Posted on 04/25/2003 5:35:24 AM PDT by SAMWolf
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are acknowledged, affirmed and commemorated.
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In the hindsight of more than half a century since the battle for Peleliu, the campaign has been shadowed by the suggestion that it need not have been fought at all. By mid-1944, American naval dominance in the Western Pacific had made itself felt with repeated carrier strikes against the southern Philippines, Palaus and Carolines, resulting in their elimination as a threat against future Allied operations in this theater. Admiral William Halsey's 5th Fleet inflicted heavy damage on aircraft, ships and installations but were only lightly contested by the Japanese. This led Halsey to contact Admiral Chester Nimitz with the strong recommendation that the imminent invasion of Peleliu and Angaur be called off and the timetable for the Philippine operation moved up. D-Day on Peleliu was set for September 15, 1944. On that day, the Marines of the 1st Marine Division planned to land on the western beaches of Peleliu three regiments abreast. The 1st Marines under Col. Chesty Puller, were to assault the beaches on the left flank, which were designated White 1 and White 2, and push through the enemy toward the northwestern peninsula of the island. In the center, the 5th Marines under Col. Harold D."Bucky" Harris were to land on Orange Beaches 1 and 2 and drive across to the island's eastern shore. They would be responsible for securing the island's airfield before moving to seize the northeastern part of the island. On the right, the 7th Marines under Col. Herman H. Hanneken were to assault Orange Beach 3 and move to take the southern tip of the island. Three days of naval gunfire had preceded the Marines' landing, leading Rear Admiral Jesse B. Oldendorf to report jubilantly on the evening before D-Day, "We have run out of targets." Defending Peleliu was a Japanese garrison of some 10,500 men under the command of Col. Kunio Nakagawa. The force was comprised of the 2nd Infantry Regiment, two battalions of the 15th Infantry Regiment, a battalion of the 53rd Independent Mixed Brigade, a tank battalion, a naval guard unit, artillery and anti-aircraft units and a skilled labor battalion. Many of Nakagawa's command were battle-hardened veterans from years of fighting on the Chinese mainland. The Japanese took masterful advantage of the rugged coral terrain in the island's central highlands to construct a maze of interlocking underground tunnels, shelters and well-concealed concrete bunkers. As the Americans came ashore, they faced accurate enfilading fire from these bunkers and from hundreds of caves in the island's high ground. The enemy fought tenaciously to prevent the Marines from securing a beachhead. The invasion force saw dozens of its amphibious tractors (amtracs) destroyed by enemy artillery fire as it made its way across the reef to deposit the assault troops along the 2-mile front. Enemy positions that had previously failed detection sprang to life with automatic cannon and heavy machine guns raking the flanks of the Marines as they churned their way ashore. There was little doubt that the naval prep fires had done little to eliminate the enemy's heavy weapons capability. At 8:32 a.m. the first troops hit the beaches, with Puller's 1st Marines landed on the northernmost White Beaches, with the toughest job going to the men of K Company, 3rd battalion, who were assigned the suicidal job of securing the Marines' left flank. Soon cut off by the Japanese from the main body and their backs to the sea, the outnumbered leathernecks fought a savage three-day battle at what became known as "the Point", which left 33 percent of the company standing when the coral promontory was finally secured. Further south, other 1st Marine units made their way through a shell-shattered mangrove forest to the edge of the airfield. On the adjacent central beaches, Harris' 5th Marines were also fighting their way inland to the airfield, their first day's objective. At the southern end of Peleliu, Hanneken's 7th Marines were forced to land their assault amtracs in a column due to the wreckage and clutter out on the reef, but were making progress against heavy opposition from Japanese dug in on the eastern and southern peninsulas. Temperatures on Peleliu soared as high as 115 degrees, and there was little shade in the combat areas. Drinking water was scarce and was initially limited to the two canteens on each Marine's belt. The first water supplies were tainted, arriving in oil drums which had not been adequately cleaned out. The result was that many or most of the troops who drank the water were sickened. Eventually, engineers discovered that freshwater wells could be drilled on the island to help improve this supply problem. On the afternoon of D-Day, Nakagawa launched his planned counterattack. Emerging from the area north of the airfield, some 15 Japanese light tanks with infantry hit the 1st and 5th Marines' lines. However, the Marines were ready and opened up on the Japanese with