Beam me to Planet Gore !
Posted on 05/12/2010 6:32:02 PM PDT by Errant
Glenn Beck tonight requested everyone watching the show to begin downloading everything possible on a Mr. Maurice Strong. According to Beck, Maurice Strong is one of the "Big Fish" involved in the global warming scam.
Beck requested the information download to prevent operatives "hinting at the Whitehouse" from scrubbing the internet of relevant information concerning Mr. Strong.
hoosiermama posted: Maurice Strong now lives in China. Wasn't the first reaction to the 2008 melt down that it had been triggered or traced to Asia.........
Maurice Strong is still very active today. He is chairman of the Earth Council Alliance and sits on the board of the Chicago Climate Exchange, a CO2 trading scheme.
and when we do find it---WE WILL BROADCAST IT TO THE WORLD
Kenya? Anna Louise Strong???
http://www.pittsburghlive.com/x/pittsburghtrib/s_334103.html
And the oil-for-food scandal has spread from the Turtle Bay compound to Canada, China, South Korea, Britain, Costa Rica, Texas and Colorado.
And then there’s Maurice Strong, 75, a Canadian socialist multimillionaire who lives on a 63,000 acre ranch on the edge of the mountains in southern Colorado.
Strong, who likes to be known as “Max” (as in “maximum leader”), also has a giant ranch in Costa Rica. Strong grew up in a poor family in Manitoba, left school at 14 and in 1958 went to Kenya to work for Cal Tex on oil exploitation. There he discovered the environment to be a wonderful issue to promote himself.
Strong returned to Canada in his late 30s to commence a James Bond-type of career as a future self-appointed chief diplomat for the world.
A near-compulsive talker, one item about which Strong is almost taciturn is his relations with China’s elite. Strong does not mention his late cousin Anna Louise Strong. The Marxist journalist was a member of the Comintern and spent two years with Chairman Mao. Her funeral in 1970 was organized personally by Chou En-lai, China’s prime minister.
Some claim that Strong arranged the Nixon-Kissinger initial meetings with the Chinese. However, Strong makes full use of Cousin Anna’s memories among Beijing’s elite and has had excellent relationships with the Chinese for 30 years.
Among Strong’s closest friends are Kofi Annan; Jim Wolfensohn, the outgoing World Bank leader who once worked for Strong; Malloch Brown, a Brit who is Annan’s Cabinet chief; Al Gore, to whom he donated $100,000; the sinister and corrupt Tongsun Park; Mikhail Gorbachev; Gro Harlem Brundtland, a former prime minister of Norway; Paul Martin, the embattled prime minister of Canada; and another Canadian power-lady at the U.N., Deputy Secretary-General Louise Frechette.
Ms. Frechette is not only a member of Paul Volcker’s team investigating the oil-for-food scandal but also a subject of its scrutiny. A longtime friend of Strong, both of them were close to the executives of the Paris-based banking conglomerate, Banque Nationale de Paris, BNP. This was the bank selected by Annan that made at least 400 suspect payments to Iraq that could have been used for weapons and the support of terrorism.
Last month, Strong resigned as Annan’s special representative in Korea. He gave as his reason a U.N. hiring mix-up that put his step-daughter on his U.N. payroll for the past two years.
Throughout his life, Strong has lived a “grace-and-favor” existence. His specialty is turning business moguls into friends of international bureaucrats to avoid the delays of democracy.
Recently, Strong was looking for an apartment in Beijing, where his Canadian interests are already enmeshed with the Chinese Red Army.
Maurice Strong is the fox that was invited into the henhouse — and given the tools to redesign it for his own interests.
To save time for them...Have you translated the material into English or was it in English?
Maurice Strong has been quoted as saying:
“Frankly, we may get to the point where the only way of saving the world will be for industrial civilization to collapse.”
Strong part of the food for oil scam as was Auchi...Can we link them together? Auchi to Rezko to Obama....triple play.
(no link)
A STRONG VOICE IN THE CITY
Seattle Post-Intelligencer - Monday, November 1, 1999
Author: STORIES AND RESEARCH MIKE BARBER, P-I REPORTER
In 1910, the year that Anna Louise Strong arrived in Seattle, Washington women had just won the right to vote.
Strong seized the moment and, riding a tide of labor unrest, became one of the decade’s champions of the downtrodden and one of the city’s most colorful radicals.
