Not Yours to Give

One day in the House of Representatives, a bill was taken up appropriating money for the benefit of the widow of a distinguished naval officer. Several beautiful speeches had been made in its support. The Speaker was just about to put the question when Mr. Crockett arose:

"Mr. Speaker - I have as much respect for the memory of the deceased, and as much sympathy for the suffering of the living, if suffering there be, as any man in this house, but we must not permit our respect for the dead or our sympathy for a part of the living to lead us into an act of injustice to the balance of the living. I will not go into an argument to prove that Congress has no power to appropriate this money as an act of charity. Every member upon this floor knows it. We have the right, as individuals, to give away as much of our own money as we please to charity; but as members of Congress we have no right so to appropriate a dollar of the public money. Some eloquent appeals have been made to us upon the ground that it is a debt due the deceased. Mr. Speaker, the deceased lived long after the close of the war; he was in office to the day of his death, and I have never heard that the government was in arrears to him.

"Every man in this House knows it is not a debt. We cannot, without the grossest corruption, appropriate this money as the payment of a debt. We have not the semblance of authority to appropriate it as charity. Mr. Speaker, I have said we have the right to give as much money of our own as we please. I am the poorest man on this floor. I cannot vote for this bill, but I will give one week's pay to the object, and, if every member of Congress will do the same, it will amount to more than the bill asks."

He took his seat. Nobody replied. The bill was put upon its passage, and, instead of passing unanimously, as was generally supposed, and as, not doubt, it would but for that speech, it received but few votes, and of course was lost.

Later, when asked by a friend why he had opposed the appropriation, Crockett gave this explanation:

"Several years ago I was one evening standing on the steps of the Capitol with some other members of Congress, when our attention was attracted by a great light over Georgetown. It was evidently a large fire. We jumped into a hack and drove over as fast as we could. In spite of all that could be done, many houses were burned and many families made homeless, and, besides, some of them had lost all but the clothes they had on. The next morning a bill was introduced appropriating $20,000 for their relief. We put aside all other business and rushed it through as soon as it could be done.

"The next summer, when it began to be time to think about the election, I concluded I would take a scout around among the boys of my district. I had no opposition there, but, as the election was some time off, I did not know what might turn up. When riding one day in a part of the my district in which I was more a stranger than any other, I saw a man in a field plowing and coming toward the road. I gauged my gait so that we should meet as he came to the fence. I spoke to the man. He replied politely, but, as I thought, rather coldly.

"I began: 'Well, friend, I am one of those unfortunate beings call candidates, and---'

"'Yes, I know you; you are Colonel Crockett. I have seen you once before, and voted for you the last time you were elected. I suppose you are out electioneering now, but you had better not waste your time or mine. I shall not vote for you again.'

"'Well, Colonel, it is hardly worth-while to waste time or words upon it. I do not see how it can be mended, but you had a vote last winter which shows that either you have not capacity to understand the Constitution, or that you are wanting in the honesty and firmness to be guided by it. In either case you are not the man to represent me. But I beg you pardon for expressing it in that way. I did not intend to avail myself of the privilege of the constituent to speak plainly to a candidate for the purpose of insulting or wounding you. I intended by it only to say that your understanding of the Constitution is very different from mine; and I will say to you that, but for my rudeness, I should not have said that I believe you to be honest...But an understanding of the Constitution different from mine in I cannot overlook, because of the Constitution, to be worth anything, must be held sacred, and rigidly observed in all its provisions. The man who wields power and misinterprets it is the more dangerous the more honest he is.'

"'I admit the truth of all you say, but there must be some mistake about it, for I do not remember that I gave any vote last winter upon any Constitutional question.'

"'No, Colonel, there's no mistake. Though I live here in the backwoods and seldom go from home, I take the papers from Washington and read very carefully all the proceedings in Congress. My papers say that last winter you voted for a bill to appropriate $20,000 to some sufferers by a fire in Georgetown. Is that true?'

"'Well, my friend, I may as well own up. You have got me there. But certainly nobody will complain that a great and rich country likes ours should give the insignificant sum of $20,000 to relieve its suffering women and children, particularly with a full and overflowing Treasury, and I am sure, if you had been there, you would have done just as I did.'

