Posted on 05/21/2006 12:54:17 PM PDT by Tailgunner Joe
Russia has accused new European Union members from eastern Europe of bringing their phantom pains of the past into the 25-member club and putting strains on relations with Moscow.
Vladimir Chizhov, Russian ambassador to the EU, said their attitude had made it harder for Russia and Europe to forge a long-term strategic partnership one of the key objectives of a summit this week between the two sides.
Speaking to the FT, Mr Chizhov said he expected the summit at the Black Sea resort of Sochi to be businesslike and to tackle the contentious issue of energy relations between Russia and Europe.
But he said the EUs 2004 enlargement, which brought eight former communist countries into the union, had made relations more difficult. With enlargement, the EU has not become an easier partner for us, he told the FT. Some, not all, of the new members have brought into the the EU their own phantom pains people who concentrate on the sores of the past.
But Mr Chizhov said relations between the two sides were not in crisis, adding that strident US attacks on Moscow could have the effect of bringing them closer together.
Referring to US vice-president Dick Cheneys claim this month that Moscow was using its oil and gas reserves as weapons of intimidation and blackmail, Mr Chizhov said: Speeches like that have an opposite effect on the European way of thinking.
Energy will dominate Thursdays summit; tensions have been high since March when José Manuel Barroso, European Commission president, went to Moscow to ask Mr Putin to open Russias pipelines to third-party operators, in exchange for Gazprom having access to the EUs retail market.
Gazprom responded by talking about shifting its focus to China and the US, and Europe remains cautious after Gazprom turned off gas supplies to Ukraine in the New Year.
Mr Chizhov said Russia and Europe needed each other, and Moscow was the EUs most stable and reliable supplier, but admitted: There is perhaps a problem with the public relations aspects of our relationship, which should receive more attention on both sides.
He said Russia was discussing with the European Commission how Moscow might ratify the energy charter treaty an international framework for energy supplies but he thought a result was unlikely before the G8 summit in St Petersburg in July.
Mr Chizhov said the charter needed improvement first, including to its transit protocol covering access to pipelines and a disputes procedure, which he said failed to work in Januarys stand-off with Ukraine.
This weeks summit will ease visa restrictions between Russia and the EU for some types of travel, but Mr Chizhov hopes it will pave the way for an eventual visa-free travel regime between the two sides.
It will also discuss a new strategic partnership between Russia and the EU, covering a wide range of bilateral issues, to replace the existing 10-year arrangement which expires in 2007.
Couldn't both things be going on at the same time? Wouldn't it be in Russia's interests to both work to replace NATO and penetrate NATO at the same time?...to control both side of the dialectic as much as possible?
Are these guys nuts or what???
NATO Transformed
7. Forging new relations with Russia
Contents
1. Alliance purpose and fundamental security tasks
2. At the heart of the transatlantic partnership
3. Strengthening defence capabilities
4. The changing role of NATO's forces
5. Extending security through partnership
6. Opening the Alliance to new members
7. Forging new relations with Russia
8. A distinctive partnership with Ukraine
9. Dialogue with Mediterranean countries
10. Peacekeeping and crisis management
11. Responding to civil emergencies
12. Collaborating in science and environment
13. How NATO works
14. Change and continuity
NATO has been building bridges and developing cooperation with Russia since the early 1990s. The rationale for cooperation between NATO countries and Russia is clear: common security challenges are best tackled through cooperation and Russia's involvement is critical for any comprehensive post-Cold War European security system.
In the wake of the September 2001 terrorist attacks, which reinforced the need for coordinated action to respond to common threats, the NATO-Russia partnership was given new impetus and substance at the Rome Summit in May 2002. A new NATO-Russia Council (NRC) was created, which brings together the NATO Allies and Russia as equal partners to identify and pursue opportunities for joint action. Cooperation is being intensified in key areas of mutual interest and concern.
The decision to deepen their partnership demonstrates the shared resolve of NATO countries and Russia to work more closely together towards the common goal of building a lasting and inclusive peace in the Euro-Atlantic area, which was first expressed in the 1997 NATO-Russia Founding Act on Mutual Relations, Cooperation and Security, providing the basis for the NATO-Russia partnership.
