Chavistas Still Committed - While Chavez Accumulates Power

"They (the opposition) don't like Chavez because he's black, he's Indian, and they're white and beautiful," said Hugo Salvador, a 60-year-old advertising employee. He stood amid a jostling crowd of fellow "Bolivarian Circle" members who shouted, "We're the poor, the ones who have always been kicked around." Founded in 2000, the Bolivarian Circles are billed by the government as grass-roots groups allowing Venezuela's poor a say in local governance.

CARACAS, Venezuela (AP) - Unshaken by the coup that momentarily ousted their leader, President Hugo Chavez's hard-core followers are keeping their faith in his Pan-American, "Bolivarian Revolution" that they say will someday encompass all the Americas.

Hundreds of intimidating "Chavistas" still gather on street corners, shouting quasi-socialist rhetoric and their belief that Chavez ultimately will help forge a united South America - the dream of 19th-century patriot Simon Bolivar.

But the April 12 attempted coup and Chavez's diplomatic spats with neighbors like Colombia, Peru, Bolivia and the United States make exporting the revolution unlikely. Still, its nationalist ideals offer militant Chavez followers an element of racial and class redemption in a country long governed by a largely white elite.

Founded in 2000, the Bolivarian Circles are billed by the government as grass-roots groups allowing Venezuela's poor a say in local governance.

Thousands of circle members descended on the presidential palace to stop an opposition march on April 11. At least 17 died in ensuing gunfire. Circle members are among those being blamed.

Most Venezuelans find the "Bolivarian" rhetoric offensive, given the relatively easy coexistence - outside of politics - among the nation's mixed-blood population. But supporters of Chavez's 3-year-old administration like his speeches demanding better distribution of Venezuela's oil wealth.

"The children of recent immigrants have gotten rich, formed exclusive white ghettos, and have a certain feeling of disgust for the rest of the population,' said Guillermo Garcia Ponce, who holds the title of Director of the Political Command of the Revolution in Chavez's government.

Garcia Ponce insisted that "there is nothing in our ideology that would lead to socialism," despite Chavez's close ties with Cuba's Fidel Castro (news - web sites) and his tacit support for leftist guerrillas in neighboring Colombia.

Aside from the pressing need to eradicate Venezuela's 80 percent poverty rate, there's some confusion about the revolution's other aims.

Chavez has launched a new land reform program but has not expropriated businesses or properties. He claims to fight for the common man but is deeply at odds with Venezuela's unions. He says Venezuela must eliminate its dependence on oil, but is nearly alone among current Latin leaders in resisting hemispheric free trade.

"This is not some imported ideology. It's something we invented here. It's Biblical-Bolivarian thought," said circle member Romulo Mendez, 46.

"This is our Bible," said another, holding up a copy of the little blue book that is the Chavez-inspired 1999 Constitution. The document revamped a democratic government long dominated by a corrupt elite.

The spread of what is called "Bolivarian thought" - which blurs the distinction between Chavez's Fifth Republic Movement party and the government - worries many. Before the coup, Chavez proposed allowing circle committees to inspect schools and fire teachers at will. "Bolivarian thought" is being taught at "Bolivarian schools."

But whose thought? Bolivar's big concern was winning independence from Spain and uniting South America. Recent additions come from Chavez, whom Garcia Ponce describes as "the interpreter of the hopes and desires of the people."

"What we know about Bolivar is the historical figure we were taught in school," said public school teacher Gustavo Choverio, 43. "Most people only know two or three phrases of the 'Bolivarian' stuff that Chavez's party is trying to promote."

Leopoldo Puchi, whose small leftist party broke with Chavez because of Chavez's intolerance, said the president chose Bolivar to give a non-Marxist, nationalist face to his own ideas.

Chavez's political machine "has achieved very few concrete economic proposals, so all its energy has been channeled into the accumulation of power," Puchi said.

**** "What we know about Bolivar is the historical figure we were taught in school," said public school teacher Gustavo Choverio, 43. "Most people only know two or three phrases of the 'Bolivarian' stuff that Chavez's party is trying to promote." Leopoldo Puchi, whose small leftist party broke with Chavez because of Chavez's intolerance, said the president chose Bolivar to give a non-Marxist, nationalist face to his own ideas. Chavez's political machine "has achieved very few concrete economic proposals, so all its energy has been channeled into the accumulation of power," Puchi said.***

El Sur: Opponents of Chavez Unbeaten-Unbowed - April 20 by Richard Jahnke - 11:16 AM

VENEZUELA Unbeaten, unbowed: Opponents of President Hugo Chávez are surprisingly determined and aggressive after the failure of the April 9-12 demonstrations to lead to his removal from office.

