Posted on 01/25/2005 12:14:53 AM PST by Iriepete
Ten years after De Klerk’s unconditional surrender to the ANC clique, Mbeki and his gang are preparing for their second revolution, the “true revolution”. As the ANC and its ally, the SA Communist Party, constantly refer to it, 1994 was merely the “national democratic revolution” that delivered power to the “vanguard of the masses.”
Thus far Red October – the SACP has recently launched a campaign by that name – has not occurred. Alternatively known as the “socialist revolution”, this second one will be the inevitable result of the first.
Obviously South Africa is no model for Marxist dogma, since instead of a spontaneous uprising by the working classes or “the masses” to establish a “dictatorship of the proletariat,” the ruling class under the leadership of FW de Klerk caused the revolution. Marx and Engels are today “spinning in their graves” to use Kader Asmal’s expression about Verwoerd, but out of confusion. They are wondering why a ruling class could have been so ignorant as to bring a revolution upon itself.
However, those who read Mbeki’s internet column on ANC Today will notice the increasing radicalisation of his thought and expression. His most recent contribution which coincided with the so-called “declaration of 8th January” to commemorate the founding of the ANC, contains a powerful appeal to further revolution and the implementation of the party’s Freedom Charter. We know that white communists wrote the Freedom Charter and that it has a strong socialist streak. It contains, inter alia, the significant phrase, “ the land will belong to those who work it.”
While most Afrikaners are currently suffering under affirmative action, land reform, violent crime and transformation of the schools, universities and workplace, Mbeki makes it clear that the worst is yet to come. The national democratic revolution that was unleashed by the Vereeniging lawyer FW de Klerk, merely involved the formal transfer of power. Marxist thought differentiates the political revolution from the social. We have thus far only experienced the political revolution. The fundamental and thorough-going social revolution will be next.
Hence Mbeki’s appeal for the mobilisation of the masses for a further revolution. As he formulates it: “... our experience has taught us, all change requires committed change agents. No revolution is possible without revolutionaries. Similarly, revolutionary change cannot succeed if the forces of change do not win the support of the masses of the people by convincing them freely to support their political and ideological positions.”
In order to obtain this mass support, “political and ideological struggle” is required: propaganda for the demonisation and demoralisation of the enemy. Another pertinent aspect of Mbeki’s recent pronouncements is his increasing enmity towards English-speaking liberals in South Africa. In his Sudan speech he ranted about the British colonial legacy and, surprisingly, even portrayed the Boers as its victims.
In the aforementioned communication of 8th January he used a term by Oliver Tambo for these liberals, i.e. “sweet birds.” Apparently Tambo specifically used this expression with reference to Mrs. Helen Suzman, the long-standing liberal politician. According to Mbeki, the problem with the liberals is that they encouraged change in the past, without however supporting the armed struggle or economic sanctions. Part of the ANC’s current ideological struggle is indeed against the liberals, the “sweet birds” that wish to see limits to change and transformation and thus inhibit the course of the revolution.
My own interpretation of Mbeki’s criticism of the “sweet birds” is twofold: in the first place he intends to divide the whites by playing the Afrikaners and English off against one another; secondly it is a reaction against unfavourable commentary that has recently been emanating from liberal circles. Since the Sunday Times dismissed its Africanist editor Mathata Tsedu, its front-page articles have been portraying the ANC in a bad light. Recently the Sunday Times exposed the ANC’s threats against white judges, for example.
Among members of the Democratic Alliance, the Helen Suzman Foundation and the Institute for Race Relations under John Kane-Berman too, there is deep unease about Mbeki’s increasingly radical, anti-white and revolutionary statements. Thence the ideological assault on the “sweet birds”.
Against these, Mbeki and the ANC have as allies the Nasionale Pers monopoly and the remnants of the old Afrikaner establishment, the University of Stellenbosch with its Bram Fischer cult, Prof. Willie Esterhuyse and his brown-nosers, the Nederduits Gereformeerde Church and their ilk. Mbeki will try to set them up against the “sweet birds” and the remaining Afrikaner dissidents on the right and on the liberal left. Mathata Tsedu is now editor of the Naspers paper City Press, where he openly propagates Africanism and revolution with the blessing of Ton Vosloo [Translator’s Note: head honcho of Nasionale Pers].
The protagonists of the second revolution are thus falling into place: on the one hand the ANC and SACP, supported by the Afrikaner collaborators, and on the other side a possible loose alliance of nationalist Afrikaners and disillusioned English liberals that do not want to see this country deteriorate into a second Zimbabwe where the assets of whites are confiscated and where they are indiscriminately driven out.
Some years ago Carel Boshoff junior wrote an article, (since published as a pamphlet) in which he asserted that “one revolution calls forth another.” He has not since elaborated, but this is certainly true. The French revolution of 1789 was followed by several more, amongst them the attempts at a coup d’etat by Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte that would lead to the so-called Second Empire (1948 – 1870).
Seen in this light, 1994 was only the start of a series of South African revolutions that will shake this country to its foundations. The powers that FW de Klerk so rashly unleashed will prove to be unstoppable. On the other hand the 1994 revolution may be considered a communist counter-revolution against the Afrikaner revolution of the late 1930s and 1940s. The results of the 1948 election convinced Joe Slovo, Bram Fischer and others that the SA government had to be overthrown. Slovo was a leftist student at the University of the Witwatersrand in 1948 and the master strategist behind the victory over the National Party at the Kempton Park negotiations.
The only way the Afrikaner will escape the destruction of the ANC’s revolution, is by launching a counter-revolution of their own. But as Mbeki noted, “no revolution is possible without revolutionaries.”
Who will be the revolutionaries of our time? Wanted: a hundred men (and women) who are prepared to take on the “ideological and political struggle” on behalf of the Afrikaner, to debate it, propagate it and to mobilise at least part of the nation to withstand the ANC threat.
Instead of being victims of the revolution, we must conduct it ourselves, like we did in 1938 and the years that followed.
Sounds exactly like a few thousand university professors, teachers, and assorted NGos right here.
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