bamaiyi, "Abacha never told anybody that he wanted to transmute into a civilian Head of State. It was (Brig-Gen. Ibrahim) Sabo and his group that came up with the idea and bandied it". He also denied that he was invited to Aso Rock on the day Abacha died by Mustapha and locked up in a room, but admitted however that himself, Mustapha, Sabo, Abdulsalami and two others were in a meeting where discussions were held after which they went into a PRC meeting.

On why he opposed the take over of civilian power by one with a military background, he said it was because of the cry against military rule in the country. He insisted that if he wanted to take over power Mustapha would not have been able to stop him since he was in control of the General Officers Commanding as "power is not taken in Aso Rock".

During re-examination by his cousel, Mr. Yakubu Maikyau, Bamaiyi complained that he was denied bail because he is the son of "Gambari" while Frederick Fasehun and Ganiyu Adams who are standing trial for multiple murder and who are sons of Oduduwa were granted bail.

"There seem to be two laws in this country, one for the Oduduwas and another one for the Gambaris. Gani Adams and Fasheun are standing trial for multiple murder and yet they were given bail but because I am Gambari, I was denied bail on an attempted murder charge. I don't want to talk about it here , on the 11th when we are going back to Lagos, I will address that", he said.
On whether he actually arranged bail for Abiola, he answered in the affirmative even though Falana said Diya claimed the same thing. Bamaiyi said that his claim could be verified from Comrade Paschal Bafyau and Barrister Anyiam.

Jeepers! Thank you for this information!

Very informative. Does make it seem most unlikely that Susan Rice was not a witting participant in the murder.

Thanks for sharing the selection from Timmerman. This story was news to me.

See articles in posts #156 and #163.

Before the case was adjourned till 3 October, Na'Allah, counsel to Mustapha, tendered a document which was accepted as exhibit 72. It was a daily SSS report which said the US government would continue with the democratic process in Nigeria with or without Abiola. Aliyu confirmed the report to be genuine from the SSS.

I'm assuming exhibit 72 was dated prior to Abiola's murder. These articles were a little difficult for me to understand, but exhibit 72 reads like a death warrant.

I wonder what else was going on in the world during the early July 1998 time frame?

Thanks aristeides and Wallaby, I had no idea about this Arkancide in Nigeria until today.

I wonder what else was going on in the world during the early July 1998 time frame?

Wasn't that around when Clinton made his first visit to Africa, with that huge entourage that included Betty Curry, Jesse Jackson, and Susan Rice (a tour which conspicuously omitted Nigeria, ostensibly because of its military government)?

...evidence so far given at the commission clearly indicates that Chief Moshood Abiola was clinically killed, by the Federal Government under Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar. Testifying before the commission in both Lagos and Abuja, the former Chief Security Officer (CSO) to the late Gen. Sani Abacha, Major Hamza Al-Mustapha, swore that Abiola's death was planned and fleshed out by the Abdulsalami Abubakar government. "My Lord, please and please, let General Abubakar come and tell this honourable Commission and all Nigerians, why he released a convicted person, Gen. Obasanjo, before a detainee who has not been convicted, that is Chief Abiola," Mustapha queried while testifying in the petition brought before the commission, by the family of the late Chief MKO Abiola. Major Mustapha even claimed that the same people who killed Abiola killed the late Gen. Abacha. "From the facts which I now have, both Gen. Abacha and Chief Abiola foamed in the mouth, gasped for breath and jerked before they died. They were eliminated the same way by the same people, my Lord," Mustapha argued at the commission.

In the same regard, Brig-General Ibrahim Sabo, who headed the Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI) under Gen. Abacha, confirmed to the commission that shortly after Abacha died in 1998, there was a grand plot by the military high command to eliminate Abiola, who was still in detention then, as well.
Brig.-General Sabo spoke of a particular encounter with the then Chief of Army Staff, General Ishaya Bamaiyi: "After the death of General Abacha in Abuja, Gen. Bamaiyi called me and told me that now that Abacha had died, that Abiola should be killed as well to balance the equation." Sabo told the commission that owing to this position of Gen. Bamaiyi, he (Sabo) decided to stay behind, while many other military chiefs headed for Kano on 8 June 1998 for Abacha's burial. The former DMI boss told the commission that several efforts were made to alert the then Head of State, Gen. Abubakar about the plot against Abiola's life but regretted that Abubakar continually refused to see him, until Brig-Gen Sabo was eventually retired from the Army. He never had access to Gen. Abubakar. And three days after he was eased out of the Army, Chief Abiola died.

