Posted on 04/14/2002 4:01:40 AM PDT by Cincinatus' Wife
LINKS to Hugo Chavez's "government" June 2001 - March 2002
I'm keeping track of Hugoland formally known as Venezuela. Please LINK any stories or add what you wish to this thread. The above LINK takes you to past articles posted before the new FR format. Below I'll add what I've catalogued since that LINK no longer could take posts.
(March 1, 2002)-- Venezuela's strongman faces widespread calls to step down
By Phil Gunson | Special to The Christian Science Monitor
[Full Text] CARACAS, VENEZUELA - The man who won Venezuelan hearts three years ago as a strongman who could deliver a better life to the masses is now facing them in the streets.
More than 20,000 people turned out this week calling for the resignation of President Hugo Chávez, while some 2,000 supporters marched in a rival demonstration of support. The demonstrations come after months of building discontent with a president who has managed to alienate the labor class, the media, business groups, the church, political parties, and the military.
Four military leaders have publicly called for his resignation.
In November, Chávez introduced 49 "revolutionary" decrees. The package of laws - affecting everything from land rights and fisheries to the oil industry - unified virtually the whole of organized society in a nationwide business and labor stoppage that paralyzed the country on Dec. 10.
The protests this week have a note of irony, because they started out as a commemoration called by President Chávez. In his eyes, Feb. 27 is a milestone of his so-called revolution - "the date on which the people awoke" in 1989. That is when thousands of rioters and looters took to the streets in protest of an IMF-backed austerity plan, in which the government hiked gas prices.
In what became known as the caracazo, or noisy protest, thousands of rioters and looters were met by Venezuelan military forces, and hundreds were killed. Three years later, Chávez and his military co-conspirators failed in an attempt to overthrow the government responsible for the massacre, that of President Carlos Andres Perez. Chávez was jailed for two years.
"But the elements that brought about the caracazo are still present in Venezuela," says lawyer Liliana Ortega, who for 13 years has led the fight for justice on behalf of the victims' relatives. "Poverty, corruption, impunity ... some of them are perhaps even more deeply ingrained than before."
Chávez's supporters consist of an inchoate mass of street traders, the unemployed, and those whom the old system had marginalized. This, to Chávez, is el pueblo - the people.
"But we are 'the people' too," protests teacher Luis Leonet. "We're not oligarchs like he says. The oligarchs are people like Chávez, people with power."
On Wednesday, Leonet joined a march led by the main labor confederation, the CTV, to protest what unions say is a series of antilabor measures, including one of the 49 decrees dealing with public-sector workers.
Chávez won't talk to the CTV, whose leaders, he says, are corrupt and illegitimate. So he refuses to negotiate the annual renewal of collective contracts with the confederation, holding up deals on pay and conditions for hundreds of thousands of union members like Leonet.
Across town on Wednesday, a progovernment march sought to demonstrate that the president's popularity was as high as ever.
"For the popular classes, Chávez is an idol," says marcher Pedro Gutierrez.
Pollster Luis Vicente Leon, of the Datanalisis organization, warns that marches are no measure of relative popularity. "There is a lot of discontent among ... the really poor," Leon says, adding that so far the protests are mainly among the middle class.
But the middle class can be a dangerous enemy. It includes the bulk of the armed forces, and the management of the state oil company, PDVSA.
This month, four uniformed officers, ranging from a National Guard captain to a rear-admiral and an Air Force general, called on the president to resign, while repudiating the idea of a military coup of Chávez, himself a former Army lieutenant-colonel.
But senior "institutionalist" officers "are under severe pressure from lower ranks frustrated at the lack of impact" that these acts have had, a source close to military dissidents says. In other words, a coup cannot be ruled out, although the United States publicly denounces the idea.
Meanwhile, the president's imposition of a new board of directors on PDVSA this week sparked a virtual uprising by the company's senior management. In an unprecedented public statement, managers said the government was pushing the company "to the verge of operational and financial collapse" by imposing political, rather than commercial, criteria.
The political opposition remains relatively weak and divided. But in the view of many analysts, a president who offends both the military and the oil industry is asking for trouble. In the bars and restaurants of Caracas, the debate is no longer over whether Chávez will finish his term, which has nearly five years to run. It is when and how he will go - and what comes next. [End]
Chavez's first election in 1998 ended the 40-year stronghold of two traditional parties accused of squandering Venezuela's vast oil wealth and leaving 80 percent of the population in poverty. He then pushed through a new constitution that paved the way for his own re-election in 2000 and elections that gave his allies control of Congress.
