Posted on 02/18/2003 8:08:29 PM PST by Mulder
Many Americans recognize Lexington as the place where “the shot fired around the world” ignited the American Revolution, but few Americans are knowledgeable of the details. For instance, what would compel the residents of a small Massachusetts town to stand against a considerably larger group of British soldiers? Just who were these 77 patriots who made the decision to line up on the Lexington Green on the morning of April 19, 1775? Arthur B. Tourtellot answers these and other questions in his 300-page book “Lexington and Concord”. I have summarized some of his salient points into a brief narrative describing the battle of Lexington.
Lexington was a small town about 10 miles northwest of Boston, consisting of about 750 residents. Like many small towns in the colonies at that time, religion was an integral part of their lives. In Lexington that centered around the Reverend Jonas Clarke. Clarke, who composed some 3000 plus hour-long sermons, was no stranger to politics either. As the British enacted legislation dealing with the colonies, Clarke studied them and wrote detailed responses [1].
After the Stamp Act was passed in 1765, Clarke objected to it, not out of concerns for the economic well-being of Lexington, but on constitutional grounds. The Act was directed at the commercial classes in large cities, not small town farmers. But Clarke nonetheless argued against it, as it was a violation of the Rights of the colonists and it would create a precedent for the erosion of more of their Freedoms. Clarke, as part of a committee from Lexington, also vigorously opposed other British measures, such as a standing army of Redcoats in Boston [1].
Clarke, like many other colonists, believed that things would eventually come to a head with the British. The men of Lexington, like most colonists, were prepared for such an occasion since they were armed. The author points out that “in the colonies…. all able bodied men were required to bear arms.” They even had annual musters, where they “lined up with their muskets and powder horns, executed some awkward drills, listened to the pastor preach a sermon, and spent the rest of the day eating and drinking”. Most of the men provided their own weapons and ammunition [1].
In March of 1775, Clarke had two visitors: John Hancock and Samuel Adams. They stayed with Clarke while the Provincial Congress was meeting in Concord, only a few miles away. On the night of April 18, 1775 patriots in Boston saw that General Gage was preparing to move British troops in the general direction of Lexington. William Dawes and Paul Revere were able to sneak out of Boston to alert the Patriot leaders in Lexington. While Adams and Hancock escaped, about 70 minutemen under Captain John Parker, a farmer by trade, assembled on the Lexington Green, a 2-acre triangle in the center of the town, and waited for the British. Parker believed that the British force consisted of about 1,500 men, which was twice its actual size [1].
But Lexington was not the objective of the British. Their primary objective was to march to Concord and “seize and destroy all the artillery, ammunition…. [and] small arms”. (It is also interesting to note that General Thomas Gage, the commanding British officer in Boston, made it very clear that the soldiers were not to plunder the colonists, nor harm private property except for weapons). This march took them right through the middle of Lexington [1].
The colonial minutemen who stood on the Lexington Green constituted about a tenth of the population of Lexington. Most were farmers. The rest practiced trades common to that day. Many were young men (12 were in their teens). Others were old men. The oldest was Moses Harrington, a 65-year old grandfather who took the field with his son. He was not the only man who stood with his son on the Green-- there were 8 father-son combinations. There was even one slave, Prince Estabrook, who stood with the colonial patriots. The militia bore more resemblance to a family reunion or church picnic than an army, except for their “old hunting muskets”[1].
When the two forces met, Major John Pitcairn ordered the patriots to lay down their arms. Not one of the minutemen followed his orders. The British infantry then began marching forward while shouting. Shortly thereafter, a shot rang out, and the British opened fire [1].
The engagement resembled more of a "massacre at the hands of British soldiers” than an actual battle. Only eight minutemen were known to have actually fired at the British, but the British inflicted heavy casualties on Parker’s men. Eight patriots died (most were shot in the back by the British), and nine more were wounded. Five of the father-son combinations were broken by death [1].
One minuteman, John Harrington, was shot near his position on the line. With his wife and eight-year old son watching, he crawled 100 yards to his doorstep where he died. Another patriot, Jonas Parker (John Parker’s cousin), took to the field and filled his hat full of musket balls. He had no intention of leaving the Green. Before he could fire his musket, a British bayonet killed him [1].
After the engagement, the British troops fired a victory volley and gave three cheers before marching onwards to Concord. The Lexington minutemen, including the wounded, reassembled and also marched towards Concord to face the British and nearly impossible odds once again [1]. Neither side realized that over a thousand patriots would soon join the battle, after they heard the news of the day. These men simply cast aside the tools of their trade and picked up their muskets to oppose the tyrannical army marching through their country.
[1] Tourtellot, Arthur B., “Lexington and Concord”. 1959.
"So far everything seems okay!"