Even more damning was the testimony of one Assistant Commissioner of Police, Tweodor Zadok, the man who was in-charge of Chief Abiola's security while in detention. Zadok on 19 July, told the Oputa Commission that he had no doubts in his mind that Abiola was poisoned. Zadok, who took over the security of Abiola in October 1996, said he was "deceived by higher authorities to leave the Akinola Aguda House, venue of Chief Abiola's last meeting with a delegation from the United States. Zadok told the commission that "Abiola would never eat any food until I had tasted it in his presence," and that he was "tricked" into leaving the venue of the meeting between Abiola and the US delegation. "We went into the meeting with Thomas Pickering and other officials, later, there was a message from the office of the Chief of General Staff, Admiral Mike Akhigbe, that I should come, I told the Chief Security Officer to General Abubakar, Major Aliyu. I left Abiola in the custody of Aliyu," Zadok said. It turned out that he was called to open the door to Akhigbe's office. When he returned, however, the CSO, Major Aliyu told him that Abiola whom he left in good health, "was not feeling fine after taking a cup of tea." Zadok said Abiola was already dead when he returned. "My Lord, the question is, who gave Abiola tea and what is in the tea?" Zadok queried.

"Nigeria; Obasanjo Leads Other Four Retired Generals, Who May Never Face Oputa," Africa News
August 6, 2001 Monday

Al has consistency. He always says unbelievably stupid things. In his last speech he says the problems with the big Corporation corruption started long ago, while trying to hang President Bush with it. He also was telling his audience about his foray as a professor at two universities. He said, I am a visiting professor, or a VP, it's a way to hang on to it. True confessions.

Now Tipper is relating her last spiral into mental illness over his loss of the Presidency for our entertainment, being second only to her husband for incredibly stupid innane statements. And that, being fragile, she cannot overextend herself. I wonder it this is the skirt Al will hide behind when he backs out of running for President, as I am afraid he must, if Hillary or even Joe decide to run.

Check out these stories on Abacha:

Rattling The Rattler
By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN The New York Times
January 19, 1999, Tuesday, Late Edition - Final
Section A; Page 19; Column 6; Editorial Desk

...No one quite knows how Nigeria's evil dictator Sani Abacha died last June at age 54, but the story that has made the rounds goes like this: Several Nigerian officers who finally got fed up with General Abacha's utterly venal and corrupt rule got together, imported three prostitutes from India, sent them to his villa with a poison, which he somehow ingested (One report says it may have been in his Viagra) and then dropped dead. The three prostitutes were back on a plane to India before General Abacha's body was cold. Whatever the details, a senior U.S. official privy to the intelligence told me: "Let's just say Abacha did not die a natural death and he did not die alone."

NIGERIAN GOVERNMENT SAID EMBARRASSED BY US REPORT ON ABACHA'S DEATH

SOURCE: Radio Kudirat Nigeria, Voice of Democracy, in English 1915 gmt 15 Jul 98
Supplied by BBC Worldwide Monitoring
July 16, 1998, Thursday

Text of report by Nigerian opposition radio on 15th July
Military sources in Abuja have disclosed that the unelected regime has been rattled and embarrassed by a US government report indicating that the late General Sani Abacha may have been poisoned, and not have died as a result of a heart attack. The junta's official line has been that Abacha died a natural death. It is not clear why the US government has focused on Abacha's death but they did not words indistinct with this embarrassment over the junta's assassination of Bashorun Abiola in the presence of a visiting top US delegation in attempting to negotiate his release from four years of illegal activity.
Sources said the US government is still baffled as to how the junta had used its top officials in establishing a bogus alibi that Bashorun Abiola died a natural death. The admission by the USA that Abacha was poisoned confirms that the same junta officials who killed him assassinated Bashorun Abiola.

