Dauntless style marks Tom DeLay's surge to power

DeLay didn't flinch. Why try to hide it? The only unity DeLay was after required swift elimination of as many Democratic officeholders as possible. "I'm the majority leader, and it's part of my responsibility to grow the majority in this body," DeLay, 56, recounted during a recent interview in his ornate Capitol Hill office.

Over his quarter century in politics, DeLay has amassed power through a steely combination of unblinking conservative ideology, voracious fund raising, and a liberating disregard for his critics. He also has become an intriguing figure around Washington, an unapologetic and outspoken Texan in a new kind of way -- not like larger-than-life Texans Lyndon Johnson or Sam Rayburn, but often as effective. He is also one of the most investigated politicians in office, trailing a history of ethics probes, formal complaints and lawsuits.

In person, DeLay is charming and gracious. Politically, he is ambitious and polarizing. He never forgets names and listens intently with Texan politeness, but on the floor of the House he condemns opponents with unvarnished contempt. It's been a stunning transformation for those who knew him as "Hot Tub Tom" decades ago in the Texas Legislature, when DeLay, fun-loving as his nickname suggested, was in the minority party and found working and partying with Democrats a practical necessity.

These days, even as he navigates President Bush's agenda through the House, DeLay frequently serves as a pugnacious counterpoint to the president's rhetoric about bipartisan cooperation and changing the tone of Washington politics. For some, his occasionally vindictive approach -- he was nicknamed "The Hammer" during his rise to Washington prominence -- seems a portent of the rise of divisive politics.

He exemplifies a brand of politics that is socially conservative, Christian-influenced and dominated by white males, which some Republican leaders prefer to downplay as the party tries to diversify and attract new members. But to his supporters, DeLay is a passionate advocate for limiting government, protecting the unborn, resisting new gun-control measures and guarding the interests of Texas in Congress.

He is concerned with the welfare of children, and is a leader on foster care reform, teaming with an unlikely partner in New York Democrat Sen. Hillary Clinton. DeLay and his wife, Christine, have one grown daughter, and for years hosted foster children in their Sugar Land home. "Tom has been around a good, long time, and he has always done good things for us," said Peggy Mason, a member of the Greater Houston Area Council of Federated Republican Women. "I think that's what's behind his popularity."

These days, the former pest exterminator, who battled his way to the No. 2 job in the U.S. House, has moved beyond the arm-twisting and vote counting that characterized his eight years as majority whip. He has assumed a broader and more influential role in strategy and policymaking as majority leader. It was a transition that even some Republicans awaited with trepidation.

"There was this perception that DeLay was going to be this ogre when he became the majority leader," said Rep. David Hobson, a moderate Republican from Ohio. "I don't see that and I don't feel that. I feel that he listens to me and will talk things out with me, even if I disagree with the way things are going."

Few Democrats would agree, and many believe the House is a less democratic institution since DeLay moved up in power. Even so, DeLay's new position in the House is one that suits his wiliness. Part of his political success lies in the ability to think several moves ahead of his adversaries, some of whom see him as an unyielding ideologue, now with increasing authority over the national agenda.

"I am really enjoying being able to get into policy, working with the committee chairmen about what kind of bills we are bringing to the floor, developing the agendas," DeLay said. "I really enjoy that kind of stuff."

In his first six months as majority leader, DeLay has shepherded to passage a number of key bills, including President Bush's tax cut package, a ban on late-term abortions and human cloning, and a constitutional amendment banning flag burning. Upcoming projects for DeLay include pushing through the Interstate 69 "NAFTA highway" project, tax reform, expanding congressional oversight of the federal judiciary, and his centerpiece initiative: revamping the federal regulatory process to give Congress final say on standards issued by federal agencies. It's a proposal that embraces several fundamental DeLay tenets -- a likely decrease in the number of federal standards and a reduction in government interference with business. It also creates a whole new class of potential campaign contributors.

Little wonder DeLay is going after federal regulations. If anything, it's a question of what took him so long.

When DeLay first ran for the Texas House in 1978, he campaigned against government regulation, citing restrictions placed on his exterminator business and calling the regulatory process "a waste of time." In those early days, DeLay was operating from a bedrock philosophy of fiscal conservatism, personal responsibility and an abhorrence of government's intrusion into business. Over the years, the DeLay political doctrine expanded to include an ardent brand of social conservatism informed in part by his strong Christian faith and his belief that God should play a bigger role in public life.

DeLay believes in creationism, and has complained that secular education tends to favor the theory of evolution. He opposes abortion, expanding rights for homosexuals, public funding for birth control and strict enforcement of the separation of church and state.

As DeLay grows in prominence, his views are drawing more attention. New York Times columnist Paul Krugman took moderates and others to task recently for not fully acknowledging the threat posed by DeLay's rise to power. "Mr. DeLay has said that he went into politics to promote a `biblical world view,' " Krugman wrote. "Where would this world view be put into effect? How about the schools: after the Columbine school shootings, Mr. DeLay called a press conference in which he attributed the tragedy to the fact that students are taught the theory of evolution."