I feel elements of 1860, 1913, 1928, 1938 etc.
Declaration of Arms
July 6, 1775 [Declaration of the Causes and Necessity of Taking Up Arms (from Gentleman's Magazine, London, August, 1775). After the breakout of fighting at Lexington and Concord, and the battle of Bunker Hill - all within recent months - John Dickinson and Thomas Jefferson prepare what will become an historic statement of the colonists' rights. In their Declaration they hold out the hope of reconciliation with England, but at the same time approve the use of armed resistance to obtain recognition of their rights. While it disavows all claims of independence, it insists Americans will die rather than yield to enslavement. The colonists claim they are fighting a "ministerial" army and not the King. Their view is that George III has been misled by his counselors. The Americans promise to lay down their arms when their liberties are secured, but also indicate that the colonies may obtain foreign aid against Britain. The Declaration of Arms was approved by the Second Continental Congress on July 6, 1775.]
Declaration of Arms: July 6, 1775
A declaration by the representatives of the united colonies of North America, now met in Congress at Philadelphia, setting forth the causes and necessity of their taking up arms.
If it was possible for men, who exercise their reason to believe, that the divine Author of our existence intended a part of the human race to hold an absolute property in, and an unbounded power over others, marked out by his infinite goodness and wisdom, as the objects of a legal domination never rightfully resistible, however severe and oppressive, the inhabitants of these colonies might at least require from the parliament of Great-Britain some evidence, that this dreadful authority over them, has been granted to that body. But a reverance for our Creator, principles of humanity, and the dictates of common sense, must convince all those who reflect upon the subject, that government was instituted to promote the welfare of mankind, and ought to be administered for the attainment of that end.
The legislature of Great-Britain, however, stimulated by an inordinate passion for a power not only unjustifiable, but which they know to be peculiarly reprobated by the very constitution of that kingdom, and desparate of success in any mode of contest, where regard should be had to truth, law, or right, have at length, deserting those, attempted to effect their cruel and impolitic purpose of enslaving these colonies by violence, and have thereby rendered it necessary for us to close with their last appeal from reason to arms. Yet, however blinded that assembly may be, by their intemperate rage for unlimited domination, so to sight justice and the opinion of mankind, we esteem ourselves bound by obligations of respect to the rest of the world, to make known the justice of our cause.
Our forefathers, inhabitants of the island of Great-Britain, left their native land, to seek on these shores a residence for civil and religious freedom. At the expense of their blood, at the hazard of their fortunes, without the least charge to the country from which they removed, by unceasing labour, and an unconquerable spirit, they effected settlements in the distant and unhospitable wilds of America, then filled with numerous and warlike barbarians. -- Societies or governments, vested with perfect legislatures, were formed under charters from the crown, and an harmonious intercourse was established between the colonies and the kingdom from which they derived their origin. The mutual benefits of this union became in a short time so extraordinary, as to excite astonishment. It is universally confessed, that the amazing increase of the wealth, strength, and navigation of the realm, arose from this source; and the minister, who so wisely and successfully directed the measures of Great-Britain in the late war, publicly declared, that these colonies enabled her to triumph over her enemies.
Towards the conclusion of that war, it pleased our sovereign to make a change in his counsels. -- From that fatal movement, the affairs of the British empire began to fall into confusion, and gradually sliding from the summit of glorious prosperity, to which they had been advanced by the virtues and abilities of one man, are at length distracted by the convulsions, that now shake it to its deepest foundations. -- The new ministry finding the brave foes of Britain, though frequently defeated, yet still contending, took up the unfortunate idea of granting them a hasty peace, and then subduing her faithful friends.
These colonies were judged to be in such a state, as to present victories without bloodshed, and all the easy emoluments of statuteable plunder. -- The uninterrupted tenor of their peaceable and respectful behaviour from the beginning of colonization, their dutiful, zealous, and useful services during the war, though so recently and amply acknowledged in the most honourable manner by his majesty, by the late king, and by parliament, could not save them from the meditated innovations. -- Parliament was influenced to adopt the pernicious project, and assuming a new power over them, have in the course of eleven years, given such decisive specimens of the spirit and consequences attending this power, as to leave no doubt concerning the effects of acquiescence under it. They have undertaken to give and grant our money without our consent, though we have ever exercised an exclusive right to dispose of our own property; statutes have been passed for extending the jurisdiction of courts of admiralty and vice-admiralty beyond their ancient limits; for depriving us of the accustomed and inestimable privilege of trial by jury, in cases affecting both life and property; for suspending the legislature of one of the colonies; for interdicting all commerce to the capital of another; and for altering fundamentally the form of government established by charter, and secured by acts of its own legislature solemnly confirmed by the crown; for exempting the "murderers" of colonists from legal trial, and in effect, from punishment; for erecting in a neighbouring province, acquired by the joint arms of Great-Britain and America, a despotism dangerous to our very existence; and for quartering soldiers upon the colonists in time of profound peace. It has also been resolved in parliament, that colonists charged with committing certain offences, shall be transported to England to be tried.
