Kennedy's words are not the words of the
today. His words are the actions of the Republicans.
I think Pat can
Posted on 07/23/2006 12:26:23 PM PDT by do the dhue
The war between Israel and Hezbollah in Lebanon is not the only one brewing.
Here on the homefront, sydicated columnist Pat Buchanan has launched a broadside against what he says are "neo cons" -- America conservatives who support Israel and are really pushing for a wider war between the United States and Iran.
Writing in a recent column headlined, "This is not our War," Buchanan bemoaned the violence directed at Lebanon by the Israelis.
Fellow conservative David Horowitz's online magazine, Frontpagemag.com, has opened up a front against Buchanan, with an article that levels charges of anti-Semitism against Buchanan and other so-called "paleoconservatives" for their condemnation of Israel's actions in the war.
Quoting Fouad Siniora, the prime minister of Lebanon, as complaining that his country has been "torn to shreds" and demanding that Israel must pay for the "barbaric destruction," with a death toll among his people that passed 300 civilian dead, 1,000 wounded, and half a million homeless, Buchanan noted the comments of fellow Christians such as columnist Lawrence Kudlow, who says that "Israel is doing the Lord's work," and Ken Mehlman of the Republican National Committee, who told a gathering of Christians United for Israel: "Today, we are all Israelis!"
(Excerpt) Read more at newsmax.com ...
today.
If it's a war between Pat and everyone with a brain, well, Pat is already lacking necessary equipment anymore.
Judging from his last article (disregarding the rest for a moment) he SERIOUSLY has a problem with Israel itself. Bringing in the other articles over the years, the pattern is proven.
Pat jumped the shark a long time ago.
It's always the Jooooooooze!
Israel is one of the places where Pat's views become inconsistent with most of his other views, due probably to deeply held biases against Israel.
It is like people who are against the death penalty being pro-abortion.
When it comes to matters in the Middle East, Pat Buchanan's opinion should discarded quickly or you may end up with a headache.
Buchanan has a point. And if he keeps coming his hair the same way no one will notice.
LOL
what happened to the other "point"
LOL
On this issue, certainly.
Funny thing is, everyone who knows him personally - I've heard & read Michael Kinsley, Laura Ingrahm, WFB, all swear he's not a bigot, and that his issues with Isreal are strictly geostrategic.
| Presidential Candidate | Party | Home State | Popular Vote | Electoral Vote | Running Mate | Running Mate's Home State |
Running Mate's Electoral Vote |
|
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Count | Percentage | |||||||
| George W. Bush | Republican | Texas | 50,460,110 | 47.9% | 271 | Dick Cheney | Wyoming | 271 |
| Al Gore | Democratic | Tennessee | 51,003,926 | 48.4% | 266 | Joe Lieberman | Connecticut | 266 |
| (abstention) (a) | (n/a) | (n/a) | (n/a) | (n/a) | 1 | (abstention) (a) | (n/a) | 1 |
| Ralph Nader | Green | Connecticut | 2,883,105 | 2.7% | 0 | Winona LaDuke | Minnesota | 0 |
| Pat Buchanan | Reform | Virginia | 449,225 | 0.4% | 0 | Ezola B. Foster | California | 0 |
| Harry Browne | Libertarian | Tennessee | 384,516 | 0.4% | 0 | Art Olivier | California | 0 |
| Howard Phillips | Constitution | Virginia | 98,022 | 0.1% | 0 | Curtis Frazier | Missouri | 0 |
| John Hagelin | Natural Law/Reform | Iowa | 83,702 | 0.1% | 0 | Nat Goldhaber | California | 0 |
| Ross Perot | Write-in | Texas | 9 | 0.0% | 0 | None | N/A | 0 |
| Other(b) | 54,652 | 0.1% | 0 | Other(b) | 0 | |||
| Total | 105,417,258 | 100.0% | 538 | Total | 538 | |||
| Needed to win | 270 | Needed to win | 270 | |||||
.............. you mean like the devil?
nah :)
He isn't that powerful, I was thinking more like, since he espoused a bunch of BS, then maybe he has bullhorns :)
I thought that Pat just went "nuts". and I have overlooked anything that he has said.