At times, DeLay's contempt for what he perceives as the corrosive effects of liberalism and godlessness in America is manifested in extraordinary, fire-and-brimstone oratory. A favorite bogeyman: The Left. "We know that the Left's malevolent campaign to undermine the notion of truth itself comes at a frightful price," DeLay declared in a recent floor speech. "Their malignant hold over the intellectual life of this country must be exorcised, and men and women who are willing to speak the truth offer our only hope of reclaiming our culture from the grip of a hedonistic, reckless and destructive descent into nihilism," he said.

Such heated sentiments are part of why DeLay remains a popular political figure, both in his conservative Fort Bend County district, and also with the party's grass roots. But his methods and views have at times placed DeLay at odds with fellow Republicans, occasionally to the detriment of his leadership ambitions.

While he was a primary architect of the 1994 GOP Contract with America, DeLay opposed term limits, one of the document's key provisions. He considers term limits unconstitutional and un-Republican. Soon after the contract was signed, DeLay masterminded a failed coup to oust then-Speaker Newt Gingrich. When the plot was exposed, DeLay was forced to apologize to fellow Republicans, who place high value on maintaining the public face of party unity.

For DeLay, the incident proved a minor setback. But the very public clash with the party's leadership in some ways foreshadowed an intraparty conflict to come -- between DeLay and the Bush administration. The differences stem in part from Bush's attempts, particularly during the 2000 campaign, to appeal to the nation's political center. But the rift goes back to the early 1990s. During the administration of Bush's father, President George H.W. Bush, DeLay was a vocal and unflinching critic of the then-president's retreat from his pledge of no new taxes.

Taxes have again become a sore point between DeLay and President Bush. This time, DeLay has bridled at a $10 billion child tax credit package pushed by the White House. In a swipe at the administration's plan, DeLay complained that low-income families that don't pay much into the tax system did not deserve the tax credit sought by Bush. Under DeLay's leadership, House lawmakers passed a tax credit bill much larger than the White House wanted, and cut out immediate relief for most lower-income taxpayers. DeLay's action proved a setback for Bush, who had sought a speedy and affordable tax credit package. The stark differences in the House and Senate versions of the bill will mean weeks, perhaps months of delay.

Beyond such incremental disputes, however, DeLay and Bush need each other. For all his power on the Hill, DeLay benefits from the additional leverage that comes from a Republican and fellow Texan in the White House. And for all his popularity, Bush needs DeLay to push his agenda through the House where, despite the slight GOP majority, there always are organizational problems, complications and dissent.

"I think his relationship with the White House is much better than it's been portrayed," said Rep. Kevin Brady, R-The Woodlands. "I think they are much better friends and have a higher degree of respect for each other, and Tom has gotten a chance to see President Bush when he's had to make those gut-check decisions, and those decisions that are most difficult."

Still, some of DeLay's old friends find it difficult to square the dogmatic national conservative with the fun-loving, Democrat-friendly Texas House lawmaker of 20 years ago. "He was one of the most fun, humorous guys I hung around with. We carried bills together, we talked, we joked," said John Sharp, a Democrat and former Texas comptroller who was a freshman state lawmaker with DeLay in 1979. "The stuff you read now and all of this, it's like 180 degrees different."

Sharp recalled how DeLay persuaded Fort Bend County Commissioners to name a road after Sharp, as thanks for his help in securing land from the state to give area residents better access to Highway 6. "I just think either Washington is a really bad place, or somebody really pissed this guy off," Sharp said.

Told of Sharp's assessment, DeLay howled with laughter.

"I don't think it's either. I don't think I've changed a bit," DeLay said. "People see differently from different spectrums. And I have just never worried about what people think of me or what the critics say."

He added, "I don't see myself as mean-spirited. I'm just passionate."

Still, while some Republicans privately grumble about him, few in politics outside of the Democratic Party are willing to openly criticize DeLay.

"What's the nice word for `ruthless'? " said Harris County Democratic Party Chairman Gerald Birnberg. "From what I hear, he is more feared than respected."

Among the things that rankles DeLay most these days is the Senate. Although Republicans hold a 51-seat majority in the Senate, Bush and DeLay are frequently brought up short on issues such as the president's tax cut, which was cut in half by Democrats and moderate Republicans.

"He has respect for the House and thinks the Senate is 100 prima donnas," said Bob Stein, Rice University political scientist and pollster. "I think he personally believes the IQ of the Senate goes up every time a member of the House gets elected senator."

When DeLay first arrived in Congress in 1985, his impatience for government waste and foot-dragging was fully developed. He drew a brief flurry of national headlines with offhand remarks to a Texas reporter about the cockroach infestation on Capitol Hill. Shown on national television prowling the Capitol with a can of Raid, DeLay used the occasion to critique the federal government, which he felt was wasting money on ineffective exterminators.

"That's the same reaction to everything that happens here," DeLay said at the time. "You have a problem and you just throw money at it, even if it's bugs."