"'It is not the amount, Colonel, that I complain of; it is the principle. In the first place, the government ought to have in the Treasury no more than enough for its legitimate purposes. But that has nothing to do with the question. The power of collecting and disbursing money at pleasure is the most dangerous power that can be entrusted to man, particularly under our system of collecting revenue by tariff, which reaches every man in the country, no matter how poor he may be, and the poorer he is the more he pays in proportion to his means. What is worse, it presses upon him without his knowledge where the weight centers, for there is not a man in the United States who can ever guess how much he pays to the government. So you see, that while you are contributing to relieve one, you are drawing it from thousands who are even worse off then he. If you had the right to give anything, the amount was simple a matter of discretion with you, and you had as much right to give $20,000,000 as $20,000. If you have the right to give to one, you have the right to give to all; and, as the Constitution neither defines charity nor stipulates the amount, you are at liberty to give to any thing and everything which you may believe, or profess to believe, is a charity, and to any amount you may think proper. You will very easily perceived what a wide door this would open for fraud and corruption and favoritism, on the one hand, and for robbing the people on the other. No, Colonel, Congress has no right to give charity. Individual members may give as much of their own money as they please, but they have not right to touch a dollar of the public money for that purpose. If twice as many houses had been burned in this country as in Georgetown, neither you nor any other member of congress would have thought of appropriating a dollar for our relief. There are about two hundred and forty members of Congress. If they had shown their sympathy for the sufferers by contribution each one week's pay, it would have made over $13,000. There are plenty of men in and around Washington who could have given $20,000 without depriving themselves of even a luxury of life. The congressmen chose to keep their own money, which, if reports be true, some of them spend not very creditably; and the people about Washington, no doubt, applauded you for relieving them from the necessity of giving by giving what was not yours to give. The people have delegated to Congress, by the Constitution, the power to do certain things. To do these, it is authorized to collect and pay moneys, and for nothing else. Everything beyond this is usurpation, and a violation of the Constitution.

"'So you see, Colonel, you have violated the Constitution in what I consider a vital point. It is a precedent fraught with danger to the country, for when Congress once begins to stretch its power beyond the limits of the Constitution, there is no limit to it, and no security for the people. I have no doubt you acted honestly, but that does not make it any better, except as far as you are personally concerned, and you see that I cannot vote for you.'

"I tell you I felt streaked. I saw if I should have opposition, and this man should go to talking, he would set other to talking, and in that district I was a gone fawn-skin. I could not answer him, for the fact is, I was so fully convinced that he was right, I did not want to. But I must satisfy him, and I said to him: 'Well, my friend, you hit the nail upon the head when you said I did not have sense enough to understand the Constitution. I intended to be guided by it, and thought I had studied it fully. I have heard many speeches in Congress about the powers of Congress, but what you have said here at your plow has got more hard, sound sense in it than all the find speeches I ever heard. If I had ever taken the view of it that you have, I would have put my head into the fire before I would have given that vote; and if I ever vote for another unconstitutional law I wish I may be shot.'

"He laughingly replied: 'Yes Colonel, you have sworn to that once before, but I will trust you again upon one condition. You say that you are convinced that your vote was wrong. Your acknowledgement of it will do more good than beating you for it. If, as you go around this district, you will tell people about this vote, and that you are satisfied that it was wrong, I will not only vote for you, but I will do what I can to keep down opposition, and perhaps, I may exert a little influence in that way.'

"'If I don't,' said I, 'I wish I may be shot; and to convince you that I am earnest in what I say I will come back this way in a week or ten days, and if you will get up a gathering of people, I will make a speech to them. Get up a barbecue, and I will pay for it.'

"'No, Colonel, we are not rich people in this section, but we have plenty of provisions to contribute to a barbecue, and some to share for those who have none. The push of crops will be over in a few days, and we can then afford a day for a barbecue. This is Thursday; I will see to getting up on Saturday week,. Come to my house on Friday, and we will go together, and I promise you a very respectable crowed to see and hear you.'

"'Well, I will be here. But one thing more before I say good-bye. I must know your name.'

"'Well, Mr. Bunce, I never saw you before thought you say you have seen me, but I know you very well. I am glad I have met you, and very proud that I may hope to have you for my friend.'

