Posted on 11/09/2002 3:56:23 PM PST by summer
November 10, 2002
A Bush Dynasty Begins to Look Real
By ADAM CLYMER
WASHINGTON UNTIL last week, American history had not been very kind to the idea of political dynasty at the national level.
After John Adams and his son John Quincy Adams, whose presidencies were failures but whose other services to the nation honor them, there were the undistinguished terms of Benjamin Harrison and his grandson William Henry Harrison, as well as the failures to win even state office by the sons of Franklin D. Roosevelt, himself only a fifth cousin to Theodore.
The Kennedys produced one martyred president and two brothers whose presidential hopes ended in a hotel kitchen in Los Angeles and on a bridge at Chappaquiddick, though Edward M. Kennedy's durable liberalism has changed the nation more than his brothers did. But the next generation of Kennedys produced two minor congressmen and a lieutenant governor, Kathleen Kennedy Townsend, whose loss in the race for governor of Maryland on Tuesday was the family's first general election defeat since John F. (Honey Fitz) Fitzgerald, her great-grandfather, was beaten in a race for governor of Massachusetts in 1922.
But it is hard to imagine a better week for one family's dynastic prospects than the one that began with President Bush, after taking the risk of relentless campaigning, regaining a Senate majority for his party and becoming the first Republican president to gain House seats in an off-year election.
There was more. Those victories would have seemed hollow if Mr. Bush's brother Jeb had not been re-elected governor of Florida, withstanding a Democratic challenge that labeled him the party's No. 1 target. Not only that, Jeb Bush's easy victory made him an obvious presidential candidate for 2008, and President Bush's announcement that he would keep on Dick Cheney as vice president avoided anointing a rival to his brother.
Mr. Bush's domestic political success was crowned Friday at the United Nations, when the administration, after a patience that many critics and some supporters doubted, won a Security Council resolution demanding renewed weapons inspections in Iraq and warning of "serious consequences" if Baghdad resists. That vote, unlike the results on Election Day, was unanimous.
Now that Mr. Bush has won a political victory more decisive than in 2000, when he finished second in the popular vote, it is hardly too early to examine the nature of the Bush dynasty, and why at the moment at least it has largely escaped the antagonism that led the founders to fear any hereditary power or titles. Such sentiment prompted political foes to compare the Adamses to the Stuart kings of Britain and the Kennedys' adversaries to warn that eight years of Jack, eight years of Bobby and eight years of Ted would, after all, conclude in the Orwellian 1984.
It is a plainly surprising dynasty. Stephen Hess, a Republican speechwriter who wrote "America's Political Dynasties" in 1966 (when the elder George Bush was winning a seat in the House), said, "I have always thought of the Bushes as the accidental dynasty," one that came to its ambitions late. He noted that the first President Bush moved away from Connecticut, where his father, Senator Prescott Bush, had a political base, and "drifted into politics pretty late in life."
After a failed run for the House in 1978 when he was 32, George W. Bush next ran for office in 1994. In between, family money and family friends' money had staked him in various efforts, including his tenure as managing general partner of the Texas Rangers baseball team, where he made his own fortune.
Robert S. Strauss, the former Democratic national chairman who has been a friend of the Bushes for years, said the 1994 candidacy was widely viewed "as rather a fool's errand, defeating a reasonably popular sitting governor," Ann Richards. "Certain members of his family thought it was a mistake," Mr. Strauss said, "but he showed in that campaign for governor that he had political instincts that served him exceedingly well."
They were talents different from his father's. The younger Mr. Bush is much more of a Texan than his father, and less of a student, both in college and later. He is more comfortable in crowds and with small talk, and less at ease with reporters. Where his father was respected, the son is likable.
Even the liberal Texas writer Molly Ivins, who last week called President Bush "shallow, spoiled and of mediocre intelligence," said, "I really think you would have to work at it to dislike him." Friends call him relaxed and unpretentious, a style that comes across on the stump or when he works a rope line and one that paid off in his last-minute campaigning for last week's election. Robert M. Teeter, a Republican pollster who worked for the elder Mr. Bush in his 1980, 1988 and 1992 campaigns, said "I don't think the country perceives this as a dynasty," because of the personality differences. "It perceives them as separate entities," related, of course, but not "a political unit" as the Kennedys seemed to be in the early 60's.