One issue DeLay categorically refuses to spend money on is Houston's rail program. DeLay has blocked federal funding for rail while insisting its promoters develop broader local support for the plan. Saying that rail won't alleviate congestion, DeLay has tried stalling the program for years, arguing that a more multifaceted approach is needed for the region's transit woes. DeLay's opposition has proven popular with many suburbanites, although his objection to the rail project has placed him at odds with downtown business leaders, many of whom are Republican.

"There have been questions about whether or not everyone agrees with him on Metro and how he goes about that, but we are working on that and have a plan in place to bring everyone together on the issue," said Jim Kollaer, president of the Greater Houston Partnership.

In Washington, where flamboyant characters are rare but often come from Texas, DeLay is a noteworthy figure. When he does garner attention outside of his official duties, it is often with a characteristic verve. In an incident recently recounted by the Washington Post, DeLay slipped out of a fund-raiser at a local steakhouse to smoke a cigar. Informed by the management that smoking was prohibited because the restaurant was on property owned by the federal government, DeLay reportedly responded, "I am the federal government."

When the manager stood his ground, DeLay returned to the dinner. His spokesman later informed the newspaper that DeLay had actually said, "I'm with the federal government."

But being self-important in Washington is not what gets politicians in trouble. Allegations surfaced earlier this month that DeLay and other Republicans, including Texas Rep. Joe Barton of Ennis, accepted campaign contributions from Kansas-based Westar Energy Corp. in exchange for help securing a special exemption from federal regulation. DeLay and the others denied any quid pro quo for Westar.

Democrats, seeing an advantage, are pressing the Justice Department for an investigation.

Over his long career in Congress, DeLay has become one of the most investigated officials in Washington. He has been sued by Democrats, chastised by ethics investigators, and had his fund-raising activities repeatedly probed for malfeasance. It's a part of doing business that DeLay finds frustrating, noting that Republicans are the party more supportive of business interests, and that naturally there will be close ties. For other Republicans, many of whom benefit directly from DeLay's fund-raising prowess and intense partisanship, his approach to leadership has made him a hero.

"Tom has solid-gold status," said former Rep. Bill Paxon, R-N.Y. "He has spent the last 25 years networking with the business community, the Republican partisan community and conservative interest groups. He has performed again and again and again. There is not a month that goes by that his imprint (on policy) is not clear and distinguished."

Brady, a moderate Republican, said DeLay's tactics may have strained relations within the Texas delegation to Congress, but that he is being no more divisive than Democratic leaders.

"If people are looking for excuses not to work together in the delegation, there are plenty of them, every day," Brady said. "It's just a constant tension."

House Democrats are appreciably less enthusiastic about the methods of DeLay and his Republican cohorts. Under DeLay's leadership, Democrats say they are disenfranchised down to the committee level, where much of the work in the House is done. "What's happening today is that the committees don't really function. They're being told what to do. It's all partisan and it's all dictated from up high. And I think Tom DeLay is the person who is very much trying to concentrate that power in as few hands as possible, one of which is his own," said California Democratic Rep. Henry Waxman, a 28-year veteran of House battles. Waxman said Republican House leaders, because of their partisan ties to the White House, fail to provide oversight of the executive branch, a constitutionally mandated role meant to establish checks and balances in government.

But it doesn't suit DeLay's purpose to undermine the strength that comes from Republican control of the White House and both chambers of Congress. And his quest for Republican power isn't limited to the federal government. Through his Texans for a Republican Majority political action committee, DeLay raised $1.5 million last year to help the GOP secure control of the Texas Legislature for the first time in more than a century.

With Republicans in control of the Legislature, DeLay began pushing a redistricting plan aimed at increasing the chances of electing up to seven Republicans to seats currently held by Texas Democrats.

Back in Washington, one member of Congress who took DeLay's plan personally was Houston Rep. Chris Bell, a freshman Democrat. Once he saw how the Republican redistricting plan would shift his Houston-area district several hundred miles away to South Texas, Bell stopped working with DeLay on a guided bus project as an alternative to a rail system for Houston.

"I think for the first time a lot of people got to see in a very close-up manner how Tom DeLay operates and how far he's willing to go," Bell said. "And all of a sudden it wasn't just inside baseball or some political action committee all happening under the radar. It was very high profile and people could see what he was up to."

DeLay, whose pressure led to a spectacular walkout by Texas House Democrats in protest of the redistricting plan, seemed unperturbed by the wave of public censure that followed, and says he plans to press on. In many ways, it's that disregard for the appearance of things and unfailing conviction in himself and the GOP that allows DeLay to continue operating, when others might balk. And if his history has demonstrated anything, it's that DeLay does not back down from a fight -- particularly now, when the battle is a partisan one.

"I think Democrats miscalculated in their reaction to redistricting by trying to put the whole thing on DeLay," said Jim Jard, an attorney for Metro National Corp. and a prominent Houston Democrat. "Now it's personal, and he isn't going to want to lose."

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