____ 1. Top military officers arrested in after the interim government collapsed strongly defended their actions in court, reports Yahoo! News - AP.

"We still consider this to be an illegitimate government," said Rear Admiral Carlos Molina Tamayo as he was whisked away by military police. "The armed forces are very beaten down and divided." Tamayo had denounced Chavez in February.

Asked if Chavez was reorganizing the military to his liking, Molina Tamayo replied: "Maybe. But he can't remake the country to his liking."

Army Gen. Nestor Gonzalez has defended the coup as "a humanitarian act meant to avoid having the army attack the people and produce a massacre." Gonzalez said generals balked at Chavez's order to activate "Plan Avila," calling out troops to defend the palace by any means necessary during the march by hundreds of thousands of civilians.

____ 2. In El Universal the Mayor of Baruta, Henrique Capriles charged pro-Chávez activists with operating "a laboratory to falisfy scenes of violence" ("laboratorio para falsificar escenas de violencia

The official commented that he has received confidential information according to which various deputies, among them Juan Barreto, discovered editing some films in order to blame opposition groups.

El funcionario comentó que le han llegado informaciones confidenciales según las cuales varios diputados oficialistas, entre ellos Juan Barreto, se encuentran editando algunas filmaciones para inculpar a los grupos opositores.

____ 3. El Nacional reports that the Confederación de Trabajadores de Venezuela (CTV) intends to stage another march on May 1. In his first public appearance after the events of April 11, the union's leader Carlos Ortega also said he is willing to meet with President Chávez.

"If it is to resolve the things we are disposed to meet even with the devil," he indicated.

"Si es para solucionar las cosas estamos dispuestos a reunirnos hasta con el demonio," indicó.

____ 4. Also according to El Nacional, the head of the Organización de Periodistas Iberoamericanos (OPI) wrote Chávez asking compensation for the family of the news photographer assassinated on April 11.

In a letter directed to Chávez, the president of the OPI, Alvaro Julio Martinez, asked the chief of estate to take all measures necessary to insure that the killer of (Jorge) Tortosa does not remain immune and those responsible for the crime are carried before justice.

En una carta dirigida a Chávez, el presidente de la OPI, Alvaro Julio Martínez, le solicita al Jefe de Estado que tome las medidas necesarias para que la muerte de Tortosa no quede en la impunidad y los responsables del crimen sean llevados ante la justicia.

Why is this?

First, while Chávez's opponents made mistakes, his supporters committed crimes.There is at least one video showing "Bolivarian circle" members shooting at the crowd. There are witnesses. Pro-Chávez crowds mobbed newspapers and TV stations. (See El Sur.) All of this creates a problem of legitimacy, without which there is only force. For Chávez this is a dilemma. If he fails to protect his Bolivarian shooters, he defeats the purpose of the organization. The circles are the street-fighting arm of the MVR (Fifth Republic Movement); when circle members shot demonstrators and mobbed the media, they were doing what they were designed to do. If he protects the Bolivarian shooters--the likely course--he loses legitimacy. (The Organization of American States, human rights organizations and press-protection organizations are all watching.) Legitimacy is a problem because there is no Soviet Bloc into which Chávez can take the country anymore.

Second, nothing fundamental has changed. Chávez has some five years still to go into his term and already he is unpopular enough to be besieged. His economy is stagnant. Oil revenues are capped, now by his voluntary acceptance of Venezuela's OPEC quota, in a few years by capacity (see El Sur). There isn't the slightest prospect conditions in the country will improve enough to lift his popularity. Sometime between now and 2007 there will be another crisis just like this.

Third, if Chávez decides to meet his next crisis with force, who can he trust? According to the picture of events that has emerged, Chávez lost the support of the military on April 11 when he tried to call the military out into the streets to head off the demonstrations. This can't give him confidence the military will fight the public for him next time. A post-restoration shake-up will let Chávez raise up a new, military hierarchy, of course. This new handpicked leadership should be more loyal, except that Chávez had appointed the old leadership, which, in the crunch, turned out not to be.