Strong already was a nationally recognized child-welfare expert when she landed in the Emerald City. During her tumultuous 11 years here, she became the first woman elected to and dumped from the Seattle School Board; a radical writer credited with sparking the city’s 1919 general strike and a confirmed pacifist whose socialist beliefs would lead her to Russia and make her an intimate of Mao Tse-tung.
``She remains one of the notable radicals in the history of the United States,’’ says Mildred Andrews, author of ``Woman’s Place: A Guide to Seattle and King County History.’’
Like everyone in Seattle near the turn of the century, Strong came from somewhere else.
Born in 1885 in Friend, Neb., to missionary parents, Strong raced through school, studied languages in Europe, and at 19 graduated from Oberlin College in Ohio.
In 1906 she wrote her first book. In 1908, at 23, she became the youngest woman ever to earn a doctorate from the University of Chicago, then launched a career as an advocate for child welfare with the U.S. Education Office.
Drawn to Seattle by its progressive politics, Strong embraced her new home. She helped organize an international child-welfare exhibit that drew 6,000 people the day it opened in Seattle and 40,000 the day it closed in May 1914.
Two years later, convinced that capitalism was not solving the needs of children and working people, she easily won election to the Seattle School Board on the strength of labor, women’s groups and her expertise in child welfare.
While the rest of the board members focused on nuts-and-bolts issues, such as school plumbing, Strong argued for social services to help underprivileged children. She also advocated that schools serve as community centers.
Strong’s political ascent in Seattle paralleled the rising radicalism of organized labor. The day before voters elected her to the School Board, front pages were filled with news of the ``Everett Massacre,’’ a violent clash between 200 Industrial Workers of the World and the armed guards hired to keep them out of Snohomish County’s mills. Six people died in the clash.
In the months that followed the massacre, Strong was hired as a stringer by the New York Evening Post to cover the trial of the IWW members. She began as an impartial observer, but soon grew passionate about workers rights.
Six months later, when the United States entered World War I on April 6, 1917, Strong actively opposed the war and the draft. While she had supporters, the Seattle Minute Men and other veterans groups branded her ``unpatriotic.’’
While no one doubted her convictions, Strong was prickly to deal with, according to ``Witness to Revolution,’’ a 27-minute documentary about Strong made in 1984 by Seattle filmmaker Lucy Ostrander.
Strong’s outspoken manner and her political views won her few supporters on the School Board. A quick recall campaign ousted Strong, but she did not go quietly. She showed up at the next meeting, insisting that a woman replace her. The board compromised, insisting that it be a mainstream mother who had children in the schools. Evangeline Harper took her place. It wasn’t until 1949 that another woman was elected.
Strong turned to writing, focusing her energies on pro-labor stories.
Two days before the 1919 Seattle general labor strike, in which 60,000 workers walked off their jobs to support striking shipyard workers, Strong penned a now-famous article in the local Union Record:
``We are undertaking the most tremendous move ever made by LABOR in this country, a move which will lead - NO ONE KNOWS WHERE!’’
But the strike collapsed in four days and Strong grew disillusioned as the labor movement eroded with infighting.
When famous muckraking journalist Lincoln Steffens visited Seattle in 1921, he urged her to visit Moscow. Strong took his advice and found love there. She married a Russian journalist and founded the Moscow Daily News, the first English-language paper in the Soviet Union.
Strong visited the United States over the years to give speeches. In the 1930s, she defended loyalist Spain and warned of impending dangers, attacking U.S. neutrality toward fascists. She visited Seattle, where she was often in the news for being denied speaking halls in Spokane and Tacoma.
Eventually, Strong was tossed out of Russia by Joseph Stalin, who had her deported on trumped-up charges of being a spy. Back in the United States, she was investigated by the FBI for her political leanings. She lived in Los Angeles until 1958, then moved, at age 72, to China.
Her writing there so impressed Mao Tse-tung that he played host to Strong’s 80th birthday party.
She died at 84, four months after telling readers of her ``Letters from China’’ column that her energy was dwindling after eight mercurial decades.
(snip)
I haven’t seen any connection between Strong and Monsanto yet. I suspect GMO is part of the culling of the population.