One thing that had just happened, just a month before this highly suspicious death, was the equally suspicious death of the military dictator Gen. Sani Abacha. His death too was officially classed as being due to a heart attack. Rumors had it he was poisoned with orange juice. Activist urges calm in Nigeria .

My recollection is that Abacha was still alive and in power when Clinton was in Africa (that being the excuse for Clinton not going there.)

But Nigeria quickly returned to civilian rule after Abacha's death. This was a move that was under way when Abiola died. I would speculate that various interests wanted to see to it that Abiola would not be the country's leader when it reverted to democracy.

The admission by the USA that Abacha was poisoned confirms that the same junta officials who killed him assassinated Bashorun Abiola.

I can certainly believe that the Nigerian junta was involved in the murder of Abiola, but the circumstances of his death make it hard to believe that the U.S. government, Bill Clinton, and Susan Rice were not also involved.

What I would speculate is that, annoyed that diplomacy prevented him from visiting junta-ruled Nigeria during his trip to Africa, Bill Clinton issued orders (quite possibly to and through Susan Rice) that Abacha should be eliminated and Nigeria restored to civilian rule. The Nigerian officers then went through with the assassination of Abacha. Various interests, presumably including those same officers and again Bill Clinton, then gave orders that Abiola's rise to power in the newly democratic Nigeria should be prevented. So he was killed too.

STATE DEPARTMENT BRIEFING
BRIEFER: JAMES RUBIN
JULY 2, 1998, THURSDAY
MR. RUBIN: Welcome to the State Department briefing, a sporadic turnout. Perhaps people started their vacations a little early. But we here are working.
Let me start by announcing the following. At the invitation of the government of Nigeria, and under the direction of President Clinton, Undersecretary of State for Political Affairs Thomas Pickering plans to lead a senior-level delegation to Nigeria next week. The purpose of the visit is to offer our support for the new leadership's recent release of political prisoners and to discuss steps we think could facilitate the transition to democratic civilian government in Nigeria.

This visit underscores the importance we attach to democracy and reform in this important country in Africa. This will be an interagency delegation including Assistant Secretary Susan Rice, the deputy commander-in-chief of the European Command, General James Jamerson (sp), the NSC director for African Affairs, USAID assistant administrator, as well as ambassador and other political advisers. This will be posted after the briefing.
Q Can I ask you a question?
MR. RUBIN: Sure. Let's start with that.
Q Well, the AID representation means that it will be sprinkled with money, I'm sure. Is this recognition of Nigeria's size and importance, or is it more than that? Has the administration come to at least some tentative conclusions about where Nigeria is going politically now?

MR. RUBIN: Let me say the following. We are welcoming recent announcements that have come out of Nigeria that all political prisoners will soon be released. We have always believed that the release of political prisoners could be a key step in the transition to civilian government. We hope these steps will be taken soon. Taking those steps would increase our optimism about the commitment of the new Nigerian leadership to respect for human rights and to ensuring swift transition to civilian democratic rule in Nigeria.
The point is that there is a moment of opportunity here, and General Abubakar has an opportunity to help bring Nigeria out of the isolation it's found itself in as a result of the actions he takes. And we want to encourage that. We want to be encouraging where they have taken steps, and we want to urge further steps towards a transition to civilian rule. And that will be the basic purpose of the mission.
Q Jamie, on this also, is it your understanding --
MR. RUBIN: On Nigeria. Yes.
Q Is it your understanding that Abiola is going to be released?
MR. RUBIN: Well, we've seen the announcement by Secretary- General Annan. We don't have any further confirmation of it. He indicated that he expects it to happen. We have no reason to dispute that, and we welcome it, and we'd like to see that happen.
Q Does the visit take place after the release?
MR. RUBIN: Again, there is no timing set for the release, to my knowledge. I think he said he expected it to happen. This trip will take place -- they will leave over the weekend. They will meet with General Abubakar on July the 7th. So whether that's before or after this hoped-for release, we'll have to see.
Q I assume the delegation will be pressing Nigeria on further democratization.
MR. RUBIN: As I indicated in response to Barry's question, we welcome what's happened so far and we want it to continue, and we want there to be a transition to civilian democratic rule.

