I am of two minds about that idea. IF Hillary had won the primaries and was the # 1 choice- yes- she would be tough to beat. However- if, for some reason they chose Hillary at the convention I think the Dem party would be in an uproar and split for years to come...making McCain’s election more, rather than less likely.
A possibility, but remember, Al and Jessie would love that. They would be back in their positions of power, and they could do the “white man keepin’ us down” act for another decade.
Right out of Saul Alinsky’s handbook:
Excerpt:
“Republican presidential candidate John McCain, a war hero turned political leader, has traveled a familiar journey in pursuit of the White House.
But his Democratic counterpart, in vaulting from the precincts and wards of American cities into a prominent national role, represents the first appearance in a presidential race of a relatively new political type: the community organizer.
Barack Obama’s ascendance is a testament to community activists’ success in amassing political power since the mid-1960s, when the War on Poverty fueled their rise and changed the electoral calculus in many U.S. cities.
Community organizing’s roots stretch back to the 1930s and Chicago organizer Saul Alinsky, founder of the Industrial Areas Foundation and author of Rules for Radicals. But it wasn’t until President Lyndon Johnson’s ambitious plan to end poverty through massive federal spending that the Alinsky model-grassroots organizing, neighborhood by neighborhood-really took off.
Starting in the mid-1960s, the federal government directed billions of dollars to neighborhood groups, convinced that they knew better than Washington what their communities needed.
The federal funds, eventually supplemented by state and local tax dollars, helped create a universe of government-funded community groups running everything from job-training programs to voter-registration drives-far beyond anything Alinsky could have imagined.
Some 3,000 local social-services groups were soon receiving government funding in New York City alone. Many were new, but the money also helped turn traditional charities that had operated on private donations into government contractors.
Those who led these social-services groups became advocates, unsurprisingly, for government-funded solutions to social problems.
To defend and expand their turf, organizers began heading into the political arena, wielding the power they had accumulated in neighborhoods to build a base of supporters.
In New York, operators of huge social-services groups like Pedro Espada in the Bronx and Albert Vann in Brooklyn won election to state and federal posts after heading up large, powerful nonprofits.
By the late 1980s, nearly 20 percent of New York City Council members were products of the government-funded nonprofit sector, and they were among the most strident advocates for higher taxes and more government spending.”