Posted on 06/12/2002 8:57:53 AM PDT by PhiKapMom
Patrick B. McGuigan: Conservative leader attacked
2002-06-12
By Patrick B. McGuigan
Chad Alexander, chairman of Oklahoma's Republican Party, is aggravated over the dubious alliances of the other party's leadership. His strong pro-family stance has infuriated an activist homosexual group known for supporting Democrats.
In a press release last Friday, the Cimarron Alliance Group said a statement by the GOP leader showed the party of Lincoln had "at central core the ideology of extermination and eradication of a social minority." They said Alexander's words "were no less hate-inspiring than those Hitler used during World War II." The group demanded that the state Republican Party "make an official retraction of Mr. Alexander's statements" and "require (him) to issue and (sic) apology." The group said unless the state GOP retracted the party chairman's words, the organization would "be unable to support any Republican candidate who does not specifically and unequivocally renounce Mr. Alexander."
The activist homosexual group's statement was characteristic of that movement's tactics elsewhere in the nation in recent years, seeking to compel cultural conservatives within journalism, academics, broadcasting and other influential fields into silence.
Although Alexander is best known for advocacy of lower taxes, smaller government and the congressional redistricting plan designed to enhance Oklahoma's incumbent clout, he is also pro-life. He holds traditional mainstream conservative views on the homosexual activist agenda and other so-called "social issues" -- matters which might more aptly be characterized as cultural and moral.
Alexander countered the Cimarron Alliance's attack, saying, "What we are concerned with is the public policies that certain gay, lesbian, bisexual and transgender groups support. They push a very liberal agenda that does not have a place in Oklahoma or the Republican Party. ... Because I have a principled difference with these organizations on public policy they have decided to pick a fight ... by comparing me to a mass murderer."
What drew the ire of the activist homosexual group was a May 29 statement in which Alexander decried the Oklahoma Democratic Party's willingness to support "the left-wing homosexual agenda" by hosting a convention for "Stonewall Democrats." That group is described as a "gay and lesbian" Democratic club.
Alexander said the co-hosting move was "just further evidence of the growing control the radical homosexual lobby has over the Oklahoma Democrat Party. Now we can better understand why Attorney General Drew Edmondson joined with leftist homosexual groups in suing the Boy Scouts of America." The Cimarron Alliance Group characterizes Alexander's words as "bigoted and divisive."
Alexander pointed to the Stonewall Democrats' Web site which indicates the group's activities are coordinated with the party's formal leadership. He said the site also indicates the Stonewall group "seeks to maximize turnout for pro- homosexual candidates in order to facilitate the election of Democrats."
In his original release, Alexander said he was speaking out because state Democrats are trying to appeal to moderates and conservatives. But he remarked, "How can the Oklahoma Democrat Party continue to claim that they're conservatives, while at the same time hosting conventions that promote the gay, lesbian, bisexual and transgender agenda?"
Alexander's original release also jabbed at the Stonewall Democrats for plans to hold a brunch with Gov. Howard Dean of Vermont. Dean signed a "gay marriage" statute after that the Supreme Court of that state pressured the Legislature to act.
Before anyone flames me, go back and read what some of us have been referred to -- coincidence -- I am not so sure!
Pleanty of reasons for the left to dislike this candidate.
When gays are draged from thier homes and herded into cattle cars to be shiped to concentration camps perhaps then their misguided analogy would hold some water. But for now, all thier whining is nothing more than mandating the rest of the population to validate thier lifestyle through hysterical claims of some percieved discrimination. The Jewish Community should look at any alliance with this minority group as being very suspect-- it is a shame Jews automatically support so many gay causes.
You are so right -- they are not being drug from their homes . . .
The Gay Agenda is way overboard if you ask me. Guess we are the perfect state to attack since we are in the heart of the Bible Belt, but not going to work here!
This is total bs. Certainly nothing Mr. Alexander is quoted as saying says the least thing about "extermination and eradication" of homosexuals. In a free country, people have a right to believe that homosexual activity is sinful and to denounce government promotion of sinful activity. That has nothing whatsoever to do with "extermination" and "eradication". If there is any fascistic intolerance of diverse views here it comes from the gay activists.
Freedom can be preserved only by following principles and is destroyed by following expediencyby F. A. Hayek
Law, Legislation and Liberty, Vol I, Chapter 3, Univ. of Chicago Press, 1973
From the insight that the benefits of civilization rest on the use of more knowledge than can be used in any deliberately concerted effort, it follows that it is not in our power to build a desirable society by simply putting together the particular elements that themselves appear desirable. Although probably all beneficial improvement must be piecemeal, if the separate steps are not guided by a body of coherent principles, the outcome is likely to be a suppression of individual freedom.
