Free Republic
Browse · Search
VetsCoR
Topics · Post Article

Skip to comments.

The FReeper Foxhole Remembers Battle of Ap Tau O (6/8/1966) - June 8th, 2003
John M. Carland ^

Posted on 06/08/2003 3:48:24 AM PDT by snippy_about_it



Dear Lord,

There's a young man far from home,
called to serve his nation in time of war;
sent to defend our freedom
on some distant foreign shore.

We pray You keep him safe,
we pray You keep him strong,
we pray You send him safely home ...
for he's been away so long.

There's a young woman far from home,
serving her nation with pride.
Her step is strong, her step is sure,
there is courage in every stride.
We pray You keep her safe,
we pray You keep her strong,
we pray You send her safely home ...
for she's been away too long.

Bless those who await their safe return.
Bless those who mourn the lost.
Bless those who serve this country well,
no matter what the cost.

Author Unknown

.

FReepers from the The Foxhole
join in prayer for all those serving their country at this time.

.

.................................................................................................................................

U.S. Military History, Current Events and Veterans Issues

Where Duty, Honor and Country
are acknowledged, affirmed and commemorated.

Our Mission:

The FReeper Foxhole is dedicated to Veterans of our Nation's military forces and to others who are affected in their relationships with Veterans.

We hope to provide an ongoing source of information about issues and problems that are specific to Veterans and resources that are available to Veterans and their families.

In the FReeper Foxhole, Veterans or their family members should feel free to address their specific circumstances or whatever issues concern them in an atmosphere of peace, understanding, brotherhood and support.

To read previous Foxhole threads or
to add the Foxhole to your sidebar,
click on the books below.

Resource Links For Veterans


Click on the pix

Double Ambush On Route 13


Not one, but two ambushes would be set up to greet the deploying armored cavalry of the U.S. 1st Infantry Division in a test of strength along National Route 13 in Binh Long Province.

Whether American armored cavalry could hold its own against the Viet Cong was a burning question in May of 1966. And June would provide the answer -- in the form of two battles fought by the U.S. 1st Infantry Division, at Ap Tau O and at Srok Dong.

Both battles took place on National Route 13, a major north-south highway in Binh Long Province, and were part of a larger campaign by the 1st Infantry to thwart the enemy’s Monsoon Offensive (supposed to run from mid-May through mid-August). By aggressively seeking out the Viet Cong, the Division commander, Maj. Gen. William DePuy, hoped to take the war to the enemy and hurt him badly. During his campaign, called El Paso II, the 1st Infantry would fight, on separate occasions, regiments of the 9th Viet Cong Division -- the 271st, 272nd, and the 273rd. Battles with the 271st and 272nd would be led by cavalry units of the First Infantry Division on June 8 and June 30.



Paradoxically, each battle was the result of a VC ambush, and one doesn’t stretch the truth by saying that the Viet Cong were masters of the ambush -- so much so that in their technique they almost turned the ambush into a work of art. Their planning-and-execution approach was the "one slow, four quick" formula. The first step, the slow one, dictated that the commander and his aides, without haste and very thoroughly, plan the ambush. The commander would study the enemy, the proposed location of the ambush, and plan the actual assault. In many cases he might actually visit the proposed area to personally check out possible locations for bunkers, gun positions, mines and troop deployment. The commander would also prepare routes to move his troops to the battlefield and withdrawal routes to move them out when the ambush was over.

Next, the commander and his men would pull back to a safe area and rehearse the ambush until all unit leaders and each individual knew the terrain, his job, and the general situation. Last, came the execution ("four quick") phase. The Viet Cong now advanced quickly to the battle area and then, assuming that their timing was good (it usually was because of their very capable intelligence organization), they would go directly into the second ("quick") step -- assault quickly.

After the actual ambush, or whenever the commander had decided the time had come, the Viet Cong would clear the battlefield quickly. They would carry off anything in the way of weapons, ammunition and supplies that might be useful in the future, destroying what they could not carry. Finally they would also carry off their dead and wounded. This led into the fourth quick step -- withdraw as fast as possible along previously selected escape routes.



In mid 1966 it was clear that the Americans in South Vietnam had yet to devise a consistently successful way of dealing with such attacks. The experience gained in El Paso II in June and July of 1966 would provide some improvement.