Q And elections this year that would be democratic?
MR. RUBIN: And following through on the plan for elections so that one can have a civilian rule.
Moving beyond Nigeria, let me say --
Q Just one final one about Nigeria.
MR. RUBIN: Yes.
Q The previous attempt to send Mr. Pickering to Nigeria, which was while General Abacha was still alive, came to grief in a dispute over visas for prominent Nigerians.
MR. RUBIN: We have no reason to believe that that will happen.
Q But those regulations are still in force, are they?

MR. RUBIN: Yeah, we haven't changed our sanctions on Nigerian officials, correct. To my knowledge, there's a, you know -- in preparation for this trip, the only thing that's happened now is that this new government wants to see Undersecretary Pickering, and the last one obviously didn't.

Clinton's African tour was in March 1998. His first stop was Ghana, where he was filmed angrily yelling at a crowd that was pushing against the ropes.

Maybe the only connection between the two assassinations was the method. Abacha did, after all, give the DNC $460,000 through Gilbert Chagouri in 1996:

Copyright 1997 The Christian Science Publishing Society
The Christian Science Monitor
December 18, 1997, Thursday

SECTION: OPINION/ESSAYS; Pg. 19

LENGTH: 896 words

HEADLINE: Nigeria's Dictator, His Ally, And Their Access to US

BYLINE: Paul Beran

BODY:

An individual widely regarded in Nigeria as the principal traveling salesman for dictator Gen. Sani Abacha contributed $ 460,000 to a group designated by a Democratic National Committee (DNC) fund-raiser and subsequently gained access to the White House. The presence of General Abacha's ally among top officials of the United States government merits immediate investigation.

After Abacha sanctioned the hanging of nine political opponents in 1995, he faced severely strained relations with the US. Failure to curb heroin trafficking added to the strain.

Enter Gilbert Chagouri. Of Lebanese descent, he runs an empire built on his relationship with Nigeria's corrupt dictator. His activities include domination of Nigeria's crude oil exports; construction, including much of Abuja, the new federal capital; real estate; dredging; wheat purchases and flour milling; and now, with the debilitation of Nigeria's refineries, imports of gasoline and diesel.

Abacha has been his patron for years, and since coming to power in 1993, he and Chagouri reputedly have generated billions of dollars for themselves in profits and hidden commissions.

As reported in The Washington Post Nov. 22, the chronology of events that led to Chagouri's White House visit is as follows:

* In September 1995, three top US African affairs officials held secret meetings with Nigerian officials in Geneva, with Chagouri joining the gathering for drinks.

* In August 1996, congressman (now US ambassador) Bill Richardson met with Abacha in Abuja and later repaired to Chagouri's home for further discussions over pizza.

* In the late summer or early fall of 1996, Chagouri was solicited by a DNC fund-raiser, and he promptly made three contributions totaling $ 460,000 to a Miami-based voter-registration group to which DNC solicitors had also steered other foreign money.

* In December 1996, Chagouri attended a White House dinner for major DNC contributors, even though technically his donation was nonpartisan "soft" money.

* In July 1997, Chagouri met with James Steinberg, President Clinton's deputy national security adviser, and Susan Rice, since confirmed as assistant secretary of state for Africa, to discuss US-Nigeria relations.

Mr. Steinberg was quoted in the Post article as saying "this was an ideal way to get a clear message" to Abacha about US concerns on democracy and human rights. That's unlikely.

Chagouri's motivation is to keep Abacha in power. Their partnership has made them both extremely rich. Not that this buys Chagouri peace of mind. He has a residence in Nigeria, but these days he only flies into Abuja in his Gulf Stream jet, calls at Abacha's stronghold, Aso Rock, and departs quickly after completing his business dealings.

Abacha's motivation is likewise to stay in power. He is building an expansive cult of personality, which serves to fool only himself and his henchmen. Last month he saw to it that the Army would declare it would have no objection if he ran for president in the planned October 1998 election. Every other presidential candidate who has raised his head has been detained or brow-beaten into moving aside. With the ballot only 10 months away, there are no candidates, and Abacha obviously intends to emerge as the "consensus" flag-bearer for his five sanctioned political parties.