bazooka rockets and 75mm fire from Sherman tanks that were in enfilade just off the airstrip. Within an hour the Jap tank column and much of the infantry were annihilated. This would be the only time during the battle that the Japanese would attack in force in the open. The first night ashore saw the customary Japanese infiltration parties probing Marine lines for a gap to exploit. Cruisers and destroyers lying offshore provided starshell illumination to help the Marines turn back the infiltrators, covering the battlefield in an eerie green light. At the end of the first day's fighting, the 1st Marine Division held a beachhead across the intended front, but only in the center did its depth come close to that which had been planned. By the morning of the 16th, an anxious General Rupertus came ashore to see firsthand what the situation was and set up an interim command post in an antitank ditch inland from the Orange Beaches. With the Marines' situation demanding more speed than careful planning, General Rupertus focused on keeping up the momentum of the assault, especially in the 1st Marine's sector and to the south where the 5th Marines had already made sizeable gains against the airfield, and where the 7th was fighting to isolate and reduce the Japanese defenses on Peleliu's southern tip. The next few days would see the Marines advance relentlessly across the island, but with the 1st Marines taking high casualties as they came in contact with the first of the Umurbrogol's deadly ridge systems. The capture of these ridges was essential to denying the enemy further observation of the Marines' activities on the beach, where movement of fire and logistical support material remained critical to the momentum of the assault. The 2nd Battalion, 7th Marines was thus taken out of reserve and thrown into the struggle, with the 1st Marines attacking on a four-battalion front against fanatic resistance that came from all directions as they advanced into an amazing array of weird ridges, coral knobs and cliffs. One particular Marine assault on Hill 100, demonstrated the futility of attacking such incredible defenses. No sooner had Company C of the 2nd Battalion, 1st Marines reached the crest than they came under murderous Japanese fire from adjacent ridges above and to their left, as well as infiltrators from inside of the ridge itself. After a night of hand-to-hand combat, Company C was forced to withdraw from its precarious position, descending the hill with only 8 unwounded men from an original complement of 242. By September 19th, Harris' 5th Marines had succeeded in capturing the airfield, and had moved beyond into the wooded area of Peleliu's eastern peninsula. During this time a heavy Japanese mortar barrage hit the 5th regimental CP near the beach, killing and wounding several staff members and wounding Harris himself who refused evacuation, but continued to command through the end of the campaign. At the same time, after battling with an elite battalion of the Japanese 15th Regiment to the rear of the Scarlet Beaches, Hanneken's 7th Marines, moving east and south succeeded in splitting the enemy's forces in two. The 7th Marines, whose 2nd Battalion was already fighting in the Umurbrogol, would now move to that part of the island where the bulk of Nakagawa's defenses lay in wait. On the 21st, General Geiger visited Colonel Puller near the front lines and saw for himself the exhausted and depleted condition of the 1st Marines. Casualty figures for the regiment stood at 1,749 killed, wounded and missing in action. Soon after, Geiger overruled General Rupertus' objection to bringing in reinforcements to relieve the regiment and ordered the Army's 321st Regimental Combat Team, 81st Infantry Division, to come to Peleliu from nearby Angaur, where it had been fighting its own battle since the 15th and was in the process of mopping up. By September 23rd, the 321st RCT landed on Peleliu, relieved the 1st Marines, and took up positions alongside the 7th Marines. By the end of September, the Marine front in the Umurbrogol was approaching what were to be the enemy's final defensive positions. With southern and eastern Peleliu captured, the focus had shifted to the encirclement of the Umurbrogol and the elimination of remaining Japanese units on northern Peleliu and on the nearby island of Ngesebus. However, the primary objective of the operation, the airfield, was now in Marine hands, all available beaches were in use for resupply and evacuation of the wounded, and there was enough room for the proper deployment of artillery units to bring the ridges under concentrated supporting fire.
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The American plan to encircle the Umurbrogol "Pocket" called for two regiments to attack up Peleliu's West Road, with the 321st RCT spearheading the attack and the 5th Marines following. After Army units had come abreast of the Pocket to its right, elements of the 5th Marines were to pass through the 321st and take northern Peleliu and Ngesebus. The 321st would then pivot to the east and south to close the northern end of the Pocket.