Developing relations
Russia was a founding member of the North Atlantic Cooperation Council in 1991 and joined the Partnership for Peace in 1994, and Russian peacekeepers worked alongside NATO counterparts in the Balkans from 1996 until their withdrawal in summer 2003 (see paragraph Peacekeeping). However, the true basis for a strong and durable partnership between NATO and Russia was provided by the Founding Act, signed in Paris on 27 May 1997. This led to the creation of the Permanent Joint Council (PJC) as a forum for regular consultation on common security issues and the development of a programme of consultation and cooperation.
Much progress was made over the next five years in building mutual confidence and overcoming misperceptions through dialogue. In 1999, despite differences over the Kosovo air campaign which led to a year-long interruption in the PJC's meetings, several activities, including peacekeeping in Bosnia and Herzegovina, continued without interruption.
Yet, the ambitions expressed in the Founding Act were never fully realised under the PJC. Its "NATO-plus-1" format meant that NATO came to the table with agreed Alliance positions, and NATO and Russia exchanged information and conducted consultations in a more or less "bilateral" fashion, which proved cumbersome when the time came to move beyond consultation and to seek more genuine cooperation. When the need for concerted action to tackle international terrorism and other new security threats became urgent in the aftermath of the 11 September attacks, the Allies and Russia were therefore quick to seize the opportunity to take their relationship to a higher level by establishing the NATO-Russia Council to promote cooperation as equal partners (see paragraph The NATO-Russia Council).
To facilitate cooperation, Russia established a mission to NATO in 1998. Since then, to explain the new NATO and promote the benefits of the NATO-Russia partnership, a NATO Information Office has been set up in Moscow. A NATO Military Liaison Mission has also been established there, which is helping improve transparency and the development of practical military cooperation.
Deepening cooperation
The NRC is evolving into a productive mechanism for consultation, consensus building, cooperation, joint decision and joint action. Already in its first 18 months of existence, political consultations were held on the situation in Afghanistan, Serbia and Montenegro and Bosnia and Herzegovina, and practical cooperation was leading to concrete benefits in many areas.
The NRC has created several working groups and committees on terrorism, proliferation, peacekeeping, theatre missile defence, airspace management cooperation, civil emergencies, defence reform, scientific cooperation and on the challenges of modern society. Experts have been tasked to carry forward individual projects in a broad range of other areas. Hardly a day goes by without an NRC meeting, at one level or another, leading to an unprecedented intensity of contacts and informal consultation.
The struggle against terrorism and new security threats are key areas of cooperation that are generating some of the first tangible results of the reinforced NATO-Russia relationship. Joint assessments of specific terrorist threats in the Euro-Atlantic area are being developed and kept under review and the military's role in combating terrorism is being explored. Cooperation against proliferation of nuclear, biological and chemical weapons and the spread of ballistic missile technology has intensified: a joint assessment of global trends in the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction is being prepared and cooperation in theatre missile defence is addressing the unprecedented danger posed by the increasing availability of ever more accurate ballistic missiles. A Cooperative Airspace Initiative is seeking to foster cooperation on air-traffic management and air surveillance, which will enhance air safety and transparency and will also help counter the threat of the potential use of civilian aircraft for terrorist purposes.
A key objective of military cooperation is to improve interoperability, since, modern militaries must be able to operate within multinational command and force structures, when called upon to work together in peace-support or crisismanagement operations. A substantial exercise and training programme is being implemented under the NRC. Logistics, including interoperability tests for equipment and procedures in areas such as air transport and air-to-air refuelling, are another focus of activities. Intensified cooperation in search and rescue at sea was initiated after the August 2000 sinking of the Russian nuclear submarine, Kursk, and the loss of its 118 crewmen. A framework agreement between NATO and Russia on submarine crew escape and rescue was signed in February 2003.
Defence reform is another area of shared interest. Russia and NATO countries need armed forces that are appropriately sized, trained and equipped to deal with the full spectrum of 21st century threats. While there is no blueprint for military reform, Russia could benefit from the experience of NATO countries, many of which have introduced fundamental reforms over the past decade to adapt their armed forces to today's requirements. Following an initial brainstorming in October 2002, cooperation has been launched on different aspects of defence reform, such as the management of human and financial resources; macro-economic, financial and social issues; and force-planning. The activities of a successful joint project for the retraining of retired Russian military personnel, set up in Moscow in July 2002, are being expanded. Moreover, the NATO Defense College in Rome set up two fellowships in 2003 for Russian scholars to promote research on defence reform.