Fourth, at the heart of Chávez's "Bolivarianin Revolution" and "Fifth Republic Movement" are absolutely nothing. BOLIVARISM IS ENTIRELY CONTENTLESS. It consists of populist solganeering and local pride (Simon Bolivar came from the part of Great Colombia that is now Venezuela). This was enough when the country was focused on the wholly negative task of ousting the previous, corrupt government. But it is not something like Scientific Socialism or Islamism, that can be studied, believed and committed to. For Venezuelans well-enough placed to not be particularly moved by generalized appeals to envy--indeed well-enough placed to be threatened by Chávez's verbal assaults on the relatively well off (which includes the officer corp)--it has little intrinsic appeal. Since there's nothing to Bolivarism except appeals to lower-class envy, the attachment of MVR officials is largely opportunistic. This is not the foundation for loyalty.

Chávez is reported to have said on his return something to the effect that, while under guard, he always believed he would return, just not so soon. For him, sooner almost certainly was not better. Chávez would have a much brighter future if it was Pedro Carmona dealing with Venezuela's problems, amidst the uproar from Chávez partisans, returning himself in triumph later, perhaps even winning another term as president. Instead, it is Chávez who is dealing with the country's problems amidst an anti-Chávez uproar. Though it's too soon to be sure, the officers who stripped Chávez of power probably did him a better turn than those who restored him to it.

February 2001 - Chávez's school plans ignite furor in Venezuela*** A new constitution written by Chávez supporters requires all schools to teach ``Bolivarian principles'' ---- a code phrase for Chávez's brand of leftist populism ---- and the pro-Chávez majority in the legislative National Assembly is preparing a bill laying out the exact curriculum.

Last month, the president issued Decree 1011, creating a corps of ``itinerant inspectors'' empowered to close schools and fire teachers that don't follow government-set procedures and standards. ``Political commissars,'' Agudo called them. Jaime Manzo, head of the national teachers' union, called it ``a sword hanging over the head of any teacher who refuses to sing Chávez's praises in the classroom.''

Parents' groups and the teachers' union have appealed to the Supreme Court to block the decree and submitted to the assembly an alternate education reform plan that guarantees a ``pluralist education'' and bans ``partisan politics'' from the classroom. New history texts for fourth- and sixth-graders published in 1999 praised Chávez's coup attempt and branded as ``corrupt oligarchies'' the two parties that ruled Venezuela since the late 1950s, Democratic Action and COPEI.

Chávez has also greatly expanded a system of paramilitary classes in public high schools that had long been on the books but were seldom held, portraying them as ``the founding stones of the new Venezuelan man.'' ``He is promoting militarism, infecting texts with viruses that foster class hatreds ... and speak against globalization and privatization,'' Raffalli said in an interview.

Chávez recently signed a deal with Cuba under which Havana will train Venezuelan teachers and provide educational materials, and Education Minister Hector Navarro last year approved a nationwide essay competition on the life of Argentine-born Cuban revolutionary Ernesto ``Ché'' Guevara.***

August 2001 - It's Cool to be Communist Again***Inspired by Libyan leader Muammar Qaddafi and Cuba's Fidel Castro, military strongman Chavez is turning oil-rich Venezuela into a populist, anti-U.S. dictatorship, say U.S. intelligence sources. They tell Insight that Chavez is providing a safe haven for the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) narcoguerrillas, an 18,000-man insurgency that began decades ago as an offshoot of the local Communist Party and still clings to Marxist-Leninist ideology." ***

A supporter of Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez holds up a copy of the national constitution in Caracas, Venezuela, during a rally April 19, 2002. With much the same energy shown during Mao Tse Tung's "Cultural Revolution" of the 1960s, some Venezuelans still pursue a "Bolivarian Revolution" based on the beliefs of a 19th-century patriot as filtered through the mind of President Hugo Chavez. Its nationalist ideals offer militant Chavez followers an element of racial and class redemption in a country long dominated by a mostly white elite. But some say that since Chavez took office three years ago, the revolution has become less a matter of ideology than of power.(AP Photo/Douglas Engle) - Apr 24 9:50 PM ET

December 2001 - Hugo Chavez and the Transformation of Venezuela "experiments in social justice"***Chavez and his crew are taking on the inequities in Venezuela's system. With 80% of the population living in poverty, that's no small feat. Richard Gott's book is one of the only places readers concerned with social justice can find out about the hopeful experiments underway in Venezuela.***

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