At the time of the Oil-for-Food scandal it turned out that Nadhmi Auchi’s General Mediterranean Holdings
had a majority share in BNP Paribas (34), the bank that handled all of the Iraqi loans and has subsidiaries all over the Middle-East. Auchi is a member of Le Cercle and is up to his ears involved in illegal arms trafficking, British Intelligence, and the British throne itself. Look for his bio in the membership list of Le Cercle.
http://www.canadafreepress.com/2005/cover030505.htm
How Montreal’s Power Corp. found itself caught up in the biggest fiasco in UN history
by Kevin Steel, The Western Standard
Saturday, March 5, 2005
Most Canadian companies look forward to the day they earn themselves a mention on the prime-time news. They hire PR firms and spend thousands to harass news
editors with press releases to tout their latest acquisition, invention or foreign venture in hopes of convincing someone to give them even a passing mention on the national news–never mind the nearly unimaginable publicity of being plugged on a U.S. newscast.
But when Montreal-based Power Corporation of Canada found itself, in late January, the topic of a news story on America’s top-rated Fox News Channel, which draws millions of U.S. and international viewers, executives there probably weren’t thrilled. Unlike most publicly traded firms looking to build their brand on Wall Street, Power Corp. is, at the best of times, a quiet, often obscured company (in the past year it’s issued a total of five news releases). That might seem strange, given the massive size and, well, power wielded by the holding company. Power controls some of Canada’s biggest blue-chip companies, including the Investors Group, the country’s largest mutual fund dealer, and investment firm Mackenzie Financial. It owns insurers Great-West Lifeco, Canada Life and London Life. Power owns several Quebec newspapers, including La Presse. It also holds substantial positions in Chinese airlines and telecom firms and has large stakes in the world’s leading entertainment company, Bertelsmann, as well as a big piece of one of Europe’s largest oil producers. In 2003, Power Corp. reported annual revenues of $16 billion.
But the Fox News story wasn’t prompted by an announcement from Power of some billion-dollar takeover or the appointment of a new senior executive. It was something altogether different: the revelation that the man handpicked by the UN secretary general last April to probe the UN’s scandalized Oil-for-Food program, Paul Volcker, had not disclosed to the UN that he was a paid adviser to Power Corp., a story which had originally been broken by a small, independent Toronto newspaper, the Canada Free Press. Why did the highest-rated cable channel in the U.S. care? Because the more that Americans came to know about Oil-for-Food, which has been called the largest corruption scandal in history, the more the name of this little-known Montreal firm kept popping up. And the more links that seemed to emerge between Power Corp. and individuals or organizations involved in the Oil-for-Food scandal, the more Fox News and other news outlets sniffing around this story began to ask questions about who, exactly, this Power Corp. is. And, they wanted to know, what, if anything, did Power have to do with a scandal in which companies around the world took bribes to help a murderous dictator scam billions of dollars in humanitarian aid out of the UN while his people suffered and starved?
Just a month before the Canada Free Press revealed that Volcker, a former Federal Reserve chairman, is a member of Power Corp.’s international advisory board–and a close friend and personal adviser to Power’s owner, Paul Desmarais Sr.–a U.S. congressional investigation into the UN scandal discovered that Power Corp. had extensive connections to BNP Paribas, a French bank that had been handpicked by the UN in 1996 to broker the Oil-for-Food program. In fact, Power actually once owned a stake in Paribas through its subsidiary, Pargesa Holding SA. The bank also purchased a stake in Power Corp. in the mid-seventies and, as recently as 2003, BNP Paribas had a 14.7 per cent equity and 21.3 per cent voting stake in Pargesa, company records show. John Rae, a director and former executive at Power (brother of former Ontario premier Bob Rae), was president and a director of the Paribas Bank of Canada until 2000. And Power Corp. director Michel François-Poncet, who was, in 2001, the vice-chairman of Pargesa, also sat on Paribas’s board, though he died Feb. 10, at the age of 70. A former chair of Paribas’s management board, André Levy-Lang, is currently a member of Power’s international advisory council. And Amaury-Daniel de Seze, a member of BNP Paribas’s executive council, also sat on Pargesa’s administrative council in 2002.