The events that triggered the first major battle of El Paso II, the Battle of Ap Tau O on Route 13, began to unfold early in the morning of June 8, 1966. Troop A, 1st Squadron, 4th Cavalry, left its base camp at Phu Loi -- moving north to the provincial capital of An Loc. The troop was made up of 135 men and 41 armored vehicles -- nine M48 tanks, 29 armored cavalry assault vehicles (ACAVs), including two flame-throwing vehicles and two radar vehicles, plus two engineer "dozer" tanks, and one armored recovery vehicle.

Troop A was commanded by Captain Ralph Sturgis, whose three platoons moved northward in inverted order -- the 3rd Platoon first and the 1st last. The convoy’s purpose was to place the squadron armor more centrally for operational use in El Paso II -- to help protect against an expected Viet Cong attack on An Loc. As a routine precaution the 2nd Battalion, 18th Infantry (2/18), acting as a ready-reaction force, was flown from its base camp to Lai Khe on the morning of June 8. It would be well located to react to any contact made by Captain Sturgis’ road column.



Because the enemy’s penchant for mining Route 13 was well known, the convoy at first traveled on the abandoned roadbed of an old French railway and on dirt paths in hopes of a safer ride. (After all, the enemy would hardly lay mines beneath a no-longer-used roadbed or on dirt paths -- or so it was hoped.) The roadbed and dirt paths ran roughly parallel to Route 13.

Troop A reached the intermediate destination of Lai Khe at 11 a.m. At Lai Khe, headquarters of the 3rd Brigade, the soldiers of Troop A took their lunch while the tanks and ACAVs refueled. The troop then left Lai Khe on Route 13, but quickly abandoned the highway for the relative safety of the railway roadbed. The troop’s journey northward continued without incident to Chon Thanh, capital of Chon Thanh District.

As Troop A arrived at Chon Thanh, the 2/18 moved by helicopter from its own earlier stop at Lai Khe to Hon Quan airfield at An Loc, so as to be better positioned to provide assistance should Troop A need it. As further safety precaution, a trail party was left behind at Chon Thanh and would catch up later.

The troop now found it slow going off the highway. After it reached and passed through Chon Thanh, the jungle foliage made traveling and defending against a potential ambush so difficult that Troop A -- balancing safety against the need to move on -- returned to Route 13. The 135 men of Troop A were now on the last leg of their journey to An Loc -- and, although they did not know it, just about to enter the killing zone of an enemy ambush.



Strung out along the west side of Route 13, from the village of Ap Tau O to a point about three kilometers to the north, the 272nd regiment of the 9th Viet Cong Division was waiting for the Americans. The VC had dug in the previous night and formed an L-shaped ambush. A small number of the guerrillas positioned themselves on the east side of the road. From north to south the regiment’s 1st, 2nd and 3rd Battalions massed along Route 13, while the regiment’s reconnaissance company arranged itself across the base of the L. The location was just beyond, or at the maximum range of, nearby friendly artillery. The Viet Cong commander and his staff had selected an excellent place for an ambush. They also had fulfilled another Viet Cong tactical requirement -- substantial and in this case enormous, numerical superiority over the Americans. In addition, the American cavalry troop was strung out for almost three kilometers.

Accounts differ as to precisely when and how the battle began. Most likely, it was about 2:30 p.m. when a recoilless rifle or a mine (or both) hit the column’s lead tank and triggered the ambush. Immediately, according to the cavalry squadron’s annual historical report, "the entire column came under intense small arms, automatic weapons, mortar and recoilless rifle fire." The logical next step would have been for the Viet Cong to attempt overrunning the column. However, a captured enemy document indicates that the U.S. troops reacted so quickly that the VC were themselves pinned down by heavy American fire. Within Troop A, the 3rd Platoon came under the most intense fire, the 2nd Platoon received less intense fire, and the trailing 1st Platoon suffered hardly any.

Captain Sturgis, whose command ACAV was in the middle of the column, quickly began moving toward its head. As he did, the left side of his vehicle received a direct hit from a recoilless rifle. With no great damage done, he continued. Then a second recoilless-rifle team began taking a bead on Sturgis’ ACAV. Fortunately, the commander of an American M132 flame-thrower vehicle saw the VC team and quickly turned his weapon on the guerrillas, with devastating results. Sturgis was saved.