The reason for this is very simple, although not generally understood. Since the value of freedom rests on the opportunities it provides for unforeseen and unpredictable actions, we will rarely know what we lose through a particular restriction of freedom. Any such restriction, any coercion other than the enforcement of general rules, will aim at the achievement of some foreseeable particular result, but what is prevented by it will usually not be known. The direct effects of any interference with the market order will be near and clearly visible in most cases, while the more indirect and remote effects will mostly be unknown and will therefore be disregarded. We shall never be aware of all the costs of achieving particular results by such interference.
And so, when we decide each issue solely on what appear to be its individual merits, we always over-estimate the advantages of central direction. Our choice will regularly appear to be one between a certain known and tangible gain and the mere probability of the prevention of some unknown beneficial action by unknown persons. If the choice between freedom and coercion is thus treated as a matter of expediency, freedom is bound to be sacrificed in almost every instance. As in the particular instance we shall hardly ever know what would be the consequence of allowing people to make their own choice, to make the decision in each instance only on the foreseeable particular results must lead to the progressive destruction of freedom. There are probably few restrictions on freedom which could not be justified on the grounds that we do not know the particular loss they will cause.
That freedom can be preserved only if it is treated as a supreme principle which must not be sacrificed for particular advantages was fully understood by the leading liberal thinkers of the nineteenth century, one of whom even described liberalism as 'the system of principles'. Such is the chief burden of their warnings concerning 'What is seen and what is not seen In political economy' and about the 'pragmatism that contrary to the intentions of its representatives inexorably leads to socialism.
All these warnings were, however, thrown to the wind, and the progressive discarding of principles and the increasing determination during the last hundred years to proceed pragmatically is one of the most important innovations in social and economic policy. That we should foreswear all principles or 'isms' in order to achieve greater mastery over our fate is even now proclaimed as the new wisdom of our age. Applying to each task the 'social techniques' most appropriate to its solution, unfettered by any dogmatic belief, seems to some the only manner of proceeding worthy of a rational and scientific age. 'Ideologies', that is sets of principles, have become generally as unpopular as they have always been with aspiring dictators such as Napoleon I or Karl Marx, the two men who gave the word its modern derogatory meaning.
If I am not mistaken, this fashionable contempt for 'ideology', or for all general principles or 'isms', is a characteristic attitude of disillusioned socialists who, because they have been forced by the inherent contradictions of their own ideology to discard it, have concluded that all ideologies must be erroneous and that in order to be rational one must do without one. But to be guided only, as them imagine it to be possible, by explicit particular purposes which one consciously accepts, and to reject all general values whose conduciveness to particular desirable results cannot be demonstrated (or to be guided only by what Max Weber calls 'purposive rationality') is an impossibility. Although, admittedly, an ideology is something which cannot be 'proved' (or demonstrated to be true), it may well be something whose widespread acceptance is the indispensable condition for most of the particular things we strive for.
These self-styled modern 'realists' have only contempt of the old-fashioned reminder that if one starts unsystematically to interfere with the spontaneous order there is no practicable halting point and that it is therefor necessary to choose between alternative systems. They are pleased to think that by proceeding experimentally and therefore 'scientifically' they will succeed in fitting together in piecemeal fashion a desirable order by choosing for each particular desired result what science shows them to be the most appropriate means of achieving it.
Since warnings against this sort of procedure have often been misunderstood, as one of my earlier books has, a few more words about their intentions may be appropriate. What I meant to argue in The Road to Serfdom was certainly not that whenever we depart, however slightly, from what I regard as the principles of a free society, we shall ineluctable be driven to go the whole way to a totalitarian system. It was rather what in more homely language is expressed when we say: 'If you do not mend your principles you will go to the devil.' That this has often been understood to describe a necessary process over which we have no power once we have embarked on it, is merely an indication of how little the importance of principles for the determination of policy is understood, and particularly how completely overlooked is the fundamental fact that by our political actions we unintentionally produce the acceptance of principles which will make further action necessary.
What is overlooked by those unrealistic modern 'realists' who pride themselves on the modernity of their view is that they are advocating something which most of the Western world has indeed been doing for the past two or three generations, and which is responsible for the conditions of present politics. The end of the liberal era of principles might well be dated at the time when, more than eighty years ago, W. S. Jevons pronounced that in economic and social policy 'we can lay down no hard and fast rules, but must treat every case in detail upon its merits.' Ten years later Herbert Spencer could already speak of 'the reigning school of politics' by whom 'nothing less than scorn is shown for every doctrine which implies restraints on the doings of immediate expediency' or which relies on 'abstract principles'.