In September, the U.S. Congress–conducting one of seven U.S. government investigations into Oil-for-Food, in addition to the UN probe–subpoenaed crates of documents from the bank, which earned $700 million for its work, ostensibly to investigate the companies that had been doing business through Paribas that may have ripped off Oil-for-Food. But Capitol Hill insiders say that Paribas itself is of interest to congressional investigators, in particular whether Paribas violated “know your client”—style banking regulations, which require banks to be vigilant in watching for money laundering and other criminal activities being conducted through their bank. In February, Congress subpoenaed more documents from the bank, looking for very specific information. “The international program was managed through the escrow accounts of BNP maintained in New York and we have pretty strict banking laws, pretty strict disclosure laws and have gotten even more so with the passage of the Patriot Act,” says one aide to a senior Republican working for the House International Relations Committee, one of the bodies investigating the Oil-for-Food program. “There are some doubts as to the veracity of BNP’s compliance with the more stringent rules that are contained in the Patriot Act that were law by the end of ‘01.”
The reason investigators are interested in Power’s possible links to the bank that acted as a clearing house for Oil-for-Food is because the firm also appears to have had a stake in an oil firm that had been working out lucrative contracts with Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein. Subsidiary Pargesa owns the largest single stake in Total Group Inc. (a Belgian-French petroleum multi-national corporation formed from the merger of Total, Petrofina and Elf Aquitaine), which reportedly had been negotiating, prior to the U.S. invasion in March 2003, rich contracts with former Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein to develop and exploit the Majnoon and Nahr Umar oil fields in southern Iraq. Those regions are estimated to contain roughly a quarter of Iraq’s reserves. The contracts were on the verge of being signed in 1997, one year after the beginning of the UN’s Oil-for-Food program replaced U.S. sanctions on Iraq, when the French government intervened and stopped the deal. Paul Desmarais Jr., now chairman of Power Corp. (Paul Sr. retired in 1996, but is said to be active in the firm), sits on the board of Total, and Power director, François-Poncet, also sat on the board of Total’s predecessor firm, Totalfina Elf. Paribas also owned shares in Total as recently as 2000, records show.
Add up the facts that Power Corp. appears to be connected to an oil company that would benefit extensively if Saddam remained in power, with the bank appointed by the UN to help broker an Oil-for-Food program that appears to have been directly enriching Saddam, and which is being investigated for irregularities that may have abetted the wholesale corruption that eventually engulfed Oil-for-Food, and that Power’s owners have a professional and personal relationship with the man hired by the UN to investigate the corruption, and it’s no wonder that more and more questions are being asked about the firm.
The United Nations has refused to co-operate with the U.S. Congress investigations into the US$67-billion Oil-for-Food program and Security Council members Russia and France have refused to give Volcker the right to subpoena witnesses in the internal UN probe. But the way the scam appears to have worked is that Saddam was permitted to sell oil to customers he selected himself (he favoured French and Russian companies) at below-market prices, by allocating them oil vouchers. The customers could resell the oil at market prices and make a large profit, provided they kicked back a portion of the money to Saddam, who used the money for everything but badly needed food and medicine (the program came to be known by critics as Oil-for-Palaces). It is estimated that Saddam may have skimmed as much as US$2 billion from the aid program. And the fact that Iraqis were suffering while Saddam built up weapons and enriched his own personal wealth, obviously makes this scandal not only bigger, but more heinous than any run-of-the-mill Wall Street book-cooking. Companies implicated in what effectively amounts to crimes against humanity may never recover. And, to be clear, Power Corp. has not been linked in any direct way to the con. As for the fact that Power’s name has come up several times in the investigation, Power’s vice-president, general counsel and secretary Ted Johnson believes the news reports to be inaccurate and irresponsible. Says Johnson: “The stories coming out of the United States are a bunch of misinformation based on innuendo and half-truths.”
There’s a tale they used to tell on Parliament Hill about a president, a billionaire, an ambassador and a prime minister. The four of them got into an elevator one day at the National Gallery of Canada in Ottawa, when Jim Blanchard, the U.S. ambassador to Canada, began ribbing the billionaire, Paul Desmarais’s son André, about his recent marriage to France Chrétien, the daughter of then prime minister Jean Chrétien, as then U.S. president Bill Clinton listened in. “France certainly married well,” Blanchard reportedly said to the prime minister. To which Chrétien replied, smugly: “André married well.”
