Posted on 04/14/2002 4:01:40 AM PDT by Cincinatus' Wife
LINKS to Hugo Chavez's "government" June 2001 - March 2002
I'm keeping track of Hugoland formally known as Venezuela. Please LINK any stories or add what you wish to this thread. The above LINK takes you to past articles posted before the new FR format. Below I'll add what I've catalogued since that LINK no longer could take posts.
(March 1, 2002)-- Venezuela's strongman faces widespread calls to step down
By Phil Gunson | Special to The Christian Science Monitor
[Full Text] CARACAS, VENEZUELA - The man who won Venezuelan hearts three years ago as a strongman who could deliver a better life to the masses is now facing them in the streets.
More than 20,000 people turned out this week calling for the resignation of President Hugo Chávez, while some 2,000 supporters marched in a rival demonstration of support. The demonstrations come after months of building discontent with a president who has managed to alienate the labor class, the media, business groups, the church, political parties, and the military.
Four military leaders have publicly called for his resignation.
In November, Chávez introduced 49 "revolutionary" decrees. The package of laws - affecting everything from land rights and fisheries to the oil industry - unified virtually the whole of organized society in a nationwide business and labor stoppage that paralyzed the country on Dec. 10.
The protests this week have a note of irony, because they started out as a commemoration called by President Chávez. In his eyes, Feb. 27 is a milestone of his so-called revolution - "the date on which the people awoke" in 1989. That is when thousands of rioters and looters took to the streets in protest of an IMF-backed austerity plan, in which the government hiked gas prices.
In what became known as the caracazo, or noisy protest, thousands of rioters and looters were met by Venezuelan military forces, and hundreds were killed. Three years later, Chávez and his military co-conspirators failed in an attempt to overthrow the government responsible for the massacre, that of President Carlos Andres Perez. Chávez was jailed for two years.
"But the elements that brought about the caracazo are still present in Venezuela," says lawyer Liliana Ortega, who for 13 years has led the fight for justice on behalf of the victims' relatives. "Poverty, corruption, impunity ... some of them are perhaps even more deeply ingrained than before."
Chávez's supporters consist of an inchoate mass of street traders, the unemployed, and those whom the old system had marginalized. This, to Chávez, is el pueblo - the people.
"But we are 'the people' too," protests teacher Luis Leonet. "We're not oligarchs like he says. The oligarchs are people like Chávez, people with power."
On Wednesday, Leonet joined a march led by the main labor confederation, the CTV, to protest what unions say is a series of antilabor measures, including one of the 49 decrees dealing with public-sector workers.
Chávez won't talk to the CTV, whose leaders, he says, are corrupt and illegitimate. So he refuses to negotiate the annual renewal of collective contracts with the confederation, holding up deals on pay and conditions for hundreds of thousands of union members like Leonet.
Across town on Wednesday, a progovernment march sought to demonstrate that the president's popularity was as high as ever.
"For the popular classes, Chávez is an idol," says marcher Pedro Gutierrez.
Pollster Luis Vicente Leon, of the Datanalisis organization, warns that marches are no measure of relative popularity. "There is a lot of discontent among ... the really poor," Leon says, adding that so far the protests are mainly among the middle class.
But the middle class can be a dangerous enemy. It includes the bulk of the armed forces, and the management of the state oil company, PDVSA.
This month, four uniformed officers, ranging from a National Guard captain to a rear-admiral and an Air Force general, called on the president to resign, while repudiating the idea of a military coup of Chávez, himself a former Army lieutenant-colonel.
But senior "institutionalist" officers "are under severe pressure from lower ranks frustrated at the lack of impact" that these acts have had, a source close to military dissidents says. In other words, a coup cannot be ruled out, although the United States publicly denounces the idea.
Meanwhile, the president's imposition of a new board of directors on PDVSA this week sparked a virtual uprising by the company's senior management. In an unprecedented public statement, managers said the government was pushing the company "to the verge of operational and financial collapse" by imposing political, rather than commercial, criteria.
The political opposition remains relatively weak and divided. But in the view of many analysts, a president who offends both the military and the oil industry is asking for trouble. In the bars and restaurants of Caracas, the debate is no longer over whether Chávez will finish his term, which has nearly five years to run. It is when and how he will go - and what comes next. [End]
RID the World of his type of evil.