Chavez said he was leading "social revolution" against corruption and inequality. Adversaries - business leaders, labor unions and the two traditional parties - accused him of grabbing power and ruining the economy with leftist policies. Months of unrest that followed the coup culminated in two-month strike to force Chavez's resignation. The strike collapsed in February, succeeding only in devastating the economy and costing Venezuela $6 billion. The economy shrank 29 percent in the first three months of 2003. Venezuela's leaderless and demoralized opposition is now trying to organize a referendum to remove Chavez from office. The constitution would allow one in August, the midpoint in his six-year term. The next scheduled elections are in 2006.
From Mexico and Brazil's perspective, it makes sense for Latin America's two largest economies to align more closely in pursuit of shared economic priorities, as in seeking to dismantle U.S., European and Asian agricultural trade barriers. However, Fox's decision to align Mexico with Brazil also reflects his deep frustration for what he perceives as the Bush administration's indifference to his efforts to secure an immigration agreement for Mexican nationals working in the United States.
Fox defined such an agreement at the outset of his government as his foreign policy priority -- the legacy of his presidency. However, more than two years of lobbying have not budged the issue in Washington, especially since Sept. 11. As a result, by aligning Mexico with Brazil, Fox is seeking to rebuild his own battered image inside Mexico, where many critics think he flirted too much with Washington and got nothing in return.
Meanwhile, Fox is playing catch-up with da Silva who, since assuming the presidency less than six months ago, has floated several major initiatives. These include relaunching the South America's Mercosur customs union, negotiating strategic alliances with the Argentine and Venezuelan governments and giving each of those governments $1 billion in credit to finance exports through the state-owned National Bank for Economic and Social Development (BNDES).
Fox's alignment with da Silva in fact could improve U.S.- Brazilian relations, since Mexico would be in a position to bring Brasilia and Washington closer on regional trade-related issues that also interest Mexican investors and exporters. However, a tight alignment on issues that concern Brasilia -- such as Colombia and Cuba -- could bring Mexico into diplomatic conflict with the United States.
The escalating Colombian conflict and its potential impact on the Brazilian Amazon region might worry da Silva. However, he is even more concerned about U.S. military aid flowing into Colombia, and sees the aid as the potential precursor to an expanding U.S. military presence in the Andean region. Like many Brazilians, da Silva and his foreign policy advisers view such a possibility as a threat to their country's territorial integrity along its largely unguarded western borders, where the Andes mountain range starts to rise out of the Amazon rain forest.***
When I asked Bielsa these questions, he replied that the ABC interview had taken place more than a week ago.''I was not foreign minister last week,'' Bielsa told me. ``The [ABC] question specifically referred to the executions, and I felt I had neither the position nor the moral authority to make a judgment.''
And what would you say if I asked you in a broader sense whether Cuba respects human rights?
The foreign minister responded that he will make a judgment on that once he examines the previous government's reasons for changing Argentina's vote at the United Nations from a condemnation of Cuba's human rights abuses to an abstention.''I consider the United States to be a friendly country,'' Bielsa added. ``Argentina has not decided to have an automatic alignment with Cuba and Venezuela to systematically confront the United States in international organizations.''***
Since the arrival of Chavez, Venezuela has signed dozens of cooperation agreements with Cuba, increased cultural exchange and provided subsidized petroleum to the Caribbean nation, much to the chagrin of Venezuelans already unnerved by what they see as Chavez's leftist agenda. Government leaders defend the new cooperation with Cuba as a way of consolidating Venezuela's social changes. But with Cuba once again in the eye of the world, the relationship may prove costly for Chavez.***
"The Humalas follow in the line of Chavez and Gutierrez," said Boris Romero, editor of Sintesis, a financial daily. "They have a left-wing nationalistic message that could work. Ollanta is certainly someone to watch in the 2006 elections."