In reality, the wedding of France and André, in 1981, had only formalized the marriage between the Canadian government to the Desmaraises. While the family, worth an estimated US$4 billion and ranked the sixth richest in Canada, has always kept a fairly low profile, they have been in the news for decades—even if most Canadians never really noticed. The fact that the family happens to be friendly with the man who once ran the U.S. federal reserve won’t surprise those who know them: the Desmaraises are as well connected politically as they are corporately. And it’s arguable, based on the circumstantial evidence anyway, that nothing happens on Parliament Hill that isn’t, in some way, a product of the Desmarais family’s design. Prime Minister Paul Martin and former PMs Jean Chrétien, Brian Mulroney and Pierre Trudeau have all been close, personal friends of Paul Desmarais Sr. The story on Parliament Hill was that Trudeau’s leadership bid was cooked up in Power headquarters in Victoria Square in Montreal. In the hiatus of his political career in the 1980s, Chrétien cooled his heels sitting on the board of a Power Corp. subsidiary, Consolidated Bathurst, and Power executive John Rae ran Chrétien’s leadership campaigns in 1984 and 1990, as well as the 1993 election campaign that brought Chrétien to office. Martin got his start in the business world in the early sixties, working for then Power Corp. president Maurice Strong, and was made a millionaire, thanks to an undisclosed 1981 deal in which Desmarais sold him Canada Steamship Lines. Strong continues to act as one of Martin’s senior advisors.
But the connections don’t end there. Ted Johnson, the Power vice-president, is a former assistant to Trudeau. Paul Desmarais Sr. has long been a mentor of former prime minister Brian Mulroney. Don Mazankowski, a former Mulroney cabinet minister, sits on Power Corp.’s board. Bill Davis, former premier of Ontario, is on Power Corp.’s international advisory council. Daniel Johnson Jr., Quebec Liberal leader and briefly premier, worked for Power from 1973 to 1981. In fact, the political connections really don’t stop at all. You could spend days trying to trace the connections that Paul Desmarais Sr. has not only with Canadian politicians, but in nearly every western capital in the world. Not bad for a guy from Sudbury, Ont., who started out fixing buses to save a nearly bankrupt transport company, inherited from his father. Desmarais’s friends have joked that he “collects politicians.”
And he has been doing it for a long time. Thirty years ago, in his 1976 book,
The Canadian Establishment, Peter C. Newman wrote, “It seemed to those who knew him best that Desmarais sometimes treated politicians with the deference due to sleepwalkers: men who must be led, but ever so gently, lest they wake up to the fact.”
If there’s one government in which Power has as much interest as it does in Canada, it’s the UN. Maurice Strong, president of Power from 1964 to 1966–who went on to run Ontario Hydro and Petro-Canada–is not only a member of the Privy Council for Canada and a direct adviser to Paul Martin, he’s also a senior adviser to UN Secretary General Kofi Annan. Appointed by Annan in 1997, after he took over the general secretariat, Strong’s specific role was “to assist planning and executing a far-reaching reform of the world body.” Since Annan’s son, Kojo, has been implicated in the Oil-for-Food scandal, having accepted money from a Swiss firm, Cotecna, which was in charge of overseeing the shipments of food and medicine to Iraqis, Strong’s presence at Annan’s side provides yet more ammunition to those looking to link Power to this terrible tale of corruption and mismanagement (no direct links have been established). In fact, Strong had been an undersecretary general of the United Nations since 1985. He once told Toronto journalist Elaine Dewar that he liked working for the UN specifically because of its undemocratic nature. “He could raise his own money from whomever he liked, appoint anyone he wanted, control the agenda,” wrote Dewar in her 1995 book, Cloak of Green. “He told me he had more unfettered power than a cabinet minister in Ottawa. He was right: no voters had put him in office, he didn’t have to run for re-election, yet he could profoundly affect many lives.”
How close Strong is with Power Corp. these days isn’t clear. But what is clear is that certain UN policies have been a boost to the value of the conglomerate. For one thing, the UN-created Kyoto Protocol–which was spearheaded by none other than Strong himself, born of the 1992 Rio Earth Summit, which he chaired–could have significant potential benefits for Power’s holdings in China. Through their subsidiary, CITIC Pacific Ltd., the Desmaraises own power-generating facilities, automobile concerns and myriad other industrial interests throughout the Communist nation. The fact that Kyoto’s framers deliberately created regulations that will hamstring exactly those sorts of businesses in the West by imposing limits on greenhouse gas production, but exempt China from those same limits, gives Power a competitive international advantage. Meanwhile, under the protocol, Chinese power plants will be able to sell clean air “credits,” or allowances, to Western producers for cash. Some economists have predicted that Ottawa will buy credits as a way of meeting their Kyoto emissions targets.
