Ted Cruz: Background Check Goal a 'Federal List of Every Gun Owner in America' (News Video at link)

I’d like to see the list of all federal employees who have taxpayer-funded protection by armed personnel. Do members of Congress have such protection?

Where could you register as a criminal, so you don’t have to register your guns?

This is completely idiotic as a crime fighting tool. They’d be better off registering criminals by law.

Afraid the Supremacy clause still allows federal laws to take precedence over state laws.
It will eventually come to states telling the Feds to come enforce SC rule. And they will.

And what may I ask are people going to do about all of these traitors in office..............nothing, so they will do as they will and the people will whine but comply, even as they take them to the re-education camps.

Senators were originally tasked with representing the states rather than being just another house of congress.

Ted Cruz gets it. He is the only real Senator we got going now. Rand Paul may be another. A rare species.

"Americans have the right and advantage of being armed, unlike the citizens of other countries whose governments are afraid to trust their people with arms." James Madison

Click The Pic To Donate

Support FR, Donate Monthly If You Can

We should all take our guns to DC and “register” them.

I would add Sen. Jeff Sessions.

Agreed. The rest are all Federal employees.

From what I have seen by the number of armed guards at federal buildings in Chicago, extrapolate that to the entire country and then add all the TSA goons to that number, there would be a solid line of people across the southern border stretching from the Pacific to the Gulf.

All those armed federal employees are to protect the government from us.

it will be a political tool...

A tool that will be used as a blunt instrument. It will be used especially during a "crisis"...Katrina, Sandy, flood, blackout, riot, whatever. When Marshall law is declared, guns will "temporarily" be outlawed. Once they have your guns, you do not have your guns. The Bloombergs of the world will send in a SWAT team to confiscate a few, then a few more...you know the rest.

Democrats think that “...from my cold dead hands....” is nothing more than right wing-nut hyperbole.

Wonder what they’ll say when they find out it isn’t?

They need to study Thermopylae for their answer.....Malon Labe....

Citizens passing by, tell your children that here, in defense of our Constitution, I lay.

Not too hard to live up to the oath I took those so many years ago.

Hate FReepathons? End them!
Donate Just One $10 Bill Monthly
And Become a FR Hero

Sponsors will contribute $10
For each new monthly sign-up

BATF already has been building federated data bases all around the country - that way the Administration is running outside the law.

ATF Death Watch 148: Lies, Damned Lies and Federal Gun Registries a>

Video: Democrat Admits Obama Agenda Is Total Gun Ban

Texas and Mississippi will not comply.

LLS

Even if it’s blatantly unconstitutional, if the court says it’s constitutional, there’s nothing else to say.

Only to do.

From what I have seen by the number of armed guards at federal buildings in Chicago, extrapolate that to the entire country and then add all the TSA goons to that number, there would be a solid line of people across the southern border stretching from the Pacific to the Gulf.
All those armed federal employees are to protect the government from us.
. . . . . . .

A tool that will be used as a blunt instrument. It will be used especially during a "crisis"...Katrina, Sandy, flood, blackout, riot, whatever. When Marshall law is declared, guns will "temporarily" be outlawed. Once they have your guns, you do not have your guns. The Bloombergs of the world will send in a SWAT team to confiscate a few, then a few more...you know the rest.

. . . . . . .

I think y'all need to not only read this article, but print it out and refer to it often . . . .

http://dcclothesline.wordpress.com/2013/01/03/if-they-come-for-your-guns-do-you-have-a-responsibility-to-fight/

How many of those overpaid out of shape TSA workers would be willing to sacrifice their life for Odumbo and his socialist utopia?

Afraid the Supremacy clause still allows federal laws to take precedence over state laws.

Not so, at least in this case:

This Constitution, and the Laws of the United States which shall be made in Pursuance thereof; and all Treaties made, or which shall be made, under the Authority of the United States, shall be the supreme Law of the Land; and the Judges in every State shall be bound thereby, any Thing in the Constitution or Laws of any State to the Contrary notwithstanding.

As the bold section shows, such laws must be in 'Pursuance' of the Constitution (Pursuance: the carrying out or pursuing of an action, plan, etc.) and therefore cannot be contrary to it -- the 2nd Amendment, being a part of the Constitution & unmodified by subsequent amendments therefore, is in full operation and such a registry scheme [as in the topic] infringes on the rights to both keep and bear arms.

Moreover, according to MARBURY V. MADISON, 5 U.S. 137 (1803) the obvious is strengthened: a normal legislative act contrary the Constitution is null and void:

[...] This [the constitution] original and supreme will organizes the government, and assigns to different departments their respective powers. It may either stop here; or establish certain limits not to be transcended by those departments. The government of the United States is of the latter description. The powers of the legislature are defined and limited; and that those limits may not be mistaken or forgotten, the constitution is written. To what purpose are powers limited, and to what purpose is that limitation committed to writing; if these limits may, at any time, be passed by those intended to be restrained? The distinction between a government with limited and unlimited powers is abolished, if those limits do not confine the persons on whom they are imposed, and if acts prohibited and acts allowed are of equal obligation. It is a proposition too plain to be contested, that the constitution controls any legislative act repugnant to it; or, that the legislature may alter the constitution by an ordinary act. Between these alternatives there is no middle ground. The constitution is either a superior, paramount law, unchangeable by ordinary means, or it is on a level with ordinary legislative acts, and like other acts, is alterable when the legislature shall please to alter it. If the former part of the alternative be true, then a legislative act contrary to the constitution is not law: if the latter part be true, then written constitutions are absurd attempts, on the part of the people, to limit a power in its own nature illimitable. Certainly all those who have framed written constitutions contemplate them as forming the fundamental and paramount law of the nation, and consequently the theory of every such government must be, that an act of the legislature repugnant to the constitution is void. This theory is essentially attached to a written constitution, and is consequently to be considered by this court as one of the fundamental principles of our society. It is not therefore to be lost sight of in the further consideration of this subject. If an act of the legislature, repugnant to the constitution, is void, does it, notwithstanding its invalidity, bind the courts and oblige them to give it effect? Or, in other words, though it be not law, does it constitute a rule as operative as if it was a law? This would be to overthrow in fact what was established in theory; and would seem, at first view, an absurdity too gross to be insisted on. It shall, however, receive a more attentive consideration. It is emphatically the province and duty of the judicial department to say what the law is. Those who apply the rule to particular cases, must of necessity expound and interpret that rule. If two laws conflict with each other, the courts must decide on the operation of each. So if a law be in opposition to the constitution: if both the law and the constitution apply to a particular case, so that the court must either decide that case conformably to the law, disregarding the constitution; or conformably to the constitution, disregarding the law: the court must determine which of these conflicting rules governs the case. This is of the very essence of judicial duty. If then the courts are to regard the constitution; and the constitution is superior to any ordinary act of the legislature; the constitution, and not such ordinary act, must govern the case to which they both apply. Those then who controvert the principle that the constitution is to be considered, in court, as a paramount law, are reduced to the necessity of maintaining that courts must close their eyes on the constitution, and see only the law. This doctrine would subvert the very foundation of all written constitutions. It would declare that an act, which, according to the principles and theory of our government, is entirely void, is yet, in practice, completely obligatory. It would declare, that if the legislature shall do what is expressly forbidden, such act, notwithstanding the express prohibition, is in reality effectual. It would be giving to the legislature a practical and real omnipotence with the same breath which professes to restrict their powers within narrow limits. It is prescribing limits, and declaring that those limits may be passed at pleasure. That it thus reduces to nothing what we have deemed the greatest improvement on political institutions-a written constitution, would of itself be sufficient, in America where written constitutions have been viewed with so much reverence, for rejecting the construction. But the peculiar expressions of the constitution of the United States furnish additional arguments in favour of its rejection. The judicial power of the United States is extended to all cases arising under the constitution. Could it be the intention of those who gave this power, to say that, in using it, the constitution should not be looked into? That a case arising under the constitution should be decided without examining the instrument under which it arises? This is too extravagant to be maintained. In some cases then, the constitution must be looked into by the judges. And if they can open it at all, what part of it are they forbidden to read, or to obey? There are many other parts of the constitution which serve to illustrate this subject. It is declared that 'no tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any state.' Suppose a duty on the export of cotton, of tobacco, or of flour; and a suit instituted to recover it. Ought judgment to be rendered in such a case? ought the judges to close their eyes on the constitution, and only see the law. The constitution declares that 'no bill of attainder or ex post facto law shall be passed.' If, however, such a bill should be passed and a person should be prosecuted under it, must the court condemn to death those victims whom the constitution endeavours to preserve? 'No person,' says the constitution, 'shall be convicted of treason unless on the testimony of two witnesses to the same overt act, or on confession in open court.' Here the language of the constitution is addressed especially to the courts. It prescribes, directly for them, a rule of evidence not to be departed from. If the legislature should change that rule, and declare one witness, or a confession out of court, sufficient for conviction, must the constitutional principle yield to the legislative act? From these and many other selections which might be made, it is apparent, that the framers of the constitution contemplated that instrument as a rule for the government of courts, as well as of the legislature. Why otherwise does it direct the judges to take an oath to support it? This oath certainly applies, in an especial manner, to their conduct in their official character. How immoral to impose it on them, if they were to be used as the instruments, and the knowing instruments, for violating what they swear to support! The oath of office, too, imposed by the legislature, is completely demonstrative of the legislative opinion on this subject. It is in these words: 'I do solemnly swear that I will administer justice without respect to persons, and do equal right to the poor and to the rich; and that I will faithfully and impartially discharge all the duties incumbent on me as according to the best of my abilities and understanding, agreeably to the constitution and laws of the United States.' Why does a judge swear to discharge his duties agreeably to the constitution of the United States, if that constitution forms no rule for his government? if it is closed upon him and cannot be inspected by him. If such be the real state of things, this is worse than solemn mockery. To prescribe, or to take this oath, becomes equally a crime. It is also not entirely unworthy of observation, that in declaring what shall be the supreme law of the land, the constitution itself is first mentioned; and not the laws of the United States generally, but those only which shall be made in pursuance of the constitution, have that rank. Thus, the particular phraseology of the constitution of the United States confirms and strengthens the principle, supposed to be essential to all written constitutions, that a law repugnant to the constitution is void, and that courts, as well as other departments, are bound by that instrument. The rule must be discharged.