"There was nothing peaceful about it," he said. At times clutching a tiny copy of the constitution, at others a cross, the outspoken Chavez called his opponents "Nazis," asserted that "media laboratories" are plotting his downfall and said security forces are investigating another conspiracy to end his rule.***
Faith shattered
Instead, President Duhalde has offered to swap 30bn pesos ($8.5bn) of deposits for government bonds that can be converted to cash in either five or 10 years' time. Deposit holders who do not want the bonds will be given bank certificates that they can use to buy big ticket items such as properties and cars.
The restrictions on cash withdrawals remain in place, but the government is also going to allow exporters to open dollar bank accounts for foreign trade. The hope is that the package will help stoke consumer demand, which has all but dried up in the country's worst economic crisis in its history.***
Señora Chávez was forced to flee the Miraflores Palace in Caracas during an attempted coup in April. Though her husband returned to power after just 72 hours, it appears that their marriage cannot be restored. In an interview with a leading opposition newspaper, Marisabel Chávez, a 37-year-old former beauty queen, blamed the split on the country's topsy-turvy politics and on her husband's abrasive personality.
The couple were married shortly before Señor Chávez, 47, won a landslide election victory in 1998. They have a four-year-old daughter and both have children from previous marriages. In the interview Señora Chávez said that their married life had deteriorated after her husband's election. "Many things changed, our surroundings, our friends," she said.
Her statements reflected a widespread sentiment of concern across the country over Señor Chávez's highly divisive politics. Since taking power, he has launched what he calls a social revolution to close the gap between Venezuela's wealthy elite and the poor majority. Many critics say his left-wing policies have caused deeper economic problems and social resentments that could explode in violence. Señora Chávez appeared to distance herself from her husband's policies, suggesting that he had been seduced by power and the idolatry of his supporters. "I don't want to be a martyr of the revolution or to be used as a political object by the opposition," she said. [End]
But several U.S. officials reacted with skepticism to these gloomy scenarios. ''There is a general [regional] commitment to market economies and open trade that remains firm,'' says Lino Gutierrez, the No. 2 official at the U.S. State Department's Latin American affairs office. ``We are encouraged that the Argentine government is beginning to take the steps necessary to put the country on better economic and financial footing.''
Asked about the South American domino scenario, another senior Bush administration official noted that the same kinds of theories were floating around a little more than year ago, when many predicted that populist former President Alan García would win in Peru, and that leftist former Sandinista leader Daniel Ortega would win in Nicaragua, and that the whole region would move left. It didn't happen. Bush administration officials are confident that, over the next three months, the U.S. Congress will give President Bush ''fast-track'' authority to expedite new free-trade agreements, and that this will lead almost immediately to expanded trade benefits for Andean countries, and to the signing of a bilateral free-trade agreement with Chile. ''All of these things are going to change the atmosphere in this hemisphere,'' a senior Bush administration official says.***
The treaty is meant to prevent financing of terrorism, toughen border controls and strengthen cooperation among law enforcement agencies. It requires each country to create a financial intelligence unit and institute strict measures to detect cross-border movements of cash that could be used to fund terrorism. Signatories agreed to transfer detainees whose testimony is needed in anti-terrorism investigations and to deny asylum or refugee status to terrorism suspects. "Today, our states, individually and collectively, face new goals and new threats," said Panama's Foreign Minister Jose Miguel Aleman.
The four OAS nations that did not sign - Canada, Dominica, the Dominican Republic and Trinidad and Tobago - need additional time to follow required procedures, OAS officials said. Foreign ministers and secretaries of state also discussed a possible OAS role in easing political tensions in Venezuela, where President Hugo Chavez was briefly ousted by a military rebellion in April, and in Haiti, where an impasse over new elections is holding up hundreds of millions of dollars in aid.***
Nearly eight weeks after rebel military and civilian leaders briefly toppled Chavez, Venezuela is still mired in political uncertainty and jitters over another possible uprising. Talks aimed at brokering dialogue between Chavez supporters and his critics have descended into political sniping as both sides blame each other for the deaths of civilians shot by gunmen during the April 11-14 ouster.
Carter, working from his nonprofit Carter Center in Atlanta after leaving office in 1981, has established himself as an elder statesman helping to settle conflicts around the world. Last month he became the most senior U.S. statesman to visit Cuba since its 1959 revolution. He met Cuban dissidents in Havana as part of his push for internal reforms in the island's one-party Communist state.
