Posted on 04/06/2012 6:55:28 PM PDT by neverdem
On February 18, 2009, less than a month into President Obamas supposedly postracial presidency, U.S. Attorney General Eric Holder commemorated Black History Month by declaring America essentially a nation of cowards. The reason: We, average Americans, simply do not talk enough with each other about race. . . . If we are to make progress in this area we must feel comfortable enough with one another, and tolerant enough of each other, to have frank conversations about the racial matters that continue to divide us. Holders words left many commentators flabbergasted. Too little discussion of race? Race has long been our national obsession, a pastime more widely followed than football (which itself regularly gives rise to racial conflagrations) or Oprah Winfrey (whos never averse to fanning the flames). Liberal commentators refuse to shut up about race; college students have it pushed in their faces from the first day of orientation to the de rigueur pieties about diversity and social justice at graduation; most every Fortune 500 company has instituted policies aimed at hiring and promoting minorities, and woe to those recalcitrant managers who adhere to more traditional standards of merit.
Holders invocation of Americans supposed cowardice on racism was most notable for its timing. He spoke at what was understood everywhere to be a celebratory moment. Even most of us whod strongly opposed candidate Obama, shouting ourselves hoarse that his policies would be disastrous, were gratified by what his election said about the citizens of this great land: that easily bamboozled as we can be, we are not bigots. That though parts of our country abandoned legally sanctioned bigotry a mere two generations ago, we have traveled farther, faster, than once would have seemed possible, embracing true racial tolerance—which is to say, indifference to skin color—more deeply than any other people on Earth.
Yet clearly this was not the message some in administration circles took from Obamas election, and certainly not the one they wanted Americans to hear. For the world as they see it to make sense, racism must be ever-present, since its the all-purpose explanation for every problem that minorities in America confront. It soon became apparent that this was the thinking Holder brought to his own vital department. Rarely has the attorney general hesitated to snatch up the nearest available race card—from his startling decision early on to drop a case that his predecessors had already won against members of the New Black Panther Party for intimidating white voters at a Philadelphia polling place, to his claim that criticism of himself and the president over the disastrously botched Fast and Furious program was due to the nature of our relationship and, you know, the fact that were both African-American.
Which brings us to the Trayvon Martin case. From the outset, mainstream coverage overwhelmingly reflected the narrative on contemporary race relations that Holder and other prominent liberals hold dear: one relentlessly focused on white racism and black victimhood. As the story went viral, the media consensus was close to unanimous: 17-year-old Martin was murdered essentially for the crime of being a black kid in a hoodie walking in a white neighborhood, and his racist killer was getting off scot-free. Rallies Across US Demand Justice, ABC News summed it up. It is evidence of how firmly this version of events took hold that when, early on, Jesse Jackson likened Martin to Emmett Till—the 14-year-old black boy slaughtered in 1955 Mississippi, whose smirking murderers were acquitted in an hour—the appalling comparison went all but unchallenged.
In fact, over the first few days, as the media covered march after march and rally after angry rally, those less inclined to jump to judgment prudently held their peace, lest they risk an accusation of condoning murder or blaming the victim or (for of course this was implicit) being soft on racism. But then those stubborn things, facts, began to emerge, and suddenly the story was no longer so clear. Far from the classic racist, George Zimmerman turned out to be a guy with black friends who tutored black kids on weekends. Equally damaging, he was half-Hispanic—or, as the New York Times hopefully called him, clinging to the white-racism line, a white Hispanic. Nor was the dead boy necessarily as angelic as hed been portrayed—partly by the ubiquitous photo taken when he was just 12. According to the Miami Herald, hed been suspended from school three times for possessing marijuana residue, scrawling W.T.F. on a school locker, and having in his backpack, which was searched by a school security guard, womens rings and earrings and a screwdriver, described by the staffer as a burglary tool.
His supporters furiously countered that such revelations were no justification for what befell him—and thats absolutely true. No one in his right mind would suggest that the killing of Trayvon Martin is anything less than a tragedy or that his past has the remotest bearing on the events of that night. Nevertheless, the new information helped start a different and very vital conversation, one that goes well beyond the specifics of this one terrible case. For it began to shift attention toward a subject liberals have long sought to define as illicit—the degree to which real-life experience shapes perceptions on race. For those in the streets, defining George Zimmerman—and the society that produced him—as racist not only fosters anger and a sense of ill-use, it offers the comfort of an easy answer. It is a lot harder to confront, and ultimately deal with, the reality that theres a valid reason why a black teen in a strange neighborhood is likely to arouse greater suspicion—and, yes, fear—than a white one: he is far more likely to be up to no good. Indeed, the statistics that have emerged again in recent days—blacks are roughly 13 percent of the population but responsible for more than half of all violent crimes; young black men commit murder nearly ten times as often as their peers of other races—are startling and sobering, even to many who thought they knew how bad things were. Among the most harrowing numbers of all is that, according to the Department of Justice, homicide is the leading cause of death for black males between 15 and 34. Nine of every ten black murder victims are killed by other blacks.
If the outcry over the killing of Trayvon Martin has served any useful purpose, it is to have brought some attention to what young black predators are doing to their own communities. As the story evolved, it became possible to ask: Wheres the public outcry about that? National Review editor Rich Lowry, in an especially poignant piece, listed a number of recent murders of young blacks in their gruesome particulars, calling them the murders that dont count. If Martin had been shot by a black classmate, he rightly observed, if he had been caught in a random crossfire, if he had looked at a gang member the wrong way, his death would have been relegated to the back pages of the local newspaper. Not a cause, not even a curiosity: Just another dead young black man. Nothing to see here. Please, move on.