Antauro Humala insists that everything he does is meant to advance his brother's cause. "Ollanta is like a sharp stone in a tight shoe," Antauro Humala said. "He was reinstated into the army and sent to France out of necessity, to avoid competition." He added: "Ollanta is the word. I am only the preacher."***
At the heart of the dispute lies the pro-Chávez legislators' ability to ease through a half-dozen bills -- all regarded by the opposition as authoritarian and potentially repressive -- held up in a parliamentary commission on which the Chávez supporters are a minority.
One is a media bill criticized by human rights organizations as a direct threat to freedom of expression. Another would add an extra 12 judges to the 20-member supreme court, in what the opposition sees as an attempt to ensure a pro-government majority.
The rule change introduced at Friday's session will allow the Congress to vote on the bills. However, the bitterness of the current dispute casts doubt on the continued functioning of the legislature and on the recent agreement brokered by Organization of American States Secretary General César Gaviria, aimed at resolving the country's political crisis.
.. Several opposition members, however, said the coup was being carried out by the government. They argued that Chávez' slim majority in the legislature, which on some issues is as little as two or three votes, was looking to close down the legislature altogether.
Political analyst Alberto Garrido, author of several books on Chávez, said the issue had little to do with the technicalities of parliamentary rules.
Pointing out that the president had consistently argued for the introduction of ''people's power'' and against representative, liberal democracy, Garrido said Chávez's political project had ``moved to a different level.''
Ameliach announced Friday that such outdoor sessions would be held ``whenever and wherever necessary in order to guarantee the sovereign people [that we are carrying out] our functions as legislators.'' ***
"I'm ugly ... black mixed with Indian, that's me," he said, referring jokingly but proudly to his mixed-race ancestry which he shares with most of Venezuela's population.
"I'm a little uncouth sometimes. What can I do? I'm not going to change," Chavez added, speaking during his weekly "Hello President" television and radio show.
Chavez rose from obscurity to become a national figure in 1992 when he tried to seize power in a botched coup. Launching a political career after two years in jail, he won a landslide election in late 1998, promising a self-styled "revolution" to help his country's poor majority.
But his opponents, who have waged a determined campaign of protests and strikes against him, accuse Chavez of ruling like a dictator and of trying to install Cuba-style communism.
"I am not a communist ... if I was, I would say so," Chavez said. He added this distinguished him from Cuban President Fidel Castro, with whom he has forged a close alliance that has irked the United States, the main buyer of Venezuela's oil.
"Fidel Castro, my friend and brother, is a communist, but Venezuela's project is not communist," Chavez said. "At this moment in Venezuela, the program cannot be a communist one." [End]
In other words, rebuilding shattered world communism in Latin America.
A NewsMax.com investigation has revealed that Garcia, in his role as head of Sao Paulo Forum, controls and coordinates the activities of subversives and extremists from the Rio Grande to the southernmost tip of Argentina. This new axis of terrorism begins in Cuba, then works its way down to Colombia, financed with Venezuelan oil billions, and ends in Lula's Brazil.
In a policy dictated by Havana, Garcia has shown special interest in terrorist Manuel Marulanda Velez, a.k.a. "Tirofijo," leader of the terrorist Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC).
Every year since 1990, Garcia has made it his priority to meet with FARC. The meetings have not just taken place in Havana (with Fidel Castro himself being always present), but also in Mexico, where Marco Aurelio Garcia traveled to meet with FARC member Marco Leo Calara on Dec. 5, 2000. What they talk about is a matter that remains behind closed doors. But every time they meet, FARC always increases its attacks in the weeks that follow, with a high cost in loss of human lives.***
And like Chavez, he said he was not a Communist for years. Only after he was secure in his power did he finally tell the truth.
The Supreme Courts of Justice could now be the only alternative left to name all of the Electoral Council or just the fifth, tie-breaking member by omission.
It is possible that whomever the judges end up assigning will be considered a transitory solution. The opposition is wary of transitory government officials, especially after having lost the opportunity to vote on a non-binding referendum in January because Chavez did not consider the Electoral Council's director's term, elected by the Interim National Assembly, legitimate.
The now-dissolved Interim Constitutional Assembly had also appointed the twenty Supreme Court judges who now sit at the Supreme Justice Council in 1999. The transitory body acted in lieu of Venezuela's Congress for close to two years. Its main task had been the approval of a new constitution. The Chavista vote reaching 98 percent of the Interim Assembly, it was not surprising that the constitution got approved with hardly any debate surrounding the major event.***
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