In a public address in October, Abacha said little about returning Nigeria to civilian rule. In November, on the fourth anniversary of his takeover, he implied he might release a few of the thousands of political prisoners in his jails but again said little about any return to democracy. He is destroying domestic dissent and manipulating international opinion to accommodate the impending announcement of his own electoral ambitions.

Abacha is widely and credibly believed in the US and Nigeria to have spent tens of millions of dollars on his US "public relations" campaign. He has split the African-American community, to the point that the Clinton administration has no inclination to take up a harder line toward his rogue regime. At least that's the analysis that previously served to explain US dithering before the Chagouri activity came to light.

When Chagouri donates $ 460,000, it is tantamount to a donation from Abacha. When Chagouri meets with US officials in the White House, it raises suspicion that Abacha is improperly seeking to influence US policy. James Steinberg's notion that a "clear message" would get back to Abacha is naive. The message that got back is, first, that Chagouri money was accepted, and, second, official access resulted.

Nigeria's democratic activists at home and in exile know the close relation of Abacha and Chagouri. They and American Africanists are asking how this happened, what the US will do about it, and whether US policy will toughen in the future. An investigation of this donation and millions of dollars in other donations spread in Washington and around the country from the Abacha regime is long overdue.

* Paul Beran is the pseudonym of an investor with years of experience in Nigeria.

Forget anything I just said about motives in the Abacha murder. Check this out on the Gilbert Chagouri-Marc Rich alliance!

Search Terms: Gilbert Chagouri, clinton or billions

Document 1 of 2.

Nigeria's Oil Mafia

Semiu Salami, The News (Lagos)
Africa News
SECTION: NEWS, DOCUMENTS & COMMENTARY
January 4, 1999