No one disputes that its humiliating to be judged a miscreant for the color of your skin. But to begin and end the conversation there is a grotesque disservice to those for whom liberals so tirelessly profess compassion. At this juncture in our history, racism as the all-purpose answer is a delusion and a trap. If as a society we are ever seriously to deal with why, in this freest and most prosperous of nations, so many minorities continue to lag so far behind economically and educationally, or why rates of criminality in the inner cities are so appallingly high, we have to begin with a commitment no longer to turn away from hard truths. That means, for starters, focusing less on racism and far more on culture—the values that too often hold sway in those inner-city communities. Such a conversation would address children having children, kids raised without fathers, attitudes about education, work, and accountability, and a great deal more.
Admittedly, given how effectively the racism charge has been wielded as a weapon by those whod bitterly resist such a national dialogue, it is hard even to imagine such a thing occurring. Then again, the fight for welfare reform that ultimately nudged millions from dependence toward personal responsibility and what writer Daniel Akst calls the aristocracy of self-control was also long and ugly. It finally succeeded because enough decent people concerned about the well-being of the country realized that it had to, and so were willing to take the heat.
Holder and others who cling to todays rotting hulk of a civil rights establishment are increasingly an anachronism, for all their moral posturing standing as an impediment to genuine racial progress in this country. For them, the possibility of losing white racism as an issue—as a weapon—is intolerable. It would be bad enough if this were purely a cynical tactic to arouse other true believers in the base. But its not: they truly believe it, facts—and the possibility of a better life for those suffering in the inner cities—be damned. They have become what they despise, their mantra a tragic twist on George Wallaces as he stood in the schoolhouse door: Racism now, racism tomorrow, racism forever!
As long as we’re talking about a race conversation, I’d love to hear what Van Jones has to say. Commies have interesting takes on a lot of subjects.
Adopted at Kaskaskia in convention, August 26, 1818.
ART. VI.
1. Neither slavery or involuntary servitude shall hereafter be introduced into this state, otherwise than for the punishment of crimes, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted; nor shall any male person, arrived at the age of 21 years, nor female person arrived at the age of 18 years, be held to serve any person as a servant, under any indenture hereafter made, unless such person shall enter into such indenture while in a state of perfect freedom, and on condition of a bona-fide consideration received or to be received for their service. Nor shall any indenture of any negro or mulatto, hereafter made and executed out of this state, or if made in this state, where the term of service exceeds one year, be of the least validity, except those given in cases of apprenticeship.
“They have become what they despise, their mantra a tragic twist on George Wallaces as he stood in the schoolhouse door: Racism now, racism tomorrow, racism forever!
Excellent article. The author nails these racists.
Joliet, founded 1837, as the village of Juliet, as in "Romeo and..." Sounds Shakespearean, not French.
Des Plaines, founded in 1859 as the Town of Rand, name changed in 1869 to Des Plaines.
Your post does not seem to have a great deal of accuracy in this area of the origin of "French" towns in Illinois, perhaps you should review your source for any black code, perhaps it is just as faulty. I've never head of it, but will be happy to have any ignorance on my part corrected by accurate information.
This was a very good piece. Thank you.
Neither did mine. I think a grand total of four or five of my direct ancestors were alive and in-country in 1861, and they all lived in Northern States. One of them served in the Union Navy during that war, briefly, before he came home with tuberculosis he contracted while working in a Boston shipyard before he enlisted (those workers barracked together in crowded conditions and contagions spread wildly out of control).
It is a staple of the ACW threads to try to inculpate every Southerner who ever lived for having personally benefited from slavery. To this end, statistics are brought forward and argued. The counter is to point out that the history of slavery is not a regional history of the South.
Census Records for Illinois Territory.
The State of Illinois also has census data on slaves:
Illinois State Archives, Data on Servitude.
The Illinois Black Code law was fetched by a FReeper in a discussion about such codes (and black internal migrations postwar) in a 2004 or 2005 ACW thread here on FR. If I have time, I'll go look for it. Too bad our FReepmail is purged periodically, we had a lot of internal discussions about sources.
Key words, "introduced" and "hereafter".
The rest of Article VI of the Illinois 1818 Constitution:
2. No person bound to labor in any other state, shall be hired to labor in this state, except within the tract reserved for the salt works near Shawneetown; nor even at that place for a longer period than one year at any one time; nor shall it be a llowed there after the year 1825: any violation of this article shall effect the emancipation of such person from his obligation to service.
3. Each and every person who has been bound to service by contract or indenture in virtue of the law of Illinois territory heretofore existing, and in conformity to the provisions of the same, without fraud or collusion, shall be held to a specific performance of their contracts or indentures; and such negroes and mulattoes as have been registered in conformity with the aforesaid laws, shall serve out the time appointed by said laws: Provided however, that the children hereafter born of such person , negroes or mulattoes, shall become free, the males at the age of 21 years, the females at the age of 18 years. Each and every child born of indentured parents, shall be entered with the clerk of the county in which they reside, by their owners, within s ix months after the birth of said child.
Source: Wiki article. (Still under construction, w/ comment called for.)
Metasearch using Ask.com, Dogpile, or similar, and try "Illinois Black Code" as the search key; you'll get abundant returns from various articles both scholarly and general press articles (one about the history of Illinois race politics from the beginnings to Obama).
Okay, you didn't like my post, then try these guys':
"The Time of the French in Illinois" (Article).
Metasearch key "French Settlements Illinois" will bring you a number of such articles.
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