The Carter Center confirmed it had received the request. "We did receive the invitation from the Venezuelan vice president and we are taking it under consideration," a Carter Center spokesman said. ***
The new defense minister, Gen. Lucas Rincon, admitted to reporters recently that the changes were made necessary because of "certain discontent," especially in the high ranks of the armed forces. "The reason we have so many changes in the armed forces is because the situation we experienced (April 11) requires that we make them, it's as simple as that," Rincon told reporters.
Critics accuse the president of going back on his word. After his dramatic restoration to power in April Chavez vowed there would be no "witch hunt" against the military. "There is definitely a purge in progress and what we have is a very precarious situation," said Alberto Garrido, a political analyst and author of several books about Chavez. ***
"I the Supreme,'' the classic novel by Paraguayan writer Augusto Roa Bastos to which Chávez referred, is a brilliant portrait of a president-for-life, one in a subgenre of dictator literature that flourished in Latin America before multiparty democracies began taking root. Whether Chávez is indeed a latter-day caudillo or simply a charismatic populist with authoritarian tendencies or actually a genuine leftist revolutionary is a matter of fierce debate in Venezuela. But many believe that he is so gifted and yet so flawed a leader that he almost seems to be the fictional creation of a Bastos or a Gabriel García Márquez.
In Venezuela, almost everyone is either passionately for Chávez or against him, a Chavista or an anti-Chavista. The poor who feel embraced by Chávez worship the Venezuelan president as their redeemer: ''Hugo the Messiah!'' His equally zealous foes see him as Hurricane Hugo, with the power to transform Venezuela into a Communist backwater like Cuba or, alternatively, a violent, riven republic like Colombia.
Whether they love him or loathe him, Venezuelans say that Chávez, who took office in early 1999, has awakened Venezuela from its political somnolence, empowered the poor and stirred the elite to re-engage after years of inactivity. He has been like a shock therapist, exposing and exploiting the profound class divisions in Venezuelan society that can never be ignored again.
''There is no going back to the way things were B.C.,'' before Chávez, said Nelson Ortiz, president of the Caracas Stock Exchange and a self-proclaimed ''anti-Chavista light.'' ''In the passions that he arouses, Chávez is one in a million. For many generations to come, people will be talking about him and about this very surreal, probably defining, moment in our history." ***
But the biggest problem, Mr. Rodriguez suggests, may lie with the leftist president himself. "A lot of investors are worried about Chavez," he says. "There are deep worries about the security of property rights in Venezuela and that things will get politically more difficult. The specter of political instability has hovered over the Venezuelan economy since January, beginning with a series of mass demonstrations, strikes and, finally, an unsuccessful military coup that ousted Mr. Chavez for 48 hours, before he was brought back by loyal troops. Since then, the country has been in a fiscal swoon, despite rising prices for oil, which accounts for 80% of exports and generates about half of government revenues.***
Standup comedians and political cartoonists led hundreds of flag-waving, pot-banging Venezuelans in a rally Tuesday to demand justice for those who died in three days of upheaval that deposed and quickly reinstated Chavez. "This is a very sad time for us, but the people are going to continue making humor," said Pedro Leon Zapata, a renowned artist and political cartoonist for El Nacional newspaper.
Also in downtown Caracas, the capital, hundreds of Chavez sympathizers held their own rally to protest an opposition campaign to oust the president through a popular referendum. "I am here to support Chavez," said Nancy Cepeda, 36, surrounded by hundreds of people waving posters of the populist former paratrooper and wearing knockoffs of his trademark red military beret. "We would be living in a dictatorship if Chavez had not returned."***
"With each passing day there is more hunger in Argentina," said Lopez. To properly feed a family of four cost 215 pesos in March and 252 pesos in April, government figures show. That's an increase from $61 to $72, and salaries haven't risen at all. The cash-strapped government has social programs for the poor, but critics say these can't keep pace with the spreading crisis. On May 17 the government started dispensing aid worth $42 a month to 1 million unemployed heads of households. The critics say it should be double that amount. ***
U.S. Ambassador Charles Shapiro said Wednesday the coup rumors helped prompt a State Department warning this week that Americans in Venezuela should take security precautions. ''In a country where there are so many rumors, it's important for foreigners to be careful,'' he said. The crisis atmosphere is even more intense than in April, when a sudden military coup forced Chávez out of power for two days amid a whirlwind of political violence and looting that left 70 dead. ''The country is on the verge of a nervous breakdown,'' the centrist TalCual newspaper said this week in an editorial that called for calm.***
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