Posted on 08/11/2008 11:07:52 AM PDT by pleikumud
Whatever tensions and hostilities might have existed between Georgians and Ossetians, they in no way justify Moscow's path of violent aggression. Russian actions, in clear violation of international law, have no place in 21st century Europe.
(Excerpt) Read more at realclearpolitics.com ...
We must give Russia a deadline to stop. We can project power in that area from assets already present in that theater. The threat alone has always backed the Ruskies down.
He’s not the new hitler, he’s the new Stalin.
Not much difference.
At any rate, did Kusinich actually ask how close the territory is to Atlanta? Just heard that on Rush with Jason Lewis. It wouldn’t surprise me.
McCain gets is on Foreign Policy. Barry simply doesn’t.
Here’s another view, one which I share:
Russia bids to rid Georgia of its folly
By John Helmer
MOSCOW - One word explains why the United States, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the European Union have obliged themselves to sit on their hands, while Russia’s defends its citizens, and national interests, in the Caucasus, and liberates Georgians from the folly of their unpopular president, Mikheil Saakashvili. That word is Kosovo.
Russia sent troops into the breakaway Georgian region of South Ossetia to take on Georgian troops that had advanced into the territory. Four days of heavy fighting have seen thousands of casualties and the Georgian forces withdrawing. Russian troops were reported on Monday to be continuing fighting in parts of Georgia, including around the capital Tbilisi.
Eight hundred years of Caucasian history explain why Saakashvili
has brought such destruction and ignominy on his countrymen over the past few days. Queen Tamar, the greatest of the Georgian sovereigns (1184-1213), is responsible for the habit Georgian rulers have displayed for the past millennium of treating neighboring Armenia, Azerbaijan, Ossetia and the Black Sea coast of Turkey as protectorates. But as Tamar also taught her countrymen, Georgian ambition always runs out of gas when the neighbors prove to be just as ambitious, richer or tougher.
The number 300 explains what tougher means - that’s the count of Russian artillery pieces that have been deployed to South Ossetia alone, once Saakashvili dispatched his United States and Israel-trained troops into action at Tskhinvali, the capital of South Ossetia. That push, according to Russian military thinking, was not intended to hold Tskhinvali for Georgia, but to destroy it, and withdraw swiftly back into Georgia - ending the South Ossetian secession by liquidating its people.
Just how tough Russia’s war aims are now - as distinct from the methods - remains to be seen. According to Georgian sources, there is no safe haven for the attackers in Georgia itself, as Russian artillery pounds Georgian military units within range; the Russian air force bombs every military unit and depot on Georgian territory; and the Russian Black Sea fleet counter-fires against Georgian naval vessels off Ochamchire, the Abkhazian regional port.
For all Russians, not only those with relatives in Ossetia, the near-total destruction by Georgian guns of Tskhinvali is a war crime. The deaths of about 2,000 civilians in the Georgian attack, and the forced flight of about 35,000 survivors from the town - the last census of Tskhinvali’s population reported 30,000 - has been described by Russian leaders, and is understood by Russian public opinion, as a form of genocide. Ninety percent of the town’s population are Russian citizens.
To Russians, the Georgian attack of August 8 looks like the very same “ethnic cleansing”, which the US and European powers have treated as a crime against humanity, when committed on the former territory of federal Yugoslavia.
But Russians view the international war that broke up Yugoslavia as a practice run for breaking up the Russian Caucasus, first by arming the Chechen secessionist Dzhokar Dudayev; then by financing anti-Russian terrorism in the Russian provinces of Chechnya and Ingushetia; and now by the Georgian military thrust against South Ossetia.
Since the US and the European Union have so recently compelled Serbia to accept the Albanian takeover of Serbia’s Kosovo province, the overwhelming Russian view is that this will not be allowed to happen again. “Ossetia is not Kosovo” is a widespread refrain in Moscow today.
“If [former Yugoslav president] Slobodan Milosevic should be put on trial, the opinion here is - so too should Saakashvili,” says a leading Moscow analyst.
But is it now a Russian war aim to drive Saakashvili from power? Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov reportedly told US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice over the weekend that Saakashvili “must go”. Bernard Kouchner, the French foreign minister, on a mediation mission on Monday between the Georgian and Russian capitals, will hear the same view in Moscow.