HERRINGBONE FORMATION - This formation gave vehicles best all-round firepower when they were ambushed in a restricted area.


In the confusion surrounding the first minutes of battle the troopers could not ascertain the origin of enemy fire -- the east or west side of the road. Third Platoon’s vehicles automatically went into a herringbone formation so as to cover both sides. The 2nd Platoon meanwhile, acting on Sturgis’ order, moved up to reinforce the lead 3rd Platoon, while the 1st Platoon, much farther back, began moving toward the sounds of gunfire. Shortly thereafter it became clear that almost all enemy fire came from west of the road, from an area of trees and secondary growth about a hundred meters back. Sturgis ordered his men to organize the vehicles into a circular defensive perimeter -- a laager -- on a slight rise a bit to the right, i.e. east, of the highway. Almost simultaneously he called for air support through the on-station Forward Air Controller (FAC), Captain Richard Wetzel. Within 11 minutes the first USAF flight had arrived.

The situation was fluid for a while, as the inevitable confusion that attends the start -- and sometimes all -- of a battle prevailed. Even though Sturgis had ordered the formation of a laager, it could not -- because elements of his Troop extended along 3,000 meters of Route 13 -- be accomplished immediately. As the 1st Platoon attempted to make its way toward the laager area, its commander Lieutenant Louis Bouault, noticed a large number of Viet Cong moving parallel to his platoon. Presumably from the 272nd’s Second Battalion, they presented an inviting target. Bouault ordered his men to open fire, which they did, causing a good number of casualties among the advancing Viet Cong. Indeed, his fire caused the enemy to attack his own platoon. In the ensuing fight one ACAV was damaged and another destroyed. However, Bouault’s platoon, now within 500 to 800 meters of the laager, continued on and soon reached the laager’s southern edge. There, he attached his platoon to the rest of the troop. As vehicles in the now-completed defensive perimeter continued firing, the laager obviously became the main focus of enemy attention. Although it is unlikely that the Viet Cong so intended, the battle, in the main, soon became one of fire, not maneuver, and a pattern of static conflict emerged.

At this point the enemy commander had two options -- retreat or stay and inflict as much damage and take as many American lives as possible. The American armored force, on the other hand, had three options -- attack, retreat or stand pat. Given the substantial firepower of an armored cavalry troop, one might have expected the option of attack. The squadron commander, Lt. Col. Leonard Lewane was overhead in his helicopter throughout the battle -- he in fact landed and walked the perimeter twice. In addition, the 3rd Brigade commander and both assistant divisional commanders and the division commander, General DePuy, were all kept abreast of events. None ordered an attack, and in the division’s after-action report, that decision was indirectly criticized.




Regarding the second option, meanwhile, there was obviously no reason to retreat. Not only is an armored cavalry troop in and of itself a powerful entity, but in this case the Air Force presence made it certain that the troop would not be overrun. Further, the 2/18th Infantry was at An Loc as a ready-reaction force. Additionally, elements of the 5th ARVN (South Vietnamese) Division at An Loc were ready to move south on Route 13 to reinforce Troop A.

As it turned out, the option chosen was to stand pat. Troop A in its own defensive perimeter with its own tanks and ACAVs -- in conjunction with the Air Force and, to a lesser degree, artillery -- blasted away at the enemy in the woods across Route 13 for hours. In the late afternoon the Viet Cong commander decided his troops had inflicted -- and absorbed -- all the damage they could. He began withdrawing to the west, effectively to end the main portion of the battle.

At an earlier lull, Captain Sturgis had ordered the trail party, under the command of his executive officer, Lieutenant Ronald Copes, to leave Chon Thanh, where it had stayed when the rest of the troop moved on toward An Loc. On reaching the southern edge of the battle area, it was to pick up any tank or other Troop A vehicle that had been dropped off along the way. While so engaged, the trail party itself encountered a small ambush, set up by the VC 3rd/272, which resulted in the loss of an American tank to a recoilless rifle -- possibly the only time that the 272nd’s 3rd Battalion participated in the battle. With the aid of close air support, the trail party drove the enemy away in a firefight that lasted about 30 minutes and then proceeded to link up with the main body of Troop A.