The northern assault was launched on September 23rd, but executing the plan in the 321st's zone of action proved extremely difficult due to torturous terrain features that prohibited the use of tanks or any vehicular support. After the 321st captured then relinquished the high ground paralleling the West Road, the 3rd Battalion, 7th Marines was ordered to recapture this ridgeline, with the 321st moving further north to its assigned objective. Meanwhile, at the north end of Peleliu, Harris' 5th Marines confronted a series of ridges and hills that, for a change, could be assaulted individually without receiving Japanese fire from all sides.
Over the next eight weeks, the fight for the Umurbrogol Pocket would devolve to that of a siege, using siege tactics. After sealing off the northern end of the Pocket, the 321st was relieved by the 7th Marines who were now ordered to move south and apply pressure on the redoubt. To reinforce the 7th Marines, and because of the heavy casualties sustained by all Marine combat units, it was now necessary to pull hundreds of non-infantry support personnel out of rear areas and plug them into the front lines.
On October 3rd, the first of several attacks was launched on the north and both ends of the Pocket, supported in some areas by tanks and flamethrower-equipped amtracs. But again, due to the intense Japanese fire, positions gained in the Horseshoe and Five Sisters proved untenable and had to be abandoned. The next day saw an equally frustrating firefight in a series of coral knobs near Hill 120 at the Pocket's northern end, which resulted in more heavy casualties and the loss of a company commander. By October 5th the 7th Marines had exhausted their combat efficiency and were replaced in the lines by the weary 5th Marines who carried on doggedly, winning ground but taking further punishment.
After another week of arduous siege activity, the battle's assault phase was declared ended, with the Pocket now having been reduced to an oval of some 800 yards north to south, and 400-500 yards east to west. Colonel Nakagawa's forces now amounted to some 700 defenders, all prepared to fight to the bitter end.
With the declaration that Peleliu had been effectively secured, General Geiger ordered all remaining Marine units relieved. This was accomplished by the recent arrival of the Army's 323rd RCT, which had just arrived from its recent seizure of Ulithi atoll. On October 20th, the 81st Division, under General Mueller's command took custody of the Pocket and all final mopping up operations. Marine Air Group 11 stayed on to support the Army units.
Finally, on November 24th - two and a half months since D-Day - Colonel Nakagawa radioed a final message to his superior on Babelthuap to the north, stating that he had burned his regimental colors and that his remaining force of some 60 men had been split into infiltration parties to carry on the fight. He and General Murai then committed ritual suicide in their command post. Three days later, Army units moving northward in the Pocket's last area of resistance met Army units moving south. Operation Stalemate II was finally over.
The battle for Peleliu was one of the bloodiest of the Pacific War, costing the U.S. Marines and Navy some 6,526 casualties, including 1,252 killed in action. Meanwhile, the Japanese suffered the near total destruction of their garrison, with over 10,900 killed and 202 prisoners of war captured, most all of whom were conscripted laborers. With such high American casualties, the Japanese command affirmed the success of their strategy of attrition, which now set the tone for the even bloodier assaults on Iwo Jima and Okinawa the following year.