Is that Perot number for real?
here is more dater
Paleoconservatives consist of a disparate pool from all walks of life, including Evangelical Christians and Roman Catholic traditionalists, libertarian individualists, Midwestern agrarians, Reagan Democrats, and southern conservatives. The most prominent paleoconservative is Pat Buchanan. The two leading paleoconservative publications are Chronicles and The American Conservative, which Buchanan helped to create. Other contemporary luminaries include Donald Livingston, a Professor of Philosophy at Emory; Paul Craig Roberts, an attorney and former Reagan administration Treasury official; commentator Joseph Sobran; journalist Chilton Williamson; classicist Thomas Fleming (author), and historian Clyde N. Wilson. There are many followers of the late Murray Rothbard and Lew Rockwell who embrace paleolibertarianism, and being culturally conservative, espouse many of the same themes of paleoconservatives, but they are wholly committed to economic laissez-faire. While Congressmen Rep. Ron Paul (R -TX) and Rep. Tom Tancredo (R -CO) are not avowed paleoconservatives, their political positions are consistent with a great number of paleos.
Many American paleoconservatives see themselves as iconoclasts, breaking what they regard as liberal taboos. Particular targets of their ire include "Political correctness", Martin Luther King, the Civil Rights Movement, the Frankfurt School, and Franklin Roosevelt. Some paleo figures, especially the late Samuel Francis, have been accused of having ties to allegedly racist groups such as the Council of Conservative Citizens, American Renaissance and the journal The Occidental Quarterly. Many of these views are also championed by the John Birch Society, which is considered a paleo group.
Paleoconservatism has recently become the principal operating philosophy of the Intercollegiate Studies Institute (ISI). In its publications and conferences it often champions pre-WWII Old Right ideas, such as isolationism, limited government and cultural regionalism. While they favor free-market solutions they tend to recognize the limitations of the market, or as economist Wilhelm Roepke says, "...the market is not everything." ISI promotes various agrarian and distributist works, and the idea of a humane economy.
The deaths in 1951 of publisher William Randolph Hearst and in 1955 of Chicago Tribune publisher Robert R. McCormick cost the movement its most important newspapers.
Since the end of the Cold War, the rift within the conservative movement has deepened with the ascent of the neoconservatives and the fading from power of the paleos. There are no prominent paleos in the Bush administration. Harsh words have been exchanged between David Frum of National Review and Patrick Buchanan of The American Conservative. Frum charged that paleocons, in their sometimes harsh criticism of President George W. Bush and the war on terror, have become unpatriotic and, at times, anti-Semitic. Buchanan and others have retorted that neocons influence the U.S. government toward the pursuit of global empire and for the exclusive benefit of Israel and multi-national corporations with whom they have close ties.
I'd love to know what Buchanan was saying to his boss Nixon in Oct, 1973, when he was Nixons Political Advisor......
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Nixon: The "Anti-Semite" Who Saved Israel
By Jason Maoz
JewishPress.com | August 5, 2005
If judged only by what is heard on his White House tapes, Richard Nixon, who resigned the presidency 31 years ago this week, appears to have been a man obsessed with Jews, stewing in negative feelings, never hesitating to use the crudest of slurs. But if talk alone is the true measure of a man, Harry Truman – who habitually made derogatory remarks about Jews and whose home in Independence, Missouri, was off-limits to them – would have to be considered an anti-Semite of the first order. It`s a safe bet that those who complain the loudest about Nixon`s anti-Semitic statements say nary a word about Truman`s Jewish problem.
Nixon`s attitudes toward Jews, observes the historian Herbert Parmet in Richard Nixon and His America, "were not particular to Nixon but rather reflect those of his times and culture...Still, there is no evidence that anyone felt that he was being treated differently by Nixon because he was Jewish."