Meanwhile the 2/18th was ordered, as the ready-reaction force, to the battle area to relieve and reinforce Troop A. Since the closest landing zone (LZ) was four miles to the north, by the time the helicopter-lifted battalion landed and swept down to the battle area, the enemy had withdrawn. The ARVN units, coming south on Route 13 by truck, also arrived too late to be of materiel assistance.


M113 AFTER HITS BY VIET CONG 57-mm. RECOILLESS RIFLE


Troop A and the 2nd Battalion, 18th Infantry, remained near the battle site overnight. On June 9, they policed the battlefield and then moved on to Hon Quan to provide security for an artillery battery and the divisional command post being established there.

The Air Force contribution to repulse off the ambush had been a key factor. Not only did a flight arrive just minutes after the ambush opened, but air sorties consisting of 17 flights of bombers delivered 27 tons of high explosives and napalm, six tons of fragmentation bombs and 24 canisters of cluster bomb units over the next several hours. On the few occasions when the Air Force did not have a flight on station, helicopter gunships filled the void. In short, the enemy was under constant bombardment from 11 minutes after he triggered the ambush until he began disengaging. For the most part, the Air Force pounded the area to the immediate west of the troop’s perimeter. The 3rd Brigade’s after-action report gave generous praise -- "Close air support was considered the decisive factor in the success of the battle on June 8 along Highway 13." There were still some rough spots to be worked out in the procedures by which tactical air support could help the 1st Infantry, but basically the job had been done well.

Evaluating the battle later, the planners saw an engagement which started as an ambush and continued long enough to become a fierce fire fight. At its end, 14 Americans were dead and approximately 40 wounded. The enemy had taken much higher casualties -- approximately 100 killed in action (by body count), with an additional 200 to 250 estimated killed, and doubtlessly a large number of wounded. On balance the Americans saw the engagement as a success. The 1st VC Battalion had suffered 90 percent casualties and the 2nd Battalion, 50 percent. (The 3rd Battalion had been considerably south of the main attack and only participated in peripheral action. This accounts for its having only minimal casualties.)


SHERIDAN M551 AND CREW MEMBERS


At the very beginning, a VC mistake helped Troop A. The Viet Cong laid out the ambush in such a way that their own lines extended for at least three kilometers. Over-extended, the enemy could not easily maneuver against Troop A once the ambush was triggered. But the Americans also made mistakes. The divisional after-action report makes it clear that, instead of going into a tight circular defense perimeter as soon as the battle began, Troop A should have maneuvered and attacked aggressively. Among other improvements adopted, the report disclosed "Communications were tightened up, the coordination of air and artillery was improved by the simple means of preplanning artillery support on one side of the road and air support on the other so these two decisive weapons could be used continuously and simultaneously. It was also decided that the infantry reaction would be divided into two elements. First, a battlefield relief force to preclude a defeat in the area of the main attack, and second, a battlefield-exploitation force which would be landed along the routes of withdrawal in order to destroy VC forces some distance from the ambush site." Members of the division at all levels felt that the enemy had been soundly defeated in the battle at Ap Tau O, but they also felt that important lessons had been learned. The 1st Infantry battles fought later in the same campaign seem to bear this out.

Thanks to Freeper RasterMaster for suggesting this thread

This thread is dedicated to the memory of his Uncle - KIA - Battle of Ap Tau-O, June 8, 1966



TOPICS: VetsCoR
KEYWORDS: 14cavarly; 1stinfantry; aptauo; battleofanloc; benchmark69; bifredone; freeperfoxhole; veterans; vietnam
Navigation: use the links below to view more comments.
first previous 1-2021-4041-6061-80 ... 161-175 next last
To: SAMWolf
You can only hide in the corners today to get away from MIL! hahaha!

:)
21 posted on 06/08/2003 9:20:57 AM PDT by snippy_about_it (Pray for our Troops)
[ Post Reply | Private Reply | To 19 | View Replies]

To: Valin
"Would that government spent our money like it was their own."

You mean all money is not the governemnts? Do the Democrats know this?