And few companies stood to benefit from the UN’s resistance to the invasion of Iraq to the same extent that Total might have, had Saddam made good on promised resource development deals with the oil giant. Since the early nineties, Total and Elf had been jointly negotiating with Hussein to develop the Majnoon oilfields north of Basra. In 2000, Total’s president of Middle East exploration and production, had publicly suggested, on several occasions, that the Oil-for-Food sanctions were hurting Iraqi oil development. Shortly afterward, the two companies merged, with Power Corp. owning the biggest stake. According to Power’s official history, “When . . . Totalfina proceeded to take over Elf Aquitaine, the Pargesa group emerged as the largest shareholder, with 3.4 per cent of the shares and three seats on the board of what was to become TotalFina Elf, the fourth largest integrated petroleum company in the world.”
Last year, the New York Post interviewed prominent Wall Street figure Gerald Hillman, managing partner of Trireme Investments in New York, who had seen and analyzed the contract. He called the deal “highly unusual” and “very one-sided,” as it permitted Total to keep 75 per cent of total production, whereas most deals with foreign partners top out at 50 per cent. It seems that the longer Saddam stayed in power, the better it was for the Total Group and its shareholders in Montreal.
The fact that sustaining Saddam directly could have potentially benefitted a family connected to so many Canadian mandarins and politicians–and married into the family of the prime minister–led some Canadians to raise questions about the motivations behind the Liberal party’s decision to refuse to support the invasion of Iraq and Saddam’s ouster. When Chrétien announced that decision in early 2003, Opposition foreign affairs critic Stockwell Day asked in the House of Commons, “I do not fault the prime minister’s family ties with his nephew [Raymond Chrétien], our ambassador to France or with Paul Desmarais Sr., who is the largest individual shareholder of France’s largest corporation, TotalFina Elf, which has billions of dollars of contracts with Saddam’s former regime. With this valuable source of information and experience at his fingertips, has the prime minister ever discussed Iraq or France with his family or friends in the Desmarais empire?”
Chrétien responded by defending his nephew first and, with regard to Power, added: “I hope the attack against the people who have invested money in something, that he will repeat it outside and he will face the consequences.” Power’s general counsel, Johnson, told reporters at the time that TotalFina Elf “had no contracts in Iraq . . . Hasn’t. Doesn’t. Nothing with Saddam.” Just a few months earlier, The New York Times reported that “The French oil giant TotalFina Elf has the largest position in Iraq, with exclusive negotiating rights to develop Majnoon, a field on the Iranian border with estimated reserves of 10 billion barrels, and Bin Umar, with an estimated production potential of 440,000 barrels a day, according to oil industry executives.”John Thompson, president of the Mackenzie Institute, a Toronto-based security think-tank, says that Power Corp. directors were probably not thinking about foreign policy implications when they invested in TotalFina Elf. “They probably thought–and a lot of people thought like this–there would eventually be a reopened Iraq, probably under Saddam but not necessarily, and they would like to be in position when it did,” Thompson says. “Part of this whole thing was the Europeans bidding to have control of Iraqi oil and afraid that the Americans would be there instead. For the Americans, it was all about not having weapons of mass destruction coming out of the area, but for the Europeans it was all about oil.”
Jason Kenney, a Conservative MP, says the questions being raised about Power’s possible connection to Oil-for-Food are worth asking. But he’s quick to point out that if the Liberals guided the country’s foreign policy based on their connections to Power, then we should be asking questions about the Canadian government, too. “I am not the least bit critical of the Desmarais family for being rational actors in a free marketplace and pursuing their advantage,” says Kenney. “I am, however, somewhat disquieted by the degree to which Power Corp.’s corporate interest seems to influence Canadian foreign policy. Obviously, every company seeks to influence government policy–regulatory, taxation or otherwise–but Power Corp. seems to have a particularly unique influence over Canadian foreign policy.”