oregonmag.com
www.nps.gov
www.seraphingallery.com
www.militarygameronline.com
www.archives.gov
www.thewarpage.com
www.discovery.com
www.milhist.net
www.army.mil
www.voughtaircraft.com
www.pbs.org
www.bluejacket.com
'Last evening he came down from the hills. Told to get some sleep, he found a shell hole and slumped into it. He's awake now. First light has given his gray face eerie color. He left the States thirty-one months ago. He was wounded in his first campaign. He has had tropical diseases. There is no food or water in the hills except what you carry. He half-sleeps at night and gouges Japs out of holes all day. Two-thirds of his company has been killed or wounded but he is still standing. So he will return to attack this morning. How much can a human being endure?' -- Thomas Lea, war correspondent |
Marines in Baghdad
A leatherneck with 1st Marine Division mans a post in the streets of Baghdad. First Marine Division and other elements of the 1st Marine Expeditionary Force secured the capital city less than three weeks into Operation Iraqi Freedom. U.S. Marine photo by Sgt. Joseph R. Chenelly Lt. Gen. James T. Conway (left), Col. Steven A. Hummer (center) and Col. Larry K. Brown discuss Operation Iraqi Freedom in Baghdad. Conway is the commanding general of 1st Marine Expeditionary Force. Hummer is the commanding officer of 7th Marine Regiment. Brown is the operations officer for 1st Marine Expeditionary Force. U.S. Marine photo by Sgt. Joseph R. Chenelly Lance Cpl. John A. Marcogliese stands guard at one of several Olympic stadiums in Baghdad, Iraq. The 1st Marine Division established a forward command post inside at least one arena. Marcogliese and other Marines scribbled a new tally on the Iraqi scoreboard behind him. U.S.: 2, Saddam: 0. U.S. Marine photo by Sgt. Joseph R. Chenelly A Marine takes a break on a ledge of building that used to house a portion of the Saddam Hussein regimes Ministry of Defense. It was reduced to rubble by U.S. bombs. First Marine Regiment established an expeditionary command post in the Baghdad compound. U.S. Marine photo by Sgt. Joseph R. Chenelly A leatherneck with 1st Marine Division mans a post in the streets in the center of Baghdad. Behind the Marine sits the remains of the icon of the fallen Iraqi regime, the pedestal from which a giant Saddam Hussein statue was pulled down by Iraqi citizens and Marines. First Marine Division and other elements of I Marine Expeditionary Force secured the capital city less than three weeks into Operation Iraqi Freedom. U.S. Marine photo by Sgt. Joseph R. Chenelly An Iraqi barracks that used to house Saddam Husseins Republican Guard in Baghdad has been seized by 1st Marine Division. The living quarters were found decorated in a festive theme. U.S. Marine photo by Sgt. Joseph R. Chenelly A leatherneck with 1st Marine Division mans a post in the streets of Baghdad. U.S. Marine photo by Sgt. Joseph R. Chenelly Leathernecks with 1st Marine Division patrol the streets of Baghdad. U.S. Marine photo by Sgt. Joseph R. Chenelly
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Air Power
Vought F-4U Corsair
Originating in a 1938 Navy spec, when the need to replace the F2A and F4F could already be foreseen, the Vought Corsair was designed around an engine that also didn't exist yet: the Pratt & Whitney R-2800 Double Wasp, a monster 18 cylinder double radial, eventually capable of 2250 horsepower. (During the Corsair's development, corporate reorganizations brought the Vought company into Vought-Sikorsky and then Chance Vought, all part of United Aircraft, along with Pratt & Whitney and Hamilton Standard.)
The huge engine dictated much of the plane's design. Such a powerplant needed a comparably big propeller to absorb all that horsepower. Thus the 13' 4" diameter Hamilton Standard prop, the largest fittest to a fighter at that time. The Corsair's fuselage had to be high in the air, to give the prop clearance, But ordinary, straight wings at that height would have implied long (and weak) landing gear. The distinctive bent wings were developed to permit a reasonably short undercarriage.
The XF4U first flew in May 1940, and in October flew faster than 400 MPH, a record for a production fighter. A major re-design pushed the cockpit back 32 inches, which resulted in poor forward vision for the pilot, at least on take-off and landing. Development continued into 1942, when Vought delivered the first production F4U-1 to the Navy, which didn't like what it saw, especially when compared to the easier-handling, and very capable F6F Hellcat. The F4U had dangerous stall behavior, had tendency to yaw suddenly when landing, and, worst off all, bounced when it hit the deck. For use on carriers, these problems caused the Navy to insist that they be fixed, while it went ahead equipping with the Hellcat.
But the Marines, operating from land bases in the Solomons, needed capable new fighters to replace their aging F4F Wildcats. By late 1942, the first USMC squadron, VMF-124, took delivery of the Corsair F4U-1. In early 1943, they began to see combat, and were a huge success - with speed, maneuverability, firepower, and ability to absorb battle damage. By the summer of 1943, most of the Marine fighting squadrons had transitioned to the F4U-1, the first operational model, fitted with a distinctive "birdcage" canopy, as shown in the detail of a plane flown by Ed Olander (number 576). Boyington's squadron, VMF-214, switched over to Corsairs before they started their September 1943 combat tour.