22 posted on 06/08/2003 9:24:58 AM PDT by SAMWolf (Individualists unite!)
[ Post Reply | Private Reply | To 9 | View Replies]

To: bentfeather
Good Morning Feather.
23 posted on 06/08/2003 9:25:20 AM PDT by SAMWolf (Individualists unite!)
[ Post Reply | Private Reply | To 11 | View Replies]

To: All


24 posted on 06/08/2003 9:39:29 AM PDT by SAMWolf (Individualists unite!)
[ Post Reply | Private Reply | To 13 | View Replies]

To: cherry_bomb88; I think therefore I am
Welcome to FR, I think therefore I am
25 posted on 06/08/2003 9:40:21 AM PDT by SAMWolf (Individualists unite!)
[ Post Reply | Private Reply | To 13 | View Replies]

To: snippy_about_it
Naw, she'd find me there. There's no hiding from a MIL
26 posted on 06/08/2003 9:42:13 AM PDT by SAMWolf (Individualists unite!)
[ Post Reply | Private Reply | To 21 | View Replies]

To: SAMWolf
Guntrucks of Ambush Alley

Reproduced from the Army Logistician, July-August 1986


The 8th Transportation Group arrived in Viet-nam in October 1966 and immediately began daily operations out of the coastal city of Qui Nhon to support tactical units in northern II Corps (see map, page 30). Each month the truckers delivered over 90,000 tons of ammunition, building materials, fuel, and other supplies. Convoys sometimes contained more than 200 vehicles, occupying almost 10 miles of highway. Trips were made north to Bong Son and south to Tuy Hoa on Route 1, and west on Route 19 to An Khe and Pleiku. The latter journey was the longest line-haul route in Vietnam, more than 200 miles roundtrip.

Route 19 was also one of the more difficult and dangerous roads traveled by 8th Group truckers. The highway began near Qui Nhon and wound its way westward through two treacherous mountain passes. It was only partially paved, had little or no shoulder, and was filled with potholes. Sniping and mining incidents were frequent. The enemy made a determined effort to destroy the route's many bridges-an average of one every 3 miles.

By the end of Summer 1967, the enemy activity along Route 19 had increased dramatically. Colonel Joe 0. Bellino, then commander of 8th Group, commented that in World War II and Korea transportation units had operated over mined roads, received sniper fire, and been at-tacked. "But," he said, "our convoys get one form or another of it damn near every day." The graveled section of road between An Khe and the base of the Mang Giang Pass became the site of so many attacks that the truckers nicknamed the area "Ambush Alley."

The degree of convoy protection on Route 19 left much to be desired. Although military police units were usually able to provide route security in other areas of Vietnam, they had insufficient troops and equipment to cope with the ferocity of enemy attacks on 8th Group convoys. Further-more, tactical units operating near the highway could provide escort protection only where the road passed through their area of control.

Despite the increasing number of enemy attacks, the truckers of 8th Group continued to remain roadbound, 17 to 20 hours a day, 7 days a week. Sniping and mining incidents took their toll, but it was the highway ambush that presented the most danger. Enemy detonated mines would suddenly disable the machine guns, grenades, and small arms to destroy vehicles in the "kill zone." These zones could stretch from 100 yards to almost a mile in length, depending on the number of enemy troops involved. The attacks lasted only 15 to 20 minutes, giving the enemy time to hit and run before tactical reinforcements arrived.

September 2, 1967, marked the beginning of an all-out effort by the enemy to close Route 19. On that day, the 8th Group convoy was savagely at-tacked in "Ambush Alley" as the column was re-turning from Pleiku with empty trucks. Seven drivers were killed, 17 were wounded, and over 30 vehicles were damaged or destroyed. This was the worst attack on an 8th Group convoy since its arrival in Vietnam a year earlier. It was painfully obvious that the convoys had to have better defense.

As a result of the September ambush, 8th Group instituted what became known as the "hardened-convoy" concept. This was simply an order of march incorporating task vehicles, communications jeeps, and "guntrucks." The guntrucks were 2 1/2-ton cargo vehicles that had been removed from line-haul operations and outfitted with sand-bags on the floors, beds, and sides for protection.

A crew consisting of a driver, two M-60 machine gunners, and a noncommissioned officer in charge was assigned to each hardened security truck. The new concept called for the guntrucks to provide a rapid, retaliatory saturation fire within the critical first 3 minutes of an enemy attack.

During ambushes, drivers of supply vehicles tried to get out of the kill zone as quickly as possible. For the crew of the guntrucks, however, the opposite was true. As soon as the enemy launched his attack against a convoy, the guntrucks were to drive immediately into the kill zone to protect disabled vehicles by providing them fire support.