This 'realistic' view which has now dominated politics for so long has hardly produced the results which its advocates desired. Instead of having achieved greater mastery over our fate we find ourselves in fact more frequently committed to a path which we have not deliberately chosen, and faced with 'inevitable necessities' of further action which, though never intended, are the result of what we have done.
The preservation of a free system is so difficult precisely because it requires a constant rejection of measures which appear to be required to secure particular results, on no stronger grounds than that they conflict with a general rule, and frequently without our knowing what will be the costs of not observing the rule in the particular instance. A successful defense of freedom must therefore be dogmatic and make no concessions to expediency, even where it is not possible to show that, besides the known beneficial effects, some particular harmful result would also follow from its infringement . Freedom will prevail only if it is accepted as a general principle whose application to particular instances requires no justification. It is thus a misunderstanding to blame classical liberalism for having been to o doctrinaire. Its defect was not that it adhered too stubbornly to principles, but rather that it lacked principles sufficiently definite to provide clear guidance, and that it often appeared simply to accept the traditional functions of government and to oppose all new ones. Consistency is possible only if definite principles are accepted. But the concept of liberty with which the liberals of the nineteenth century operated was in many respects so vague that it did not provide clear guidance.
It is necessary to realize that the sources of many of the most harmful agents in this world are often not evil men but high-minded idealists, and that in particular the foundations of totalitarian barbarism have been laid by honourable and well-meaning scholars who never recognized the offspring they produced. The fact is that, especially in the legal field, certain guiding philosophical preconceptions have brought about a situation where well-meaning theorists, highly admired to the present day even in free countries, have already worked out all the basic conceptions of a totalitarian order. Indeed, the communists, no less than the fascists or national socialists, had merely to use conceptions provided by generations of legal theorists in order to arrive at their doctrines.
What concerns us here is, however, not so much the past as the present. In spite of the collapse of the totalitarian regimes in the western world, their basic ideas have in the theoretical sphere continued to gain ground, so much so that to transform completely the legal system into a totalitarian one all that is needed now is to allow the ideas already reigning in the abstract sphere to be translated into practice.
--From Vol III (The Political Order of a Free People) pg.6:
...The step from the belief that only what is approved by the majority should be binding for all, to the belief that all that the majority approves shall have that force, may seem small. Yet it is the transition from one conception of government to an altogether different one: from the conception by which government has definite limited tasks required to bring about the formation of a spontaneous order, to the conception that its powers are unlimited; or a transition from a system in which through recognized procedures we decide how certain common affairs are to be arranged, to a system I which one group of people may declare anything they like as a matter of common concern and on this ground subject it to those procedures. While the first conception refers to necessary common decisions requisite for the maintenance of peace and order, the second allows some organized sections of the people to control everything, and easily becomes the pretext of oppression.
Your answer, Mom, is that the nationalizing socialist forces of centralization --- what we have generally been opposed to, here at Free Republic --- have made significant gains through the Clinton Administration and continue to do so through the Bush [still running 25% Bush and 75% Clinton] Administration, by whipping up the seas of the public's fears, sometimes doing that by promoting placements of "right-wing extremism."
We must ask ourselves if centralization is necessary at each of its efforts to aquire more power and diminish the authority of the people; lest we supply the links, one at a time, which will shackle us.
That's just a scare tactic they use when they want to shut you up, or worse, as in the case of Pim Fortuyn who was often called a Nazi, Hitler jr., etc. How long before leftist extremists here are using it as an excuse to pop a cap in people whose views may be juxtaposed to their own? And don't DARE ever mention that Nazism was practically socialism LITE. Though he tolerated individual ownership of certain industries as a means to an end at the time, Hitler's ultimate plan was to make those state-owned as well. The leftists, however, have done an effective job of shifting Hitler and Nazism onto the right, while the facts disappear up an Orwellian incinerator chute...
NOTE: Not going to change my mind so you can quit posting such lengthy items to me! Thanks!
This is perhaps the single positive event to come out of the evil and horror which the pan-islamist movement has been spreading around the globe. These Liberal Jews are now opening thier eyes to a party (Democrats) and ideology (liberal socialism) which continues to scapegoat them for the mayhem and chaos which Islamists create. When a Jew hears a democrat throw around terms like "Nazis" and "Holocaust" it brings to mind the worst sort of arab propaganda (think Al Jazeera T.V. fabricating a "masacre" at Jenin), and it is revolting that American liberals would use the same tactics as militant muslims. Jews will not be in the Democrat camp for long... this I promise... I convert more liberal Jews at my temple to the Republican party every week, and there is nothing little Dick Ghephart can do about it.
Next time something like that happens, I am going to ping everyone to write and complain!
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