Russia and NATO have been cooperating since 1996 to develop a capacity for joint action in response to civil emergencies, such as earthquakes and floods, and coordinate detection and prevention of disasters before they occur. And it was a Russian proposal that led to the establishment of the Euro-Atlantic Disaster Response Coordination Centre in 1998 (see paragraph A Euro-Atlantic disaster-response capability ). Various disaster-relief exercises and seminars, often including participants from other Partner countries, help develop civilmilitary cooperation. Under the NRC, work in this area is concentrating initially on improving interoperability, procedures and the exchange of information and experience.
Scientific and technological cooperation with Russia, launched in 1998, focused on three specific areas of particular interest to Russia, namely plasma physics, plant biotechnology and the forecasting and prevention of natural and industrial catastrophes. Under the NRC Science Committee, however, a new focus of cooperation is the application of civil science to defence against terrorism and new threats, such as in explosives detection or in examining the social and psychological impact of terrorism. Environmental protection problems arising from civilian and military activities are a further new area of cooperation, under a Committee on the Challenges of Modern Society set up under the NRC in 2003.
The NATO-Russia Council
The 2002 Rome Declaration, which builds on the goals and principles of the 1997 Founding Act, established the NATO-Russia Council (NRC) as a mechanism for consultation, consensus-building, cooperation, joint decision and joint action, in which the individual Allies and Russia work as equal partners on a wide spectrum of Euro-Atlantic security issues of common interest. Continuous political dialogue on security issues enables the early identification of emerging problems, the determination of common approaches and the conduct of joint actions, as appropriate.
The new Council, replacing the PJC, works on the principle of consensus. It is chaired by NATO's Secretary General. Meetings are held at least monthly at the level of ambassadors and military representatives; twice yearly at the level of foreign and defence ministers and chiefs of staff; and occasionally at summit level. An important innovation is the NRC Preparatory Committee, which meets at least twice a month to prepare ambassadorial discussions and to oversee all experts' activities under the auspices of the NRC.
Work under the NRC focuses on all areas of mutual interest identified in the Founding Act. Cooperation is being intensified in a number of key areas, which include the fight against terrorism, crisis management, non-proliferation, arms control and confidence-building measures, theatre missile defence, logistics, militaryto- military cooperation, defence reform and civil emergencies. New areas may be added to the NRC's agenda by the mutual consent of its members.
Peacekeeping
For over seven years (until their withdrawal from SFOR and KFOR in summer 2003), Russia contributed the largest non-NATO contingent to the UN-mandated, NATO-led peacekeeping forces in the Balkans. Russian soldiers worked alongside NATO and Partner counterparts to support the international community's efforts to build lasting security and stability in the region.
Russian peacekeepers first deployed to Bosnia and Herzegovina in January 1996, where they were part of a multinational brigade in a northern sector, responsible for an extensive area, conducting daily patrols, security checks, assisting with reconstruction and performing humanitarian tasks, such as helping refugees and displaced people return to their homes.
Russia played a vital diplomatic role in securing an end to the Kosovo conflict, despite political differences over NATO's 1999 Kosovo air campaign. Its troops, originally deployed in June 1999, played an integral part in the Kosovo Force until their withdrawal, working to maintain security in multinational brigades in sectors in the east, north and south of the province; exercising joint responsibility for running the Pristina airfield, alongside a NATO contingent with responsibility for air movement; and providing medical facilities and services in Kosovo Polje.
Close cooperation between NATO and Russia in the Balkans has been critical in improving relations and building trust between the Russian and Allied militaries. The mutual confidence gained should provide a solid basis for further expanding military- to-military cooperation. Moreover, under the NRC, a generic concept for joint peacekeeping operations has been agreed, which develops common approaches, establishes a framework for consultation, planning and decision-making during an emerging crisis, and defines issues related to joint training and exercises.