That’s something that hasn’t been proven. But in addition to Power’s connection to Total, there’s the connection to Paribas, the bank selected to be in charge of the Oil-for-Food money. According to Power Corp.’s official history, produced in 2000, in 1981 it “made a $20-million investment in Pargesa Holding SA, a Swiss corporation that owned a major interest in Banque de Paris et des Pays-Bas (Suisse). The Swiss bank had been a subsidiary of Compagnie Financière de Paris et des Pays-Bas, the French banking organization commonly known as Paribas, with which Power had enjoyed a close association for several years.”
Nadhmi Auchi, who has been identified as a cousin of Saddam Hussein, was a significant shareholder in BNP Paribas at least until 2001. Auchi, who resides in London and owns a company called General Mediterranean Holdings, was ranked by London’s Sunday Times in 2003 as England’s thirty-fourth richest person, with some estimates putting his net worth at US$3 billion. In its 2001 annual report, General Mediterranean Holdings described itself as the largest single shareholder in BNP Paribas.
Auchi is a former member of Saddam’s Baathist party. In 1959, he was tried, along with Saddam Hussein, in an attempted assassination plot. He eventually fled Iraq and publicly distanced himself from Saddam after the dictator murdered his two brothers. Time magazine reported in 2003 that Auchi maintained deep connections to Iraq and built much of his fortune selling them armaments. He has been fingered as a key figure in the Oil-for-Food scandal, with accusations that he acted as one of Saddam’s brokers. He certainly is no stranger to shady deals: in 2003, Auchi was convicted in France of bribery charges, along with a raft of Elf oil executives, in a scandal dating back to 1990 involving the sale of a Spanish oil refinery.
Power also has indirect connections to Iraq through one of its directors, Laurent Dassault, managing director of Dassault Investissements, the parent company of Dassault Aviation, a French-based weapons and aeronautics manufacturer that sells, among other things, the Mirage jet. During Iraq’s eight-year war with Iran in the eighties, Dassault Aviation was a major supplier of aircraft to the Hussein regime and it has been alleged that the firm continued illegal weapon sales to Iraq during the embargo period, using intermediaries and a complex system of money laundering set up by the Hussein regime.
(snip)
I found the connection between Strong and international agribusiness. While working with the Rockefellers he helped them take over a lot of the world’s seed supply. Rockefeller also was a major contributor to the Doomsday Seed Vault. Is this a contradiction?
No. A horrific conspiracy would be that GMOs will be used to wipe out a huge chunk of the world’s population. When it is over then they will get rid of the GMOs and open the seed vault and get back to normal.
‘Pay for Play’ the International way! Gonna go collect names from Chicago Crime thread... How many are connected?
We will find out all about it.
Amen.
“In 1967, Prince Philip, Prince Bernhard, and Maurice Strong formed the secretive 1001 Club, to finance the operations of the WWF as well as other covert projects that the WWF was carrying out in Africa.”
Keep digging. Prince Bernhard was a strong supporter of the Nazi Party. The connection between Strong and the Nazi occultists is apparent. Strong is also behind the UN’s Ark of Hope which carries the Satanic Earth Charter. A few years back, Strong’s cultists carried around this “ark” to schools and tried to get chidren to sign into Strong’s cult.
“So does Maurice Strong, the powerful founder and leader of the Earth Council. Though usually hidden behind the scenes, Strong is no minor player in this global contest for the minds of the masses.
“He led the UN Environmental Programme, directed the 1972 and 1992 UN Conferences on the Environment and Development,[8] founded Planetary Citizens, directed the World Future Society and founded and co-chaired the World Economic Forum. He is a member of the Club of Rome, trustee of the Rockefeller Foundation and Aspen Institute, a member of the UN Commission on Global Governance, and Senior Advisor to the World Bank as well as to UN Secretary General Kofi Annan [See Towards A Rapid Reaction Capability for the UN].
Read more here -
http://www.crossroad.to/articles2/2002/ark.html
“Keep digging. Prince Bernhard was a strong supporter of the Nazi Party.”
(no link)
Dutch prince belonged to Nazi Party - He was a member before leading fight against Germany.
The Kansas City Star - Thursday, December 7, 1995
Author: The Associated Press
AMSTERDAM, Netherlands - Queen Beatrix’s father, a symbol of Dutch resistance to the Germans in World War II, belonged to the Nazi Party between 1933 and 1937, researchers say.