That distinction in the Bushes' political personalities may help account for the short interval between their presidencies. Sixty-three percent of voters opposed President Bush's father when he was defeated in 1992, but his son managed to win election after a gap of only eight years, not the 20 it took voters to forget the elder President Adams.
President Bush showed this fall how his strategic political instincts differ from his father's. In the 1980 primaries, the elder Bush was cautious. After upsetting Ronald Reagan in Iowa, he wasted five weeks with blandness, doing little to give Republicans reasons to like him. Instead he relied on momentum, "the Big Mo," and lost badly in New Hampshire.
The younger Bush, on the other hand, disregarded warnings that he was risking his popularity by campaigning intensely for candidates who might lose in last week's election. He was right; as Newt Gingrich, the former speaker of the House, said last week: "You can't sit on your popularity it just atrophies. But you can reinvest it and make it grow."
He has also been lucky, in being underestimated in the 1994 and 2000 campaigns, and in how the Florida results were decided in 2000. But all long-lasting politicians have luck; President Bush's father, for example, had the good fortune to have Michael S. Dukakis for an opponent in 1988. And as another baseball executive, Branch Rickey of the Brooklyn Dodgers, once said, "Luck is the residue of design."
Two years into a presidential term is too early to judge its success: Abraham Lincoln and Ronald Reagan would have been judged failures at that stage. Moreover, Senate Democrats or Republican overreaching could easily thwart the objective of recording domestic achievements by 2004, and no one knows the political impact of a potential war with Iraq.
But Mr. Bush probably has his eyes open to those risks. After all, no family that lived through the 1992 election knows better than his how quickly the public mood can shift. And he has, as Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes said of one President Roosevelt (historians now believe he was referring to Theodore, not Franklin), "a first-class temperament" for the job.
If he wants to be president, he should wait, get re-elected again, run for Senate in 2006 (lost of people already upset with Bill Nelson), and then go for it in 2016.
They were trying to get McCain to trash Jeb and say that he opposed Jeb for 2008. McCain obviously did not want to endorse Jeb and he certainly didn't want to trash him.
So McCain named Jeb, Jeb's son and Dubya's daughters all of which he said might very well be presidential timber. McCain said, with a straight face, it was quite possible the the Bush family might very well supply the nation with outstanding presidents through the end of the 21st century.
The look of Wolfie's face was priceless.
Before anyone speaks of dynasties, we shoud remember that only 29,000 votes made Norm Coleman Senator from Minnesota. Less than that made Talent a Senator in Missouri and Sununu in New Hampshire. The Country is still split down the middle.
We should all be grateful to the President for his help, but circumstances and the efforts of all will be required before there are any future victories.
Getting back to Clymer's mind is hard. He gave no new views or information on anything. Basically rehashed old data in a way any child could do. I guess being a newspaper person is easier than I thought.
Apparently, the fact-checker budget at the NYT has been slashed. Or, more likely, they believe Timesmen don't need them...
Ah, yes. The charming Miss Molly. It takes no effort whatsoever to dislike her.
And, if the President is so damn dumb, what does that make Molly and her Democrats?
CLYMER ALERT!
According to the White House (not to mention my own history lessons - this ain't rocket science, boys and girls), Benjamin Harrison was the 23rd POTUS and W.H. was the 9th POTUS.
That would make the alleged grandfather-grandson relationship quoted quite near impossible.
Click on Benjamin Harrison or William Henry Harrison
As for "undistinguished", I would say that William Henry Harrison's term as POTUS has been unmatched in its brevity.
It is nice to see how Clymer's mind works. His newspaper was unable to predict a political event 8 days hours in the future with all of their polling and pundit expertise. Now, they believe they can predict something 8 years in the future!
Does anybody really think of it as "crowning" anymore?
Besides, It'll be Jeb Bush vs. Al Sharpton - no contest.
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