Lagos - A mafia is fingered as being behind the persistent fuel scarcity in Nigeria. Can General Abdulsalami Abubakar brave the odds and smash this syndicate?
Correspondents assigned to the nation's seat of power in Aso Rock, Abuja usually mill around, sometimes eavesdropping for what may be the scoop of the day. Thus, when news went round Monday, 21 December, 1998 that a high-powered meeting involving officials of the military government, petroleum ministry and operators of the oil sector, was underway, the journalists naturally kept their ears to the ground, waiting for the final word from government on the appropriate price for fuel. The Chief of General Staff, Vice-Admiral Okhai Akhigbe chaired the meeting, which also had Mr..
Aret Adams, special adviser to the Head of State on petroleum matters, Dr. Abokhi Zhawa, permanent secretary, petroleum resources ministry, Alhaji Dalhatu Bayero, NNPC group managing director and chief executives of the eight major marketers and Independent Petroleum Marketers Association of Nigeria (IPMAN), in attendance. Naturally a high profile meeting must have a final decision regarding the speculated fuel price hike. But like he had repeatedly done since he became the CGS, Akhigbe flew a kite at the end of the meeting. He debunked the claim of a possible upward review in prices of petroleum product.
"I do not think in our drive at deregulated economy, government will come up and fix prices for anybody now. Why should government want to go and raise the prices of petroleum products?" he queried. However, if many had been swayed by Akhigbe's rhetorics, the fact that emerged, barely 72 hours after the statemen t only put into proper perspective, the point the nation's number one sailor was trying to put across. Energy experts and public policy analysts who spoke with The News last week took Akhigbe's statement to imply throwing the oil sector, particularly as it affects the importation and distribution of petroleum products, open.
To them, Akhigbe actually flew a kite, which became a reality. The 127.2 per cent hike which the meeting he presided over approved became almost immediately operational.
The price of petrol jumped from N11 to N25 per litre, diesel and kerosene from N9 to N23 per litre. But following the public condemnation, government once again, is being forced, or so it seems, to eat its words.
At a protracted meeting between government officials and the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) government was said to have consented to a reduction, in exchange for the suspension of an earlier 12-day ultimatum from the labour union. The new thinking in official circle, it was gathered, was to find a middle-of-the- road approach that would not make the government lose its face, while the labour union would feel a sense of appreciation.
If the reading of the official mindset is as accurate as our sources would want to argue, the new price range government is being compelled to announce may fall between N11 and N15 per litre for PMS, diesel and kerosene. However, the issue which continues to bother the minds of many Nigerians last week was how the government intends to rationalise its double-speak, especially, when the issues in question bother on national security? Why would a responsible government not deeply reflect on a policy issue before making it public, only for it to retract what it had publicly pronounced.
If government goes ahead to reduce the new fuel price, it will be a repeat of the minimum wage saga, which government against all expectations slashed to N3,000 from N5,200. The Military Administrator of Oyo State, Police Commissioner Amen Oyakhire announced the policy somersault in Ibadan.
What is Abubakar up to? For now, the forces that control the nation's black gold have continued to have an upper hand on the Abubakar regime. But like Professor Tam David-West, former petroleum minister said, Gen. Abubakar is "entangled with a lot of interests, so he cannot move." According to the learned professor of Virology, Gen. Abubakar has to balance a lot of things including "these jerry-can, mobile petrol stations owned by people in and out of uniform, big people." With a deregulated oil prices, the group reasoned, hoarding and black marketeering may no longer be the booming business it used to be.
Also, the group was said to have reasoned that smuggling would no longer be lucrative as under the new arrangement, anybody could just have the opportunity to export to any other part of the West African sub-region. More importantly, the group is said to be canvassing for the retaining of the old price or at worst a slight upward review.
Their mindset, it was gathered, is to ensure that what the government would make out of the game would not be enough to carry out the expected repairs of Nigeria's refineries. "In that case, importation would continue and they could always create the usual artificial scarcity," a source said.
Already, all the nation's four petroleum refineries are said to be completely out of order. Both Warri and Port Harcourt new refineries are said to be in a devastating shape.
So bad were they that some oil-prospecting companies approached earlier to acquire them declined the offer. The repair of the old Port Harcourt refinery, with an initial installed capacity of 60,000 bpd but later increased to 80, 000 bpd, expected to have been completed at the end of December is yet to witness significant change.
Worse still, the Kaduna Petrol- Chemical Refining Plant (KPRC) which was shut down for a Turn Around Maintenance has remained in the doldrums for months. Part of the game plan, The News learnt was to ensure that rather than put the refineries back to live, deliberate attempt would be made to stifle them such that the need for sustained importation of refined petroleum products would remain a natural option.
Total International, a French company which the Abacha regime awarded the contract for the repair of KPRC to does not have the patented right of some of the major components of the refinery. Aside, the Total group are not known to have their business line along the required engineering platform that would ensure a satisfactory work.
But Total clinched the job. Ironically, Schroeder, an engineering firm reputed to have helped developed and repaired several oil installations across the globe that initially bidded but was not given the contract is now being wooed to undertake the technical aspect of the contract.
Schroeder, sources disclosed, has rejected the offer insisting that since the government failed to award the contract to it in the first instance, it was not ready to play a second class game. Till date, the refinery has been in a state of inertia while the December 1998 date which the Total Group had said the project would be completed ended without any positive signal.