William Safire, a Nixon speechwriter prior to embarking on a career as a New York Times columnist, has written that Nixon was a man "whose hero as a lawyer...was Louis Brandeis; whose model of a strict constructionist Supreme Court justice was Felix Frankfurter; whose favorite writer of fiction was Herman Wouk; who, upon becoming president, named a German Jewish immigrant named Henry Kissinger to be his foremost foreign policy adviser and an Austrian Jewish immigrant named Arthur Burns to be his chief domestic counselor; who later placed one Jew, Herbert Stein, at the head of the Council of Economic Advisers, and another, Leonard Garment, at the head of his double-every-year commitment to the arts and humanities, and named another, Ed David, to be his chief science adviser...."
The aforementioned Leonard Garment candidly addressed the issue of Nixon`s anti-Semitism in his memoir, Crazy Rhythm: "[On] an anti-Semitic continuum running from 1 to 100, my personal experience would put Nixon somewhere between 15 and 20 – better than most, worse than some....If there was one group he hated with a particular passion, it was the Left. Within that group, he reserved a particularly intense hatred for the journalistic Left. Most of all, he hated people who caused personal hurt to himself and his family. For reasons of history, many of these people were Jewish, but I do not think that was the defining personal characteristic that got Nixon`s bile flowing."
From his earliest days in Congress, when his high-profile pursuit of suspected Communists in government – most notably State Department insider Alger Hiss – made him a household name, Nixon was anathema to liberal Jews, who early on came close to derailing his political career. Just weeks before the 1952 presidential election, with Republican nominee Dwight Eisenhower and his running mate Nixon cruising toward an eventual landslide victory over Democrat Adlai Stevenson, the New York Post, at the time a Jewish-owned liberal newspaper, splashed this across its front page: "Secret Nixon Fund! Secret Rich Men's Trust Fund Keeps Nixon In Style Far Beyond His Salary."
The fund, it turned out, consisted of perfectly legal contributions from political supporters (other politicians – including Stevenson – had similar arrangements), but the media frenzy that eruptd in the wake of the Post story nearly forced Nixon off the Republican ticket.
Premature Obituary, Political Resurrection
In November 1962 it seemed that Nixon was finished in politics. Two years after losing a painfully close presidential election to John Kennedy, Nixon suffered a humiliating defeat in his bid to become governor of his home state, California. ABC News aired a special report titled, "The Political Obituary of Richard Nixon."
But Nixon still had a pulse, and before long his old ambitions stirred – ambitions that would not be satisfied by his new career as a Wall Street lawyer. He kept himself in the public spotlight by speaking out on issues of the day, writing articles on foreign policy, and traveling the country on behalf of Republican congressional candidates. His comeback culminated in his election as president in 1968.
As he had in 1960, Nixon fared poorly among Jewish voters. At one point during the 1968 campaign, shortly before he was scheduled to address a major Jewish organization, his speechwriters debated whether to tone down his support for maintaining Israel`s military superiority over its neighbors. Nixon instructed them to go with the stronger wording, though he had no illusions of any political gain.
"You'll see," Nixon told William Safire, "there won`t be a single vote in this for me. They'll cheer and applaud, and then vote for the other guy – they always do. But we`re right on the issue, and it wouldn`t hurt to say so."
Despite an early flap over remarks by Nixon's first secretary of state, William Rogers, that seemed to suggest the U.S. would pursue an even-handed Mideast policy, relations between the U.S. and Israel grew unprecedentedly close during Nixon's first term, particularly after Israel, at Nixon's request, aborted a Syrian invasion of Jordan in 1970 by threatening military intervention on behalf of King Hussein. (As for Rogers, he was soon eclipsed in terms of influence by Henry Kissinger, Nixon`s national security adviser and Rogers's eventual replacement.)