But why should we enumerate our injuries in detail? By one statute it is declared, that parliament can "of right make laws to bind us in all cases whatsoever." What is to defend us against so enormous, so unlimited a power? Not a single man of those who assume it, is chosen by us; or is subject to our control or influence; but, on the contrary, they are all of them exempt from the operation of such laws, and an American revenue, if not diverted from the ostensible purposes for which it is raised, would actually lighten their own burdens in proportion, as they increase ours. We saw the misery to which such despotism would reduce us. We for ten years incessantly and ineffectually besieged the throne as supplicants; we reasoned, we remonstrated with parliament, in the most mild and decent language.
Administration sensible that we should regard these oppressive measures as freemen ought to do, sent over fleets and armies to enforce them. The indignation of the Americans was roused, it is true; but it was the indignation of a virtuous, loyal, and affectionate people. A Congress of delegates from the United Colonies was assembled at Philadelphia, on the fifth day of last September. We resolved again to offer an humble and dutiful petition to the King, and also addressed our fellow-subjects of Great-Britain. We have pursued every temperate, every respectful measure; we have even proceeded to break off our commercial intercourse with our fellow-subjects, as the last peaceable admonition, that our attachment to no nation upon earth should supplant our attachment to liberty. -- This, we flattered ourselves, was the ultimate step of the controversy: but subsequent events have shewn, how vain was this hope of finding moderation in our enemies.
Several threatening expressions against the colonies were inserted in his majesty's speech; our petition, tho' we were told it was a decent one, and that his majesty had been pleased to receive it graciously, and to promise laying it before his parliament, was huddled into both houses among a bundle of American papers, and there neglected. The lords and commons in their address, in the month of February, said, that "a rebellion at that time actually existed within the province of Massachusetts- Bay; and that those concerned with it, had been countenanced and encouraged by unlawful combinations and engagements, entered into by his majesty's subjects in several of the other colonies; and therefore they besought his majesty, that he would take the most effectual measures to inforce due obediance to the laws and authority of the supreme legislature." -- Soon after, the commercial intercourse of whole colonies, with foreign countries, and with each other, was cut off by an act of parliament; by another several of them were intirely prohibited from the fisheries in the seas near their coasts, on which they always depended for their sustenance; and large reinforcements of ships and troops were immediately sent over to general Gage.
Fruitless were all the entreaties, arguments, and eloquence of an illustrious band of the most distinguished peers, and commoners, who nobly and strenuously asserted the justice of our cause, to stay, or even to mitigate the heedless fury with which these accumulated and unexampled outrages were hurried on. -- equally fruitless was the interference of the city of London, of Bristol, and many other respectable towns in our favor. Parliament adopted an insidious manoeuvre calculated to divide us, to establish a perpetual auction of taxations where colony should bid against colony, all of them uninformed what ransom would redeem their lives; and thus to extort from us, at the point of the bayonet, the unknown sums that should be sufficient to gratify, if possible to gratify, ministerial rapacity, with the miserable indulgence left to us of raising, in our own mode, the prescribed tribute. What terms more rigid and humiliating could have been dictated by remorseless victors to conquered enemies? in our circumstances to accept them, would be to deserve them.
Soon after the intelligence of these proceedings arrived on this continent, general Gage, who in the course of the last year had taken possession of the town of Boston, in the province of Massachusetts-Bay, and still occupied it a garrison, on the 19th day of April, sent out from that place a large detachment of his army, who made an unprovoked assault on the inhabitants of the said province, at the town of Lexington, as appears by the affidavits of a great number of persons, some of whom were officers and soldiers of that detachment, murdered eight of the inhabitants, and wounded many others. From thence the troops proceeded in warlike array to the town of Concord, where they set upon another party of the inhabitants of the same province, killing several and wounding more, until compelled to retreat by the country people suddenly assembled to repel this cruel aggression. Hostilities, thus commenced by the British troops, have been since prosecuted by them without regard to faith or reputation. -- The inhabitants of Boston being confined within that town by the general their governor, and having, in order to procure their dismission, entered into a treaty with him, it was stipulated that the said inhabitants having deposited their arms with their own magistrate, should have liberty to depart, taking with them their other effects. They accordingly delivered up their arms, but in open violation of honour, in defiance of the obligation of treaties, which even savage nations esteemed sacred, the governor ordered the arms deposited as aforesaid, that they might be preserved for their owners, to be seized by a body of soldiers; detained the greatest part of the inhabitants in the town, and compelled the few who were permitted to retire, to leave their most valuable effects behind. By this perfidy wives are separated from their husbands, children from their parents, the aged and the sick from their relations and friends, who wish to attend and comfort them; and those who have been used to live in plenty and even elegance, are reduced to deplorable distress.