Unfortunately, however, experts have reasoned that with the completely knocked-out Warri and new Port Harcourt refineries, the Kaduna KPRC should naturally play the bridging role. Although, so much has been said about the devastating condition of the nation's oil sector, the now famous Arewa talk show in 1997 when the former finance minister, Chief Anthony Ani blew the lid over the deliberate attempt to kill the refineries more than anything else, opened the eyes of many Nigerians.
Ani had insisted that the over $2 billion which his ministry released for the repair of the refineries were diverted to other uses. Although, Etete spiritedly rose in defence of the accusation, the fact of the matter was not lost to Nigerians.
But what Ani did not tell Nigerians was what happened to the $700 million contract which was said to have been awarded to Mohammed Abacha, son of the late head of state for the repair of the same refinery. Sources informed this magazine that although all the contract sum were fully paid, the project was left unexecuted and has even not been accounted for.
Sadly enough, the cult which has today held Abubakar hostage, has been a factor of years of unbridled kleptomaniac by successive military regimes. Sometime in November, 1994, senior management of the NNPC and a high-powered delegation from Switzerland-based multi-billion dollar commodity company Glencore owned by Marc Rich struck an oil deal which subsequently placed the country's crude at the mercy of Marc's family.
The deal which was struck under the regime of Chief Don Etiebet, now a presidential aspirant on the platform of the Peoples' Democratic Party (PDP) had to do with the $260 million Bonny Export Terminal contract. Rich, a friend of Abacha's friend, backer and business associate, Gilbert Chagouri had struck the deal on a barter arrangement that would see them lift 50,000 tonnes of crude oil a month (half of Nigeria's total output then), along with an understanding that it would be allowed to lift all excess products not consumed locally like Bitumen and Naphtha.
However, what many observers have argued to be the real problem behind the woes of the refineries was the NNPC-Glencore deal. Some analysts even feel that there may have been a sort of collusion between the officials of the NNPC and Glencore.
What strengthens this line of argument was the fact that shortly after the deal was struck, all the four refineries in Port Harcourt, Warri and Kaduna broke down. While the refineries could no longer process crude, Glencore was busy lifting 50 per cent of the country crude production per day.
The Chagouri clan itself which during Abacha's tenure controlled over 70 per cent of refined crude import, even till date, also remain a formidable force which Abubakar has to contend with. Reputed to always have its ways in Nigeria, the family was responsible for the foul-smelling fuel imported in 1998.
In fact, the Gilbert Chagouri-Marc Rich alliance remains a formidable foe. Incidentally, while the country's rulership through their dictatorial tendencies and knack for unbridled profligacy have sold the nation's oil sector to their foreign collaborators, certain group of powerful Nigerians especially in the military top-shots and civil populace have formed themselves into a thriving cultic empire.
While the fuel crisis persisted and the nation sunk billions of naira, enough to build some four new refineries, many new filling stations by independent oil marketers continue to spring up. High-ranking military officials along with their civilian collaborators form the pivot for the diversion of petroleum products that found its ways into black markets.
Wives of some military officers, especially those of the various task forces on petroleum distribution have suddenly become petroleum merchants. Former Military Administrator of Borno State, Colonel Victor Ozodinobi was said to have been sacked for personally escorting some tanker loads of petrol across the border.
But Ozodinobi was just a victim of the complex northern power-ply, since he was not alone in the league of top military echelon, said to be neck-deep in fuel diversion and hoarding. While the top military hierarchy was "settled" with the various task forces on petroleum distribution, the lower ranking officers were given unofficial licence to be fuel dispensers.
Virtually all military barracks and police formations across the country have turned into beehive of activities of fuel sales. In Lagos, members of the anti- crime squad, Operation Sweep are more culpable.
They buy fuel at filling stations in jerry-can at daylight and dispose them off at black market rate. In most cases, military personnel assigned to escort tankers from depot to filling stations connived with some marketers to effect diversion.
It is estimated that close to $6 million is made daily by black marketers. Although, the unholy attitude of most of the special task forces in aiding and abetting hoarding and smuggling are of public knowledge, government has repeatedly avoided an open acceptance of the culpability.
The closest any government official has gone in admitting the military guilt was the admission of Oyo State Military Administrator, Police Commissioner, Amen Oyakhire. At a meeting with major and independent oil marketers in Ibadan in November, Oyakhire admitted that the state task force on petroleum distribution is yet to visibly justify its existence.
Again its impact in bringing an enduring sanity to the distribution and sale of fuel has not been considerably feLt. Oyakhire, like his other colleagues insisted that the brain behind the diversion and artificial scarcity are the dealers. He warned that government would invoke the "riot act in her renewed drive to" aggressively deal with illicit activities of all enemies of progress." But even if oil marketers have penchant for fuel diversion, what stops the military operatives assigned to them to halt such an illicit act? Can a "bloody civilian fuel marketer damn the presence of gun-totting, battle-ready soldiers? The truth of the story has not been told.
Incidentally, government itself would not genuinely claim not to be aware of the various atrocities and the people behind them. But beyond select oil dealers who are apprehended and paraded before the newshounds, to what extent has government itself gone to truly arrest the situation? Additional reports by Ademola Adegbamigbe, Charles Oke, Innocent Atabo, Sunday Orinya and Frank Ineneji.
Publication Date: January 11, 1999

I wonder if Abacha's military government had become too much of an embarrassment for Clinton to allow it to continue. Did Rich and oil interests oppose a rise to power of Abiola?