http://www.nato.int/docu/nato-trans/html_en/nato_trans07.html
Russia warns Nato of new arms race - 4 Apr 2004 - The head of the Dumas defence affairs committee, Col Gen Viktor Zavarzin, added that the Russian military could counter the alliances expansion by putting more emphasis on tactical nuclear weapons. "We have always opposed and will oppose such Nato actions, regarding them as a strategic blunder," he said. He said Russia might "adjust" its plans to cut the number of troops in the area opposite the Baltic states by 40%, and "outlays for national defence should be boosted". Russias objections are twofold. It opposes Nato plans to move troops close to its boundaries, and it objects to Nato taking over the air defences of the Baltic states. In 1999, when the Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland became the first former members of the communist Warsaw Pact to join Nato, the alliance sought to sugar the pill by promising Russia that it did not intend to keep foreign troops or nuclear weapons on their territory. However, already there are firm indications that Washington intends to transfer many of the 71,000 troops based in Germany to bases in eastern Europe. American military planning groups have been examining sites in Poland, Romania and Bulgaria as potential Nato bases.
The US says its move is part of a strategic shift from large garrisons to small bases that can respond quickly to crises, especially the threat of terrorism. It says Russian officials had already agreed to Nato bases being set up in Bulgaria and Romania to support operations in Iraq and Afghanistan. But Russia suspects that Washington is eyeing the territory of some of the new Nato members as possible launch pads for projecting US power into the Middle East. Nato blames Russia for failing to fulfil its pledge to withdraw its troops from the former Soviet republics of Georgia and Moldova. Russia is particularly sensitive that Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, all former Soviet republics, could not only provide a base for Nato troops on the Russian border, but also host Nato air bases. Nato Secretary-General Jaap de Hoop Scheffer said last week that collective air defence had been part of Natos role since its foundation, and that Russia had been informed about the decision to patrol the airspace of the Baltic states. "Its Nato airspace and Nato airspace has always been patrolled and covered," he said. But Russia fears these patrols could be used to spy on its territory. "We dislike the deployment of Nato warplanes in the Baltic countries," Zavarzin said. Moscows growing anger at Natos eastwards expansion is further enflamed by a spat with Lithuania. On the day after Lithuania joined Nato, Moscow expelled three Lithuanian diplomats, accusing them of spying. The expulsions were a tit-for-tat move after Lithuania expelled three Russian diplomats. "Its been no secret Russia has great interests in Lithuania," said Rasa Jukneviciene, a Lithuanian parliamentarian. "Soviet tanks left long ago, but their agents are still here."
As NATO Grows, So Do Russia's Worries - April 7, 2004 - SERGEI IVANOV - "Why is an organization that was designed to oppose the Soviet Union and its allies in Eastern Europe still necessary in today's world? This concern is all the more pressing given the events of the last few years indicating that the alliance is looking to consolidate international security by military means... Many Russians are also worried by the American-led campaign against the Taliban and Al Qaeda in Afghanistan. While it was successfully launched and supported by Russia this campaign too has failed to attain its objectives. International terrorist groups are stepping up their activities, Qaeda members are infiltrating the Middle East, and the Taliban is to some extent reviving its military potential. The failure last month by Pakistani forces to capture a Qaeda contingent on that country's border with Afghanistan was an indicative setback. And, of course, Iraq is now occupied by the United States and its allies, including some of the countries now joining NATO. It has become a magnet attracting terrorists from the East of the Arab world. More than 600 American soldiers and 100 other NATO troops have already been killed, not to mention the civilian death toll. The recent terrorist attack in Madrid should be seen as yet another link in the chain of violence."
Russia slams US, NATO influence in Central Asia - Nov 29, 2005 - "The pressure that NATO and US political and military structures exert on Central Asia is heightening tension in the area of responsibility" of the Collective Security Treaty group, Ivanov added.
Russian Intelligence Chief: U.S. Bases Near Russia a 'Threat' - December 19, 2005 - "Russians cannot help but be concerned about new military bases and military contingents being deployed around our country."
Georgias And Ukraines Affiliation To NATO Will Make Russia Increase Military Expenditures - April 27, 2006 - Russia has questions to NATO with regard to possible deployment of military bases in its new member states, in particular in Romania and Bulgaria.
What's your response to post #61?
German defense minister: NATO needs Russia - To secure stability towards South-Eastern Europe and provide stability in the neighboring to Europe Caucasian area, active effort of the Alliance and for this it needs Russia as a partner. As we want to expand the stability area and we should act very carefully.