"It was one of the luckiest hits of my life that I met him. He mingled but little with the public, but was widely known for his remarkable intelligence and incorruptible integrity, and for a heart brimful and running over with kindness and benevolence, which showed themselves not only in words by in acts. He was the oracle of the whole country around him, and his fame had extended far beyond the circle of his immediate acquaintance. Though I had never met him before, I had heard much of him, and but for this meeting it is very likely I should have had opposition, and had been beaten. One thing is very certain, no man could now stand up in this distinct under such a vote.

"At the appointed time I was at this house having told our conversation to every crowd I had met, and to every man I stayed all night with, and found that it gave the people an interest and a confidence in me stronger than I had ever seen manifested before. Thought I was considerable fatigued when I reach his house, and, under ordinary circumstance, should have gone early to bed, I kept up until midnight, talking about the principles and affairs of government, and got more real, true knowledge of them than I had got all my life before. I have known and seen much of him since, for I respect him -- no, that is not the word -- I reverence and love him more than any living man, and I go to see him two or three times a year; and I will tell you sir, if everyone who professes to be a Christian, lived and acted and enjoyed it as he does, the religion of Christ would take the world by storm.

"But to return to my story. The next morning we went to the barbecue, and , to my surprise, found about a thousand men there. I met a good many whom I had not known before, and they and my friend introduced me around until I had got pretty well acquainted -- at least, they all knew me.

"In due time notice was given that I would speak to them. They gathered up around a stand that had been erected. I open my speech by saying:

"'Fellow-citizens --- I present myself before you today feeling like a new man. My eyes have lately been opened to truths which ignorance or prejudices, or both, had heretofore hidden from my view. I feel that I can today offer you the ability to render you more valuable service than I have ever been able to render before. I am here today more for the purpose of acknowledging my error than to seek your votes. That I should make this acknowledgment is due to myself as well as to you. Whether you will vote for me is a matter for you consideration only.'

"I went on to tell them about the fire and my vote for the appropriation and then told them way I was satisfied to was wrong. I closed by saying:

"'And now, fellow-citizens, it remains only for me to tell you that the most of the speech you have listened to with so much interest was simply a repetition of the arguments by which your neighbor, Mr. Bunce, convinced me of my error. It is the best speech I ever made in my life, but he is entitled to the credit for it. And now I hope he is satisfied with his convert and that he will get up here and tell you so.'

"He came upon the stand and said: 'Fellow-citizens --- It affords me great pleasure to comply with the request of Colonel Crockett. I have always considered him a thoroughly honest man, and I am satisfied that he will faithfully perform all that he has promised you today.'

"He went down, and there went up from that crowd such a shout for Davey Crockett as his name never called forth before.

"I am not much given to tears, but I was taken with a choking then and felt some big drops rolling down my cheeks. And I tell you now that the remembrance of those few words spoken by such a man, and the honest, hearty shout they produced, is worth more to me than all the repetition I have ever made, or shall ever make, as a member of Congress.

"Now, sir," concluded Crockett, "you know why I made that speech yesterday. There is one thing now to which I wish to call to your attention. You remember that I proposed to give a week's pay. There are in that House many very wealthy men --- men who think nothing of spending a week's pay, or a dozen of them, for a dinner or a wine party when they have something to accomplish by it. Some of those same men made beautiful speeches upon the great debt of gratitude which the country owed the deceased -- a debt which could not be paid by money --- and the insignificance and worthlessness of money, particularly so insignificant a sum as $10,000 when weighed against the honor of the nation. Yet not one of them responded to my proposition. Money with them is nothing but trash when it is to come out of the people but it is the one great thing for which most of them are striving, and many of them sacrifice honor, integrity, and justice to obtain it."

-------------------------------------------------------------------------------- David Crocket was born August 17, 1786, at Limestone (Greene County), Tennessee. He died March 6, 1836, as a defender of the Alamo.

No brilliant.

It's just that SOME of us have had access to actual "fragments" and copies of ancient works. The Bible is one of the MOST independently verified collations in ancient literature. Some fragments and entire chapters have been documented and examined personally by friends, other scholars who we KNOW are paper and ancient INK experts. The evidence is indisputable and verified from secular sources of the times. and those sources such as the works of Josephus et al. are all verified and cross referenced by scholars worldwide. THIS story smacks of "good ole boy" feel good CREATIVE writing based on perhaps true incidents, but embellished for public consmption.