Meanwhile, Anwar Sadat, who had become the Egyptian president following the death of Israel's implacable foe Gamel Abdel Nasser, was making overtures to the U.S., none more fateful in its long-term implications than his decision in July 1972 to expel all Soviet military advisers from Egypt. Sadat was also putting out tentative peace feelers to Israel, but Prime Minister Golda Meir, whose attention was focused on the wave of Palestinian airplane hijackings and terrorist attacks that would come to define the era, was in no mood for negotiations. Not that she saw any need to negotiate; as far as she was concerned, Sadat would never dare go to war.
Meir was hopelessly off the mark, and Egyptian and Syrian forces attacked Israel on Yom Kippur (October 6) 1973. Israeli intelligence knew an attack was imminent, but Meir was worried about negative international reaction to an Israeli first strike.
Meir's terrible miscalculation nearly lost Israel the war. A few days into the fighting, Defense Minister Moshe Dayan told Meir that Israel faced imminent defeat. Urgent word was sent to Washington that only a massive infusion of arms could turn the tide. Israeli officials began planning for a doomsday nuclear option.
Nixon's Day of Judgment
If two-thirds of American Jewish voters had had their way, the man sitting in the White House at that critical moment would have been George McGovern. Though Nixon in 1972 doubled his share of the Jewish vote from the paltry 17 percent he received four years earlier, his Democratic opponent – an isolationist who spoke of drastic military cutbacks, had stated that Israel should not be allowed to use U.S.-supplied planes over Arab territory, and whose closest political allies were not exactly known for holding staunchly pro-Israel views – received the support of 65 percent of Jewish voters.
Fortunately for Israel, Nixon crushed McGovern among non-Jewish voters and easily won a second term. Now, a year after the election, Israel's fate was very much in Nixon's hands.
Precise details of what transpired in Washington during the first week of the Yom Kippur War are hard to come by, due mainly to conflicting accounts given by Kissinger and Secretary of Defense James Schlesinger regarding their respective roles.
What is clear, from the preponderance of information provided by those who witnessed or were involved with the unfolding events, is that Nixon – overriding inter-administration objections and bureaucratic inertia – implemented a breathtaking transfer of arms. During a 32-day period beginning October 14, jumbo U.S. military aircraft touched down in Israel 567 times, delivering some 22,300 tons of material. This enabled Israel to reverse its earlier setbacks, surround the Egyptians in the Sinai, and advance deep into Syrian territory.
This was accomplished, as Walter J. Boyne noted in an article in the December 1998 issue of Air Force Magazine, while "Washington was in the throes of not only post-Vietnam moralizing on Capitol Hill but also the agony of Watergate, both of which impaired the leadership of Richard M. Nixon. Four days into the war, Washington was blindsided again by another political disaster – the forced resignation of Vice President Spiro Agnew."
According to those with firsthand knowledge, it was Nixon's stubborn insistence that propelled the massive arms transfer, code-named Operation Nickel Grass.
"Both Kissinger and Nixon wanted to do [the airlift]," said former CIA deputy director Vernon Walters, "but Nixon gave it the greater sense of urgency. He said, 'You get the stuff to Israel. Now. Now.'"
Boyne, in his book The Two O`Clock War, describes a high-level White House meeting on October 9:
As preoccupied as he was with Watergate, Nixon came straight to the point, announcing that Israel must not lose the war. He ordered that the deliveries of supplies, including aircraft, be sped up and that Israel be told that it could freely expend all of its consumables – ammunition, spare parts, fuel, and so forth – in the certain knowledge that these would be completely replenished by the United States without any delay.
Alexander Haig, who at the time was White House chief of staff, writes in his memoir Inner Circles:
As soon as the scope and pattern of Israeli battle losses emerged, Nixon ordered that all destroyed equipment be made up out of U.S. stockpiles, using the very best weapons America possessed....Whatever it takes, he told Kissinger...save Israel.
Leonard Garment recalled:
It was Nixon who did it. I was there. As [bureaucratic bickering between the State and Defense departments] was going back and forth, Nixon said, This is insane....He just ordered Kissinger, Get your [behind] out of here and tell those people to move. "
When Schlesinger initially wanted to send just three transports to Israel because he feared anything more would alarm the Arabs and the Soviets, Nixon snapped: "We are going to get blamed just as much for three as for 300...Get them in the air, now."