Gorbachev: Russia needs better NATO ties - "It is clear that both Russia and NATO should bear responsibility for security in Europe and Asia," said Gorbachev. The former Soviet leader proposed that Moscow and Brussels scrap existing bilateral agreements in favor of a new one that should redefine warming relations. "The old deal should be left to history," added Gorbachev.
I give up. How are NATO and the EU mutually exclusive?
They are mutaully exlusive because the EU and NATO have totally different missions. The EU is a socialist collective that naturally sides with forces of tyranny, whereas NATO was designed to counter the forces of tyranny.
I meant membership. I should've been more clear. There are scant few European NATO countries that are not also in the EU.
Funny how the notion of a Christmas on their own merits persuded them to buy into a market relationship.
Each according from his own yes? Isn't that in some Eu anthem?
Disagree. Shame is Putin's, one hundred per cent. I mean, a reasonably educated and not retarded adult shouldn't publicly utter stupid platitudes like this:
History proves that all dictatorships, all authoritarian forms of government are transient. Only democratic systems are not transient.
GarySpFc: Now, where did you serve?
The assumption behind these two ridiculous questions that, to have an opinion on Russian situation or to speak out against the Puty-Poot junta, one needs to have served in the military or done something special against communism, reminded me of a funny invention of the late communist dictator of Bulgaria Todor Zhivkov.
About 50 years ago the Bulgarian communist regime introduced a special civil status of active militants against fascism and capitalism. To join the ranks of this quasi-nobility one needed to prove with several witnesses (the party members of high standing) that he did something substantial to end capitalism in the country. The chosen and their families were granted serious privileges.
May be you guys should address the offices you allegedly respect so much with a project of a special corps of active militants against communism and totalitarianism. If and when your idea is implemented, we the ordinary folks will shut up.
Till then tough luck.
Well, if Japan doesn't have to, why should they?
Nice post...
Sorry, but these "phantom" pains are real and these "phantom" pains includes millions of Russians murdered alongside Ukrainians, Belarussians, Poles etc. by the Soviet Regime and its minions. Unfortunately in Russia brainwashed majority does not see that Communist past is their tragedy too no less than that of E. Europe.
How many Russian intellectuals, peasants, workers, technical specialists, etc were murdered, thrown to GULAG, or exiled by Lenin and Stalin ? How many Russian peasants all over Russian Federation were collectivized and forced into collective farms, GULAg's, or exiled settlements ? Ethnic Russians were the largest group of GULAG prisoners. Millions more were needlessly sacrificed on the Battlefields on WWII just to please bloodthirsty Stalin regime (i.e. race to take Berlin before Americans, the decision not to evacuate the civilian population of Leningrad and let it's residents be starved in the Nazi blockade ).
But the fact that so many Russian people see the Communist era as the era of glory and the loss of USSR as the humiliation, rather than the opportunity to build a civilized country help Putin Regime to strive. I would blame Yeltsin more than Putin for this resurrected Nostalgia for the Soviet glory. Yeltsin regime squandered the opportunity to build a Civil society and law-abiding capitalism in Russia choosing unlimited personal enrichment for him and his inner circle (aka "Family"). The resulting impoverishment of the country coupled with out of control corruption and crime created a perfect atmosphere for Soviet era Nostalgia and the rise of Putin KGB clique.
Being of Russian background myself, it's sad for me to see this, but until the awakening will take the hold of Russian people, the Putin regime and the like will continue to dominate the political landscape there.
The SCO is already in place. We're talking past tense. If anything, the New Yuan Empire seeks to divide and conquer the West and its non Western allies. This has been in the works for a very long time. The envy that the New Yuan Empire has of the West derives from its fall from power, back in the 1400s. The West surged into the vaccuum, reaching its apex in the East during the 1600s and in the West a while after that. The East has had a number of false starts - the surge upon the first partition of Poland, the ill fated attempt upon the failure of Napolean, Crimea, then a number of later incidents in Asia. The most recent was the surge into Europe in 44 and 45 complemented with smaller ones in Asia. Since then its been cat a mouse, but ultimately, unless something drastically changes, we'll see a repeat of the events which happened between about 300 and 1350 AD. Multiple surges into the heart of the West and its Allies, originating in the New Yuan Empire / SCO / East Bloc II. As a Pole you ought to be ashamed of yourself - you deny you own Western cultural roots that took the Slav and Romanized him. Look at these letter I write with. They speak to my soul.
;)
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