Posting on the web does not make it so. Published or certified scribal manuscripts (legal copies of yesteryear) for over 1700 years, the Bible stands FAR above the work of this Ellis guy. so perhaps does my recent copy of Silver Surfer bought at the local comic book exchange for $300.

Beleive what you want. Huck makes a good point. Don't believe it because it rings true with your values and makes you feel validated. Beleive things because they ARE KNOWN to be true. This story is just a story.

Footnotes and sources vindicate real historical records. Huck and appy are right to question this story. Josephus in his "history of the jews" and "wars of the jews" makes continual references to other events and resources, including library collections to back up his historical accounts of events before and during his literary generation.

We would be wise to do the same thing.

This story has resonated well with MANY FReepers, from an FR Search for "yours to give" - match exact phrase...

5.7: Not Yours to Give

personal archives | Provided as courtesy by Charles Starr for Congress

One day in the House of Representatives, a bill was taken up appropriating money for the benefit of the widow of a distinguished naval officer. Several beautiful speeches had been made in its support. The Speaker was just about to put the question when Mr. Crockett arose: "Mr. Speaker - I have as much respect for the memory of the deceased, and as much sympathy for the suffering of the living, if suffering there be, as any man in this house, but we must not permit our respect for the dead or our sympathy for a part of the living ...Posted on 1/23/02 10:15 AM Pacific by Chapita

5.7: Not Yours to Give

http://www.starr4congress.org | Philadelphia: Porter & Coates, 1884 | DAVEY CROCKETT

ne day in the House of Representatives, a bill was taken up appropriating money for the benefit of the widow of a distinguished naval officer. Several beautiful speeches had been made in its support. The Speaker was just about to put the question when Mr. Crockett arose: "Mr. Speaker - I have as much respect for the memory of the deceased, and as much sympathy for the suffering of the living, if suffering there be, as any man in this house, but we must not permit our respect for the dead or our sympathy for a part of the living ...Posted on 8/20/01 1:03 AM Pacific by ATOMIC_PUNK

5.5: Not Yours To Give-Colonel David Crockett U.S. Congressman

Devvy's Project | 1884 with comment by Devvy Kidd 8/8/98 | Edward S Elliss with comments by Devvy Kidd

NOT YOURS TO GIVE From the Life of Colonel David Crockett Member of the U.S. Congress 1827-31 & 1832-35 Complied from The Life of Colonel David Crockett by Edward S. Ellis (Philadelphia: Porter & Coates, 1884) One day in the House of Representatives, a bill was taken up appropriating money for the benefit of a widow of a distinguished naval officer. Several beautiful speeches had been made in its support. The Speaker was just about to put the question when Crockett arose: "Mr. Speaker - I have as much respect for the memory of the deceased, and as much sympathy ...Posted on 4/26/01 8:59 AM Pacific by CyberSpartacus

5.7: Not Yours To Give

Conservaive U.S.A. | 1884 | Col. David Crockett; US Representative from Tennessee

In the lobby of the House of Representatives when a bill was taken up appropriating money for the benefit of a widow of a distinguished naval officer. Several beautiful speeches had been made in its support, rather . . . The Speaker was just about to put the question when Crockett arose: "Mr. Speaker -- I have as much respect for the memory of the deceased, and as much sympathy for the sufferings of the living, if suffering there be, as any man in this House, but we must not permit our respect for the dead or our sympathy for ...Posted on 11/20/00 7:53 PM Pacific by rainingred

5.7: Not Yours to Give

ConservativeUSA | none | Davy Crockett

The Conservative Caucus Documents of Freedom Collection "Not Yours To Give" by Col. David Crockett US Representative from Tennesee Originally published in "The Life of Colonel David Crockett," by Edward Sylvester Ellis. One day in the House of Representatives a bill was taken up appropriating money for the benefit of a widow of a distinguished naval officer. Several beautiful speeches had been made in its support. The speaker was just about to put the question when Crockett arose: "Mr. Speaker--I have as much respect for the memory of the deceased, and as much sympathy for the suffering of the living, ...Posted on 8/9/00 6:24 AM Pacific by OWK

5.5: Colonel David Crockett: "Not Yours To Give"

U.S. Rep. Ron Paul Website | Unknown | David Crockett

The Office of U.S. Rep. Ron Paul 203 Cannon HOB Washington, DC 20515 (202) 225-2831 Not Yours To Give Col. David Crockett US Representative from Tennessee Originally published in "The Life of Colonel David Crockett," by Edward Sylvester Ellis. Also available as a plain text file and as a .prc file for the PalmPilot. One day in the House of Representatives a bill was taken up appropriating money for the benefit of a widow of a distinguished naval officer. Several beautiful speeches had been made in its support. The speaker was just about to put the question when Crockett ...Posted on 3/6/00 10:25 AM Pacific by Thanatos

5.4: Not Yours to Give -- Speech Before the House of Representatives by David (Davy) Crockett

Equal Time (http://www2.crosswinds.net/~equaltime/index.html) | 10/10/99

One day in the House of Representatives, a bill was taken up appropriating money for the benefit of a widow of a distinguished naval officer. Several beautiful speeches had been made in its support. The Speaker was just about to put the question when Mr. Crockett arose: "Mr. Speaker --- I have as much respect for the memory of the deceased, and as much sympathy for the suffering of the living, if suffering there be, as any man in this house, but we must not permit our respect for the dead or our sympathy for a part of the living ...Posted on 10/10/99 6:37 AM Pacific by Miles Bennel

5.7: FREEDOM AIN'T YOURS TO GIVE

Special to THE LIBERTARIAN ENTERPRISE | Bruce Elmore <mailto:wheelnut@flash.net>

Excuse me for even asking this, but I have some questions. I have been thinking about Freedom, and this thing we call Liberty. I have been thinking especially hard about these things since the formal beginning of Fascism in America this year. It seems to me, that I am living amongst a large bunch of candy assed suck ups who are asking themselves how much Freedom they should be asking the Government for. Forgive me, but I have a problem with the basic premise of the question. "Oh what a lovely day it is Mrs. Murphy. Tell me, do you ...Posted on 8/1/99 8:08 AM Pacific by nsmart

5.5: Not Yours to Give (From The Life of Colonel David Crockett)

The Freeman | 96 | Leonard Read

One day in the House of Representatives, a bill was taken up appropriating money for the benefit of a widow of a distinguished naval officer. Several beautiful speeches had been made in its support. The Speaker was just about to put the question when Crockett arose: "Mr. Speaker — I have as much respect for the memory of the deceased, and as much sympathy for the sufferings of the living, if suffering there be, as any man in this House, but we must not permit our respect for the dead or our sympathy for a part of the living ...Posted on 7/20/99 7:43 AM Pacific by OWK

5.7: Freedom Ain't Yours To Give

1999 | Lurker

Freedom Ain't Yours To Give Excuse me for even asking this, but I have some questions. I have been thinking about Freedom, and this thing we call Liberty. I have been thinking especially hard about these things since the formal beginning of Fascism in America this month. It seems to me, that I am living amongst a large bunch of candy assed suck ups who are asking themselves how much Freedom they should be asking the Government for. Forgive me, but I have a problem with the basic premise of the question. "Oh what a lovely day it is Mrs. ...Posted on 7/12/99 11:11 PM Pacific by Lurker

5.7: NOT YOURS TO GIVE

Posted on 11/29/99 4:00 PM Pacific by (Unknown)

5.7: Freedom Ain't Yours To Give

Posted on 11/29/99 4:00 PM Pacific by (Unknown)

5.6: NOT YOURS TO GIVE - Davy Crockett

Posted on 11/29/99 4:00 PM Pacific by (Unknown)

5.7: Not Yours to Give

Posted on 11/29/99 4:00 PM Pacific by (Unknown)

5.7: Not Yours To Give

Posted on 11/29/99 4:00 PM Pacific by (Unknown)

Do you think the author of the book could have gotten by with this kind of falsehood in those times? - Chapita
Yes, quite easily--because they actually did. There was quite a "quote-manufacturing" cottage industry going in those days. Many statements attributed to George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, Abraham Lincoln, Daniel Webster, and other great figures of American history in reality trace back no further than the pen of some Gilded Age writer. - Poobah

From post 225 by tyen on Not Yours to Give Posted on 08/09/2000 06:24:46 PDT by OWK:

The first time I read this speech, I was so moved by its relevance to our times that I went out and sought the book it came from, Crockett's autobiography. The book describes an era that has passed, and God willing, we shall see the good influences of that era again in the near future. I placed a bookmark on the starting page of this speech.
For the sake of others who want their own copy of the autobiography, I purchased my copy of the book by using Advanced Book Exchange, a portal for used booksellers. Go to the search page, enter "Crockett, Davy" in the Author field, enter "own story" in the Title field, and press the Start Search button. There are some nice editions our there right now, and they sure beat the heck out of Disney's ~~books on~~ marketing tie-ins on Crockett.
Finally, for those reading this who object to Crockett's less than lily-white life...rent a clue, and move out of your glass house.
225 Posted on 08/09/2000 14:36:37 PDT by tyen

It appears that this speech ALSO appears in Davy Crockett's autobiography - not just in the frequently cited book by Edward Sylvester Ellis - which would strengthen the case for its authenticity, IMHO.

Actually, the Congressional Record is beside the point. If you look, the second and third paragraphs pertain to a supposed speech in the House. The the tale continues saying:

Later, when asked by a friend why he had opposed the appropriation, Crockett gave this explanation:
"Several years ago I was one evening standing on the steps of the Capitol with some other members of Congress, when our attention was attracted by a great light over Georgetown.

See? The meat of the tale can't even be confirmed by Congressional Record, because it happened later, after the vote. We might be able to look up the writings of his "friend", but his name is not disclosed in the story. We can't look up the Appropriations bill, because it isn't identified. We can't even narrow it down to a year, since Crockett served three terms in Congress, the 20th, 21st, and 23rd, spanning several years.

In the story he relates to his friend, he does say that it was "several years ago [he] was one evening standing on the steps of the Capitol with some other members of Congress." We might then begin our investigation of House appropriations with his last term, in the case of the Naval Officer's widow, or to his first term, in the case of the Georgetown fire. Speaking of which, we might look into Georgetown history and see what great fire coincided with any of the Congresses of which Crockett was a member.

But I would think that just bringing these questions to light should demonstrate once and for all what a flimsy little fable this is. It certainly has its emotional appeal. I give old Mr. Ellis credit for that. But to simply paste this up on a noteworthy Conservative board and take it as the truth is beyond silly. It's sloppy. It's amazing Mr. Ambrose is in the trouble he is in. You would think nobody bothered to check. It seems to me this tale would be much more worthwhile presented for what it is: a tale. Meanwhile, if anyone wants to spend the time tracking down the facts, more power to you. It would probably make an interesting investigative piece. Hell, I have half a mind to take it on myself.

"One day in the House of Representatives, a bill was taken up appropriating money for the benefit of the widow of a distinguished naval officer. Several beautiful speeches had been made in its support. The Speaker was just about to put the question when Mr. Crockett arose:
'Mr. Speaker - I have as much respect for the memory of the deceased, and as much sympathy for the suffering of the living, if suffering there be, as any man in this house, but we must not permit our respect for the dead or our sympathy for a part of the living to lead us into an act of injustice to the balance of the living. I will not go into an argument to prove that Congress has no power to appropriate this money as an act of charity. Every member upon this floor knows it. We have the right, as individuals, to give away as much of our own money as we please to charity; but as members of Congress we have no right so to appropriate a dollar of the public money. Some eloquent appeals have been made to us upon the ground that it is a debt due the deceased. Mr. Speaker, the deceased lived long after the close of the war; he was in office to the day of his death, and I have never heard that the government was in arrears to him.
'Every man in this House knows it is not a debt. We cannot, without the grossest corruption, appropriate this money as the payment of a debt. We have not the semblance of authority to appropriate it as charity. Mr. Speaker, I have said we have the right to give as much money of our own as we please. I am the poorest man on this floor. I cannot vote for this bill, but I will give one week's pay to the object, and, if every member of Congress will do the same, it will amount to more than the bill asks.'
He took his seat. Nobody replied. The bill was put upon its passage, and, instead of passing unanimously, as was generally supposed, and as, not doubt, it would but for that speech, it received but few votes, and of course was lost.
Later, when asked by a friend why he had opposed the appropriation, Crockett gave this explanation..."

Urban legend or true story, the central argument of Colonel Crockett's "Not Yours to Give" speech certainly applies to the current discussion about the allocation of federal tax dollars to the victims of 9/11, does it not?

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