The F4U is regarded by many as one of the greatest combat aircraft in history, and was in production for a longer period of time than any US fighter other than the F4 Phantom. As conceived it was intended to mount the most powerful engine, and biggest propeller, of any fighter in existence, and the prototype was the first US combat aircraft to exceed 400mph. However, early experience suggested that the design was in fact a disastrous failure, especially for carrier operations. The extraordinarily long nose interfered with visibility ahead in a way which particularly caused problems during landing and take-off. The undercarriage had a tendency to break, and the aircraft also had an inclination to bounce alarmingly on landing. As a result the US Navy at first rejected it for shipboard operation. Nonetheless the F4U was adopted by the Marine Corps and quickly demonstrated its effectiveness. Although its low rate-of-turn made it a very limited dogfighter its merits more than compensated for this and its other faults. Its great power, speed and rate of climb, its capacity to roll very rapidly, combined with a powerful armament - and large ammunition supply - and a quite exceptional resistance to battle damage, meant that in early 1943 ( in the Solomons) it quickly demonstrated its great superiority over the enemy fighters. By the end of hostilities in the Pacific War it had established an 11:1 "kill" ratio against Japanese aircraft.
At a time when the US Navy still considered it unsuitable for carrier use it was provided to the British Fleet Air Arm under Lend-Lease. The British Navy was desperately short of suitable high-performance fighters and therefore persevered with the Corsair, despite its problems, and the Fleet Air Arm's pilots quickly learned to cope with some of the aircraft's idiosyncracies. In any event improved versions, which amongst other things corrected the faults in the undercarriage, were later to became available.
The US Navy finally adopted the F4U as a shipboard fighter-bomber in November 1944, and by early 1945 large numbers were operating from the fast carriers of the Pacific Fleet - although the longer-established and very capable Grumman F6F Hellcat remained somewhat more numerous aboard the carriers right up to the war's end.
However, while the F6F was phased out shortly after World War Two the Corsair continued in service, and new versions were developed. The F4U was used extensively in the Korean War, and production continued until December 1952, by which time 12,571 had been built.
Many remember this plane from TV show about Maj. Greg "Pappy" Boyington, and his BLACK SHEEP (VMF-214)
Specifications
Contractor Chance Vought Division of United Aircraft Corporation (also built by Brewster and Goodyear)
Type: Single-seat carrier-based fighter-bomber
Dimensions:
Span: 41' (12.48 metres) British version 39' 7"
Length: 33' 8" - 34' 6" according to version
Weight: (F4U-1A) 8,873 lb (4,025 kg)
Engine:
(F4U-1) 2,000 hp Pratt & Whitney R-2800-8 (B) Double Wasp 18-cylinder two-row radial
(F4U-1A) 2,250 hp R-2800-8 (W) with water injection
(F4U-4) 2,450 hp R-2800-18 (W) with water-methanol
(F4U-5) 2,850 hp R-2800-32 (E) with water-methanol
Maximum Speed: (F4U-1A) 395 mph (F4U-5) 462 mph
Initial Climb: (F4U-1A) 2,890 feet per minute (F4U-5) 4,800 feet per minute
Service Ceiling: F4U-1A) 37,000 feet (F4U-5) 44,000 feet
Range: (on internal fuel): 1,000 miles (1,609 kilometres)
Guns:
(early versions) 6 x 0.5" Browning MG53-2 machine-guns in outer wings, with 390 rounds per gun
(F4U-1C onwards) 4 x 20mm. cannon in wings
Bombs/Rockets:
(F4U-1D and most subsequent versions) 2 x 1,000 lb bombs or 8 x 5-inch rockets under wings
A pair of VMF-312 F4U-4 Corsairs, armed with a full load of rockets and napalm tanks, are parked on the pierced steel plank ramp at Wonsan Airfield during November of 1950.
Lieutenant Ira "Ike" Kepford in the #29 Corsair of the Jolly Rogers (VF-17)
An excellent thread today!! Thanks much for pinging me!!
Keep the Faith for Freedom
Greg
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