Because of the growing enemy activity in the highlands, the number of trucks in an individual convoy had been reduced. Columns contained fewer than 100 vehicles in march units of 10 to 20 trucks each. More and more guntrucks were out-fitted until there was an average of one security vehicle for every 10 task vehicles.

After a few weeks of experimentation, it became apparent that the sandbags on a guntruck ab-sorbed too much water from the frequent rains, in-creasing the weight of the vehicle and making it sluggish and difficult to maneuver. The problem was alleviated when a young warrant officer of the 8th Group discovered several sheets of steel plate in a local salvage yard and had them welded to a 2 1/2-ton cargo truck-giving 8th Group its first armor-plated guntruck. Armor soon replaced sandbags on the security vehicles, and by October the unique battlewagons were a common sight along Route 19.

The typical guntruck was armor-plated on the front, rear, and sides. The cab floor and bed were also armored for protection against mines. Pedestal mounts for the M60 machine guns were in-stalled in the bed, and sections of the side plate directly in front of each gun were cut down several inches to provide a field of fire. In addition, a grenadier, armed with the M79 grenade launcher, was added to the crew.

Another change within the hardened convoy concept was that 8th Group did not confine the guntrucks to one location in the convoy but allowed them to vary their positions daily to prevent the enemy from detecting a pattern.

. On the morning of November 24, 1967, the gun-trucks got their first real chance to prove their effectiveness. As the daily convoy was approaching "Ambush Alley," the column was suddenly at-tacked by a North Vietnamese-Viet Cong rifle company. Rockets struck the first vehicle in the( kill zone, igniting loads of artillery ammunition and blocking the road. As the enemy soldiers at tempted to overrun the stalled vehicles, the gun trucks entered the ambush area to do battle.

After about 20 minutes, the immense firepower~ of the guntrucks prevailed and the enemy began t0' withdraw. Amidst the twisted and smoking wreck age of cargo vehicles lay the bodies of 41 enemy soldiers. Four others had been wounded and captured. In the 300-meter kill-zone of the convoy, were killed, 17 were wounded, and 10 vehicles had been damaged or destroyed (including 4 of the guntrucks engaged). In an after-action report, the 8th Group commander reported that "the quick reaction and firepower of this convoy were thefrom only factors that prevented this ambush from being a success."

As the ambushes continued, so did the evolutionary process of guntruck design and employment. Design and armament were restricted on by the materials available and the imagination transportation unit personnel.

One major change in the guntruck concept that the 2 1/2 ton truck was phased out as the mainstay of route security because it was too light to maneuver with the added weight of armor and weapons. Instead, the 5-ton cargo truck began to replace the "deuce-and-a-half" as a convoy escort vehicle.

Another change was the modification of the armor on some guntrucks into "box" structures in the beds. Within this box were kept weapons, tools, extra wheels and tires, water and oil, and a fire extinguisher. Thus, the guntrucks served not only as security vehicles but also as maintenance trucks, capable of protecting and restarting disabled vehicles on potentially dangerous sections of highway.

As a protection against enemy rockets, double walls of steel plate were attached to some gun-trucks. The theory was that incoming rockets would be detonated on contact with the outer wall. Shrapnel would then bounce harmlessly off the inner wall, never reaching the crew.

Many of the guntrucks replaced the M60 machine gun with .50-caliber machine guns, either alone or in multiple mounts. One innovation was the "quad-fifty." This weapon consisted of four electronically synchronized .50-caliber machine guns mounted in the bed of a 2 1/2-ton truck. At one time, 8th Group was employing seven of these weapons.

A few escort vehicles were equipped with the 7.62-millimeter "minicannon," a modern version of the Gatling gun. This "smoker" was capable of delivering 6,000 rounds per minute. The guntrucks became such fortresses that after a day of convoy duty many were put to work during the night, patrolling transportation unit compound perimeters. Civilian contract convoys, some traveling the same routes as 8th Group, often "borrowed" gun-trucks for escort duty, in which the armored vehicles continued to prove their ability to make the enemy pay dearly for his attacks.

The availability of armor plate was an ongoing problem for 8th Group. Truck companies obtained the material from a variety of sources, including the local salvage yard. As the guntruck program continued, armor-plating "kits" became available, some from a nearby South Vietnamese Army depot. However, as the armored vehicles "washed out" through hostile action or heavy usage. the armor became increasingly difficult to obtain. Several times its unavailability threatened to jeopardize the guntruck program.