Haig recalls that Nixon, frustrated with the initial delays in implementing the airlift and aware that the Soviets had begun airlifting supplies to Egypt and Syria, summoned Kissinger and Schlesinger to the Oval Office on October 12 and "banished all excuses." The president asked Kissinger for a precise accounting of Israel`s military needs, and Kissinger proceeded to read aloud from an itemized list.
"Double it," Nixon ordered. "Now get the hell out of here and get the job done."
Later, informed of yet another delay – this one because of disagreements in the Pentagon over the type of planes to be used for the airlift – an incensed Nixon shouted at Kissinger, "[Expletive] it, use every one we have. Tell them to send everything that can fly."
Nixon acted despite threats of reprisal by Arab oil producers – indeed, the day after Nixon asked Congress for an emergency appropriation of $2.2 billion for Israel, Saudi Arabia's King Faisal announced an embargo of oil to the U.S. – not to mention Europe's overwhelming opposition to aiding Israel.
"European allies," writes historian Melvin Small in The Presidency of Richard Nixon, "fearful of the Arab oil threat, would not permit the United States to use [America`s] own bases on the continent to refuel any cargo planes flying from the United States to Israel. At the same time, NATO allies Turkey and Greece permitted the Russians to overfly their countries on their way to the Middle East. Under pressure from the Arabs, Exxon even instructed [its subsidiary] Esso of Germany to stop delivering oil to American bases. Washington finally strong-armed NATO ally Portugal into permitting U.S. planes to refuel in the Azores on the way to the Middle East."
"Miracle of the Planes"
There are those, like the historian David Greenberg, author of Nixon`s Shadow: The History of an Image, who argue that Nixon's actions during the Yom Kippur War – specifically the airlift and the placing of U.S. forces on worldwide alert when the Soviets threatened to intervene on behalf of their Arab clients – were inspired, not out of real concern for Israel, but in Greenberg`s words, "from a real politik-based gambit to thwart Soviet allies."
Whatever his motives, the fact remains that Nixon, as J.J. Goldberg, editor of the Left-leaning Forward, acknowledges in his book Jewish Power, "create[d] the now familiar U.S.-Israel alliance."
"It was Nixon," wrote Goldberg, "who made Israel the largest single recipient of U.S. foreign aid; Nixon who initiated the policy of virtually limitless U.S. weapons sales to Israel. The notion of Israel as a strategic asset to the United States, not just a moral commitment, was Nixon`s innovation."
Addressing the question of Nixon's anti-Semitism, the late Israeli president Chaim Herzog wrote:
[D]id his personal attitudes have any effect on his dealing with Israel and with Jews? None. He supplied arms and unflinching support when our very existence would have been in danger without them. Let his comments be set against his actions. And I`ll choose actions over words any day of the week.
Veteran radio host Barry Farber put it this way:
Give me a Nixon who curses Jew boys over in Treasury but resupplies Israel...over a Franklin D. Roosevelt who professes great love for the Jews but lets all those Jewish refugees aboard the S.S. St. Louis be returned to the death camps of Europe rather than land in the U.S. even though they were close enough to see the lights of Miami Beach.
Golda Meir, who until the end of her life referred to Nixon as "my president," told a group of Jewish leaders in Washington shortly after the war: "For generations to come, all will be told of the miracle of the immense planes from the United States bringing in the materiel that meant life to our people."
Wrote Nixon biographer Stephen E. Ambrose: "Those were momentous events in world history. Had Nixon not acted so decisively, who can say what would have happened? The Arabs probably would have recovered at least some of the territory they had lost in 1967, perhaps all of it. They might have even destroyed Israel. But whatever the might-have-beens, there is no doubt that Nixon...made it possible for Israel to win, at some risk to his own reputation and at great risk to the American economy.
"He knew that his enemies...would never give him credit for saving Israel. He did it anyway."
http://www.frontpagemag.com/Articles/ReadArticle.asp?ID=19025
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