The general, further emulating his ministerial masters, by a proclamation bearing date on the 12th day of June, after venting the grossest falsehoods and calumnies against the good people of these colonies, proceeds to "declare them all, either by name or description, to be rebels and traitors, to supercede the course of the common law, and instead thereof to publish and order the use and exercise of the law martial." -- His troops have butchered our countrymen, have wantonly burnt Charlestown, besides a considerable number of houses in other places; our ships and vessels are seized; the necessary supplies of provisions are intercepted, and he is exerting his utmost power to spread destruction and devastation around him.
We have rceived certain intelligence, that general Carleton, the governor of Canada, is instigating the people of that province and the Indians to fall upon us; and we have but too much reason to apprehend, that schemes have been formed to excite domestic enemies against us. In brief, a part of these colonies now feel, and all of them are sure of feeling, as far as the vengeance of administration can inflict them, the complicated calamities of fire, sword and famine. [1] We are reduced to the alternative of chusing an unconditional submission to the tyranny of irritated ministers, or resistance by force. -- The latter is our choice. -- We have counted the cost of this contest, and find nothing so dreadful as voluntary slavery. -- Honour, justice, and humanity, forbid us tamely to surrender that freedom which we received from our gallant ancestors, and which our innocent posterity have a right to receive from us. We cannot endure the infamy and guilt of resigning succeeding generations to that wretchedness which inevitably awaits them, if we basely entail hereditary bondage upon them.
Our cause is just. Our union is perfect. Our internal resources are great, and, if necessary, foreign assistance is undoubtedly attainable. -- We gratefully acknowledge, as signal instances of the Divine favour towards us, that his Providence would not permit us to be called into this severe controversy, until we were grown up to our present strength, had been previously exercised in warlike operation, and possessed of the means of defending ourselves. With hearts fortified with these animating reflections, we most solemnly, before God and the world, declare, that, exerting the utmost energy of those powers, which our beneficent Creator hath graciously bestowed upon us, the arms we have been compelled by our enemies to assume, we will, in defiance of every hazard, with unabating firmness and perseverence, employ for the preservation of our liberties; being with one mind resolved to die freemen rather than to live slaves.
Lest this declaration should disquiet the minds of our friends and fellow-subjects in any part of the empire, we assure them that we mean not to dissolve that union which has so long and so happily subsisted between us, and which we sincerely wish to see restored. -- Necessity has not yet driven us into that desperate measure, or induced us to excite any other nation to war against them. -- We have not raised armies with ambitious designs of separating from Great-Britain, and establishing independent states. We fight not for glory or for conquest. We exhibit to mankind the remarkable spectacle of a people attacked by unprovoked enemies, without any imputation or even suspicion of offence. They boast of their privileges and civilization, and yet proffer no milder conditions than servitude or death.
In our own native land, in defence of the freedom that is our birthright, and which we ever enjoyed till the late violation of it -- for the protection of our property, acquired solely by the honest industry of our fore-fathers and ourselves, against violence actually offered, we have taken up arms. We shall lay them down when hostilities shall cease on the part of the aggressors, and all danger of their being renewed shall be removed, and not before.
With an humble confidence in the mercies of the supreme and impartial Judge and Ruler of the Universe, we most devoutly implore his divine goodness to protect us happily through this great conflict, to dispose our adversaries to reconciliation on reasonable terms, and thereby to relieve the empire from the calamities of civil war.
Source: Gentleman's Magazine, London, August 1775.
I've definitely felt a sense of urgency when buying "stuff" of late.
That wasn't referring to the US Constitution, but rather the Massachusetts charter and the Magna Carta.
The word constitution, as used by the author, refers to "the system of fundamental laws and principles that prescribes the nature, functions, and limits of a government or another institution"
It's definitely a great story, but one that needs to be done correctly. As such, Hollywood would probably screw it up big time, unless someone like Mel Gibson was involved.
What's interesting is when you people watch inside of Outdoor stores or surplus stores .... you can definately feel that sense of urgency in the crowd and when you look at what they are buying. Obvious first timers buying the best assault rifles off the shelves is an interesting situation to observe.
It's a wonderful sight to see.
Every firearm purchased by an American is one more in the hands of the pro-Freedom side.
What's really interesting to see is folks buying guns because they think they are about to banned. Usually, it's the older guys doing this, but it's a great sign that the spirit of defiance that made America great is still alive and well.
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