The Russian argument is that, since coming to power in 2003, Saakashvili has militarized his country with US, NATO and Israeli arms, military training and money, for no purpose except to threaten Russia, and the minority nationalities of the region, who seek the protection of Moscow - the Abkhazians and the Ossetians.
Saakashvili, the Russian argument runs, has initiated military escalation over the past year because his political base has cracked and his domestic support is dwindling. The Georgian political opposition at home, and in exile abroad, agrees. They charge the president and his family, including the powerful Timur Alasaniya, Saakashvili’s uncle, of growing corruptly rich off the arms trade and of seizing the country’s resource, port and trading concessions for themselves and their supporters. Alasaniya, brother to Saakashvili’s mother, holds the official position of Georgian representative to a United Nations Commission on Disarmament in New York (no relation to Irakly Alasaniya, Georgia’s ambassador to the United Nations).
The leaders of the Georgian opposition nearly succeeded in toppling Saakashvili last autumn. The president was forced to impose military rule in Tbilisi, while his former defense minister, Irakly Okruashvili, publicly accused him of murder and corruption. Okruashvili is currently in Paris, where he has been granted political asylum by the French government. In June, a French court rejected Saakashvili’s warrant for the arrest and extradition of his former friend and now bitterest critic. Okruashvili is uncompromised by early career links to Moscow, unlike a number of political party leaders in Tbilisi. Okruashvili is a likely candidate to replace Saakashvili, if and when Georgian public opinion turns against the president.
But this cannot happen while Russian military operations continue against Georgian targets. Leading opposition figures inside the country, like Shalva Natelashvili, head of the Georgian Labor Party, believe they must remain silent for the time being. According to Irakly Kakabadze, an independent opposition organizer based in New York, “Once the bombing stops, I believe Saakashvili will not survive.” In the spring, Kakabadze was arrested and imprisoned in Tbilisi by Saakashvili security men trying to disrupt a street protest against the president’s regime.
Public opinion in Georgia already pins the blame on Saakashvili for the folly and loss of the Ossetian adventure. Even before it began last week, opposition leaders were calling for an end to the militarization of the country. However, as one opposition leader said on Monday, the bombing has to stop, “Otherwise, the Russians are making Saakashvili the victim.”
The problem for Russians is that halting the military campaign doesn’t put a stop to Saakashvili’s menaces. Nor is there any confidence in Moscow, on either side of the Kremlin wall, that Rice and Kouchner can be trusted to control Saakashvili, even if they promise to do so.
If a ceasefire is agreed this week, Georgians and Russians might then be able to agree that Saakashvili bears personal responsibility for the war that began on August 8. However, neither Saakashvili’s domestic critics, nor the Russian government, expect the Americans to abandon their man now - let alone escort him to the war crimes tribunal at The Hague.
With the Georgian presidential alternative Okruashvili under their wing in Paris, what the French do next may bridge the gap which Saakashvili’s artillery tore apart last Friday.
Puting is a Russian communist. He is making an example of Georgia, a scenario he has hated since it first took independence. A hardline, old KGB commie by any other name.
All his talk of a “new Russia” is absolute BULL EXCREMENT and just a generic textbook communist lie.
All we would need to do is get a group of Cubans to declare that they want their country to be independent of the Communist regime and that would give us the authority (at least according to recent Russian hostilities).
Except that nobody would believe that we would be willing to engage in a third war. And the assets in the area are kind of tied up at the moment.
At least he did not say that he looked into Putin’s eyes and saw a a person he could trust.
I agree with John McCain’s plan/proposal. It’s sound. The whole article is worth reading.
This is serious business indeed. My son was married on Saturday. At his wedding reception my older son led the wedding attendees in a rousing chorus of booing Russia's aggression. Needless to say I was extremely proud of my son for reminding people of what was going on. More importantly, it is very fun to be in a room full of young people drinking and booing Russia.
You may not be a fool in real life but you certainly play one on Freerepublic.
Where are all the liberals.....in the European Union and in the United States.....who support the International Criminal Court in The Hague?
Why aren’t these globalist types demanding Putin be tried for war crimes? Do I hear the sound of crickets?
Meanwhile...Barry is off on his Hawaiian holiday doing the hula.
The United States needs to launch a strike against Iran and we need to do it this week. Our own interests are important enough that this should not be delayed any longer. We should neither wait for Israel not consult with Israel on this matter.
Now is the time and now is our window of opportunity. Let us hope it is not squandered. This will send a message to Russia as well as Iran that we are serious about our national security interests.
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