One alternative to outfitting guntrucks with armor plate was to strip an armored personnel carrier and to mount its hull on the bed of a 5-ton truck. These modified vehicles afforded firepower comparable to that of plated trucks, while offering additional protection to the crews.

The guntruck crews were, for the most part, truckers and maintenance personnel who had been assigned or had volunteered for convoy security duty. Even as casualties among the crews mounted, morale remained high, the men being bound by wartime esprit de corps. Many of the men donned shoulder insignia and pocket tabs indicating their roles as drivers and gunners. The men painted colorful names on their vehicles, reminiscent of the American bombers of World War II. Names such as Bounty Hunter, Ho Chi's Hearse, VC Undertaker, Highland Raiders, and Old Ironsides became familiar sights to the truckers of 8th Group.

The personal bravery and fighting spirit of the guntruck crews, along with their quick reaction to ambush situations, were no doubt responsible for saving the lives of many truckers. This courage was exemplified by Specialists Dallas Mullins, of the 444th Transportation Company, and Larry A. Dahl, of the 359th Transportation Company. When the driver of Mullins' guntruck was wounded during a highway ambush, the vehicle became stalled in the center of the enemy kill-zone and subjected to intense small-arms fire. Even though Mullins was also wounded, twice in the arm and once in the leg, he came to the aid of the wounded driver and maneuvered the truck out of the line of fire. During an ambush on Route 19, Dahl jumped on an enemy grenade that had been tossed into the back of his guntruck, saving the lives of the rest of the crew with the sacrifice of his own. For their unselfish acts, Mullins was awarded the Silver Star Medal, and Dahl, posthumously, the Medal of Honor.

In addition to the unusually large number of Bronze Star and Purple Heart Medals awarded within the transportation companies-especially for a noncombat unit-the 8th Group was awarded the Presidential Unit Citation. It was also the only transportation group in Vietnam to receive the Vietnamese Cross of Gallantry.

The guntrucks of 8th Group were always considered an interim measure until the unit could obtain standard escort vehicles, specifically the VIOO armored car. However, the VIOO was never provided to transportation units in sufficient numbers; consequently, the converted cargo vehicles bore the brunt of convoy security until the end of the American involvement in Vietnam.

. Although highly successful, the guntrucks did have their disadvantages. The most important of these was that their continued use diverted driver personnel and vehicles from their primary mission and thereby degraded the lift capability of the unit. In some companies, as many as 15 percent of as-signed drivers were used for security.

In addition, the "hardening" of the 2 1/2-ton and 5-ton cargo trucks created stresses for which the vehicles were not designed. The extra weight of the armor accelerated vehicle deterioration and created new maintenance problems.

Despite these problems, the guntrucks patrolled Vietnam's highways from late 1967 until the American pullout in 1973, playing a major role in keeping supply lifelines open to U.S. Forces. During this period, more than 50 cargo trucks were converted into armored combat vehicles for route security.

Today, the last vestige of these warwagons, Eve of Destruction, rests quietly among the static displays at Fort Eustis. Converted in late 1967, Eve provided daily route security in the central high-lands and along the coast for 3 years before participating in the Cambodian incursion. During that operation, the vehicle escorted convoys from Qui Nhon to the Cambodian border; the entire crew was awarded the Bronze Star Medal for outstanding performance in protecting supply columns from enemy attacks.

In January 1971, Eve led elements of 8th Group north into I Corps to participate in operation LAMSON 719, the South Vietnamese invasion of Laos. Day and night convoys of Khe Sanh and to the Laotian border exposed Eve to numerous enemy attacks during the operation, but the gun-truck never failed in its mission.

Eve of Destruction made its final run on June 8, 1971. Since then, it has been retired to the Transportation Museum at Fort Eustis. Now, far from sounds of battle, the armored truck silently re-minds those that view it of the courage and sacrifice of transportation personnel who fought and sometimes died in "Ambush Alley."

27 posted on 06/08/2003 10:01:50 AM PDT by SAMWolf (Individualists unite!)
[ Post Reply | Private Reply | To 26 | View Replies]

To: cherry_bomb88; I think therefore I am
Hi Cherry Bomb! I've been mostly lurking for awhile too. Nice to see you today.