Prince Bernhard ‘s membership in the party was terminated only two days before his marriage to Beatrix’s mother, Juliana, in January 1937, according to researchers working on a book about wartime Netherlands.
The German-born Bernhard, now 84, is one of the most respected men in the Netherlands, a symbol of resistance to the Nazis during World War II and a roving goodwill ambassador since then.
A spokesman for the Dutch Royal House noted that in his authorized biography, the prince revealed his prewar association with Nazi organizations such as the motorcycle wing of the Sturmabteilung - the uniformed militia wing of the Nazi Party - and the Fliegersturm, a flying group.
But this is the first time he has been accused of membership in the Nazi party less than four years before joining the Dutch cause after Germany’s invasion of the Netherlands in 1940.
The charges have caused a media uproar in the Netherlands but little public outcry.
``The prince said he has nothing more to say than the well-known facts written in 1962 that he was a member of the motorcycle department of the SA and later the flying club,’’ royal spokesman Eef Brouwers said after the researchers’ allegations appeared in the Dutch press Tuesday and Wednesday.
The researchers said they found documents in the U.S. National Archives in Washington saying Bernhard was a member of the Nazi Party between 1933 and 1937.
``After seeing the file as a whole and verifying the information, we can safely assume that he (Bernhard) was a member,’’ said Peter Romijn, deputy director of the Netherlands State Institute for War Documentation.
Romijn said institute researcher Gerard Aalders and historian Coen Hilbrink found what they thought to be a typed copy of a letter from Bernhard authorizing his lawyer to terminate his Nazi Party membership.
The letter contained the Nazi salutation ``Heil Hitler.’’
It was dated Sept. 9, 1936, the day after Bernhard’s engagement to then-Princess Juliana.
Romijn said Aalders and Hilbrink also discovered a 1948 report in which a U.S. Embassy official in The Hague said the prince appeared on a list of former Nazi Party members.
The researchers claim the Dutch government had also appealed to the embassy to take the prince’s name from the list, Romijn said.
Aalders and Hilbrink said the National Archives documents showed that Bernhard became a party member on May 1, 1933.
(snip)
http://www.terrorism-illuminati.com/one-world-religion
The Earth Summit
One of the more important achievements of the Aspen Institute was a conference on Technology: Social Goals and Cultural Options, held in 1970, that paved the way for the UN’s Earth Summit in Stockholm in 1972, chaired by Aspen board member, Maurice Strong. As remarked Engdahl, the Stockholm conference created the necessary international organizational and publicity infrastructure, so that by the time of the Kissinger orchestrated oil crisis, an intensive anti-nuclear propaganda offensive could be launched, aided through the millions of dollars made available from oil-linked channels of the Atlantic Richfield Company, the Rockefeller Brothers Fund and other such elites. Among the groups that were funded were organizations including the World Wildlife Fund, then chaired by Prince Bernard, and later by Royal Dutch Shell’s John Loudon. As Engdahl noted:
It is indicative of this financial establishment’s overwhelming influence in the American and British media that, during this period, no public outcry was launched to investigate the probable conflict of interest involved in Robert O. Anderson’s well-financed anti-nuclear offensive, and the fact that his Atlantic Richfield Oil Co. was one of the major beneficiaries from the 1974 price increase for oil. Anderson’s ARCO had invested tens of millions of dollars in high-risk oil infrastructure in Alaska’s Prudhoe Bay and Britain’s North Sea, together with Exxon, British Petroleum, Shell and the other Seven Sisters.[11]
Maurice's late cousin, Anna Louise Strong.
Subject: Du Bois, W. E. B. with Tang Ming-Chao, Ting Hsi-lin, Chu Poshem, Mao Tse-tung, Anna Louise Strong Date: ca.1959
Much more excellent research by Fred Nerks at links:
http://www.freerepublic.com/focus/news/2278969/replies?c=27
http://http://www.freerepublic.com/~frednerks/
What a year that was, when Stanley Ann Dunham graduated in the summer of 1960. What an incredible year. Castro and Kruschev at the United Nations in New York. Malcolm X met Castro at the Hotel Theresa, John Kennedy campaigned at that same hotel.
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