WELCOME "I think therefore I am"!!! Thanks for serving our country in the Army. So glad you joined Free Republic and the best thread on it - the FReeper Foxhole!!

28 posted on 06/08/2003 11:21:27 AM PDT by Jen (Support our troops!)
[ Post Reply | Private Reply | To 13 | View Replies]

To: SAMWolf
This might help you hide from the MIL!


29 posted on 06/08/2003 11:24:51 AM PDT by Jen (Be glad I didn't post the camo thong!!! ;-))
[ Post Reply | Private Reply | To 26 | View Replies]

To: SAMWolf

30 posted on 06/08/2003 11:29:12 AM PDT by GailA (Millington Rally for America after action http://www.freerepublic.com/focus/f-news/872519/posts)
[ Post Reply | Private Reply | To 18 | View Replies]

To: snippy_about_it; SAMWolf
Great thread Sam and Snippy! You two are a good team.
31 posted on 06/08/2003 11:29:57 AM PDT by Jen (The FReeper Foxhole - Can YOU dig it?)
[ Post Reply | Private Reply | To 6 | View Replies]

To: AntiJen
Well I'll be. 'Bout time you stopped by. LOL!

Thanks for the compliment. Good to see you.
32 posted on 06/08/2003 11:33:54 AM PDT by snippy_about_it (Pray for our Troops)
[ Post Reply | Private Reply | To 31 | View Replies]

To: snippy_about_it
Hi Snippy! I'm finally caught up in the three classes I'm taking. Quarter ends Wednesday. Just Finals and a couple projects to turn in and I'm done!!!! Then I'll have a few weeks off before it starts all over again. sigh!
33 posted on 06/08/2003 11:41:44 AM PDT by Jen (The FReeper Foxhole - Can YOU dig it?)
[ Post Reply | Private Reply | To 32 | View Replies]

To: AntiJen
I just know you'll get all perfect scores. :)
34 posted on 06/08/2003 11:52:45 AM PDT by snippy_about_it (Pray for our Troops)
[ Post Reply | Private Reply | To 33 | View Replies]

To: AntiJen
I think I still have my Camo BDU's around here somewhere.
35 posted on 06/08/2003 11:55:29 AM PDT by SAMWolf (Individualists unite!)
[ Post Reply | Private Reply | To 29 | View Replies]

To: GailA
Good Morning GailA.

How times have changed, now we worry whether we'll hurt someone's feelings by calling them the ememy.
36 posted on 06/08/2003 11:56:32 AM PDT by SAMWolf (Individualists unite!)
[ Post Reply | Private Reply | To 30 | View Replies]

To: AntiJen
Thanks Jen. Those classes are keeping you busy, when's summer vacation start?
37 posted on 06/08/2003 11:57:44 AM PDT by SAMWolf (Individualists unite!)
[ Post Reply | Private Reply | To 31 | View Replies]

To: SAMWolf; All
I love my flowers :)

Now Kick off Your Sunday Shoes, It's Break Time. Woo-Hoo!
38 posted on 06/08/2003 12:07:48 PM PDT by snippy_about_it (Pray for our Troops)
[ Post Reply | Private Reply | To 37 | View Replies]

To: snippy_about_it
Footloose, good toe tapper!!
39 posted on 06/08/2003 12:30:52 PM PDT by SAMWolf (Individualists unite!)
[ Post Reply | Private Reply | To 38 | View Replies]

To: SAMWolf
toe tapper. lol. You're so refined. ha ha, get up and dance man!
40 posted on 06/08/2003 12:32:03 PM PDT by snippy_about_it (Pray for our Troops)
[ Post Reply | Private Reply | To 39 | View Replies]


Navigation: use the links below to view more comments.
first previous 1-2021-4041-6061-80 ... 161-175 next last

Disclaimer: Opinions posted on Free Republic are those of the individual posters and do not necessarily represent the opinion of Free Republic or its management. All materials posted herein are protected by copyright law and the exemption for fair use of copyrighted works.

Free Republic
Browse · Search
VetsCoR
Topics · Post Article

FreeRepublic, LLC, PO BOX 9771, FRESNO, CA 93794
FreeRepublic.com is powered by software